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Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Cosimo II de' Medici"

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Publicado: 10 de marzo de 2023

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1

Farneti, Fauzia. "Il quadraturismo in Pallazzo Pitti da Cosimo II a Cosimo III de' Medici". Varia Historia 24, n.º 40 (diciembre de 2008): 369–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0104-87752008000200002.

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Nei primi decenni del Seicento la pittura decorativa a Firenze risulta ancora legata all'ornamentazione tradizionale tardomanierista attuata nei modi di Alessandro Allori o di Bernardino Barbatelli detto il Poccetti. L'interesse per le novità e per l'aggiornamento dell'ambiente artistico fiorentino portarono il granduca Ferdinando II a chiamare a Firenze tra il 1636 ed il 1637 Pietro da Cortona, Angelo Michele Colonna e Agostino Mitelli. I due bolognesi completarono il ciclo pittorico celebrativo del governo di Ferdinando cui aveva dato inizio Giovanni da San Giovanni, con la decorazione delle tre sale di rappresentanza del quartiere estivo di palazzo Pitti realizzata tra il 1637 ed il 1641. L'intervento, condotto secondo il più moderno linguaggio barocco che vede la perfetta integrazione dell'illusionismo architettonico, che supera i limiti dello spazio reale, con le scene figurative, verrà a costituire nell'ambiente fiorentino un ineludibile modello di riferimento nella decorazione d'interni, soluzioni di grande modernità su cui si formerà Jacopo Chiavistelli e i giovani della sua scuola. Anche Giovan Carlo, fratello del granduca, nel 1637 diede inizio ad una serie di trasformazioni che si protrassero per oltre un ventennio, trasformando gli ambienti a lui assegnati in Pitti in veri e propri luoghi di delizie, decorati dagli artisti più significativi del momento quali ad esempio Angelo Michele Colonna, Agostino Mitelli, Pietro da Cortona, Jacopo Chiavistelli. Fu quest'ultimo frescante che con i suoi 'scolari', fin dagli anni Cinquanta fu attivo in palazzo Pitti, decorando a quadratura gli ambienti dei quartieri dei membri della famiglia granducale, ambienti che in gran parte sono andati perduti in quanto interessati dalle ristrutturazioni lorenesi e sabaude. Con i lavori commissionati dal gran principe Ferdinando si chiude in palazzo Pitti la grande stagione del quadraturismo barocco fiorentino.
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2

MORONEY, DAVITT. "Alessandro Striggio's Mass in Forty and Sixty Parts". Journal of the American Musicological Society 60, n.º 1 (2007): 1–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jams.2007.60.1.1.

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Abstract It has been known for twenty-five years that Alessandro Striggio the elder, the most important composer at the Medici court in Florence in the 1560s and 1570s, wrote a setting of the Ordinary of the Mass in forty parts, with an Agnus Dei in sixty parts, but the piece has always been thought lost. This major artwork from the high Florentine Renaissance does in fact survive (F-Pn, Rés. Vmd. ms 52). Entitled Missa sopra Ecco sìì beato giorno, it is Striggio's most imposing composition, and underlines the early eminence of Florence in the art of massive polychoral writing. The last movement is indeed in sixty real parts. The Mass also appears to have been used by the Medici as a political tool in the art of cultural diplomacy. Offered in January 1567 to Holy Roman Emperor Maximilian II at exactly the moment when Cosimo de' Medici was seeking approval from Maximilian of a royal title (granted finally as “Grand Duke” by Pope Pius V in 1569), the Mass was also performed by Lassus's colleagues in Munich and under Striggio's direction at court in France, a few weeks before he visited the court of Queen Elizabeth I in London in June 1567. The links with Striggio's forty-part motet Ecce beatam lucem and with Thomas Tallis's Spem in alium, are discussed, as are the reasons why the source of the Mass remained unknown throughout the twentieth century.
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3

Bevilacqua, M. G., G. Caroti, A. Piemonte y D. Ulivieri. "RECONSTRUCTION OF LOST ARCHITECTURAL VOLUMES BY INTEGRATION OF PHOTOGRAMMETRY FROM ARCHIVE IMAGERY WITH 3-D MODELS OF THE STATUS QUO". ISPRS - International Archives of the Photogrammetry, Remote Sensing and Spatial Information Sciences XLII-2/W9 (31 de enero de 2019): 119–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/isprs-archives-xlii-2-w9-119-2019.

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<p><strong>Abstract.</strong> Cultural heritage includes several cases of missing architectural element or entire buildings, due to destruction, replacement or radical changes caused over time by other structures. The investigation of these lost elements aimed at their virtual reconstruction, for both scientific and cultural-leisure applications, is therefore a topic of great interest. To this purpose, methodologies for surveying and photogrammetric processing provide a very powerful tool, extracting descriptive and geometric information, both 2-and 3-D, using diverse archive images. This paper presents the issues related to the use of archive images in photogrammetry, pointing out the need for an integrated approach to operations of virtual reconstruction of lost volumes. This approach provides a multidisciplinary effort, in order to evaluate all iconographic sources, of which images processed by geomatics techniques are a component. The paper also presents the early results of a reconstruction project of the <i>Palazzo di Cosimo de’ Medici</i>, in the <i>Fortezza Vecchia</i> site (Livorno, Italy), heavily damaged by World War II bombings and subsequently razed.</p>
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4

Domínguez, Frank A. "Philip IV's Fiesta de Aranjuez, Part I: The Marriage of Cosimo II de Medici to María Magdalena De Austria and Leonor Pimentel". Hispanófila 157, n.º 1 (2009): 39–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hsf.2009.0029.

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5

Van Sasse Van Ysselt, Dorine. "Johannes Stradanus: de decoraties voor intochten en uitvaarten aan het hof van de Medici te Florence". Oud Holland - Quarterly for Dutch Art History 104, n.º 3-4 (1990): 149–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187501790x00075.

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AbstractSources show that the Flemish artist Johannes Stradanus, whose career flourished from about 1555 in Florence, collaborated on several occasions on large-scale, temporary decorations, most of them commissioned by the grand dukes de'Medici, for important dynastic events such as baptisms, entries into cities and funerals. A multitude of artists and craftsmen carried out these decorations on the basis of often complicated iconographic programmes. In 1564, for instance, on the occasion of Michelangelo's funeral in S. Lorenzo, Stradanus painted the grisaille Michelangelo in 1529 in his dwelling in the Giudecca being received by the nobles of Venice by order of the Doge Andrea Gritti and the Signoria. In 1565, for the triumphal entry into the city of Johanna of Austria, he painted all the pictures decorating the triumphal arch erected on the Canto de' Tornaquinci. These consisted of five scenes glorifying the following exploits of rulers of the House of Austria: Rudolf conferring the Archdukedom of Austria on Albrecht I, Maximilian II being crowned emperor, Ferdinand I defending Vienna against the Turks, Albrecht slaing Adolf of Nassau in a battle, Philip II of Spain receiving the corona obsidionalis from Malta and two large trompe-l'oeil street views. In 1574, for the funeral of Cosimo I de'Medici in S. Lorenzo, Stradanus was probably involved in the painting of the skeletons and coats of arms. Furthermore, on the occasion of Francesco I de' Medici's funeral in S. Lorenzo in 1587, he painted the grisaille Francesco visiting his betrothed, Johanna of Austria, in Innsbruck; in 1588, for the entry of Ferdinando I de' Medici into Pisa, the canvas The burial of Pope Stephen I in the catacomb of Callixtus for the decoration of S. Stefano dei Cavalieri; in 1589, for the entry of Christina of Lorraine, the painting The retreat of the Turks after the siege of Vienna, as part of the decorations on the Canto de' Bischeri. Finally, in 1598, for the obsequies in memory of Philip II of Spain in S. Lorenzo, the grisaillc The siege and capture of Antwerp; for the same occasion he also provided the design for the grisaille The conquest of the Philippine islands, painted by his son Scipione. Stradanus' first commissions date from the start of his career in Florence, when he was working in Vasari's studio. As one of the master's assistants in decorating the Palazzo Vecchio, he had already gained ample experience in large-scale painting for the Medici. After leaving Vasari's studio in about 157 and setting up as an independent artist, Stradanus remained one of the leading Florentine artists who received commissions for official large-scale decors. He retained this status up to a venerable age, a sign of the appreciation he continued to enjoy in this field. Unfortunately none of Stradanus' decorative work has survived, with the exception of the canvas in Pisa. An impression of his skill in this field in conveyed by contemporary sources and the sketches, drawings, etchings and engravings presented in this article. This material clearly shows that in his long and productive life Stradanus was not only active as a painter of frescos and altarpieces and a designer of tapestries and engravings, but also played a prominent role at the court of the Medici as a painter of decorations.
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6

Hudon, William V. y Bernard Toscani. "Cosimo de' Medici, Laude." Sixteenth Century Journal 22, n.º 4 (1991): 906. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2542479.

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7

van Vugt, Ingeborg y Gloria Moorman. "Medici Rule Reimagined: Cosimo iii, the Dutch Republic, and Grand Ducal Aspirations for Seventeenth-Century Tuscany (c. 1667–1723)". Erudition and the Republic of Letters 7, n.º 4 (1 de diciembre de 2022): 385–433. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24055069-07040001.

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Abstract The enticingly modern strain of republicanism that young Prince Cosimo iii de’ Medici (1642–1723) encountered during his two sojourns in the Dutch Republic (1667–1669) proved a forceful means to reimagine Tuscany’s own, administrative past and present. Through comparative analysis of the unpublished travel journal of Medici secretary Apollonio Bassetti (1631–1699) and the diary in verse by court physician Giovanni Andrea Moniglia (1624–1700), we argue that Cosimo iii’s ambitious agenda abroad was influenced predominantly by his desire to implement environmental reform and portray a contrasting socio-political model at home. Cosimo’s own journeys were followed by ongoing transnational exchange, as testified by the court’s efforts to conceptualize a Medici town atlas and cultivate exotic pineapple plants on the Tuscan soil. By importing artefacts and ideas, then, Cosimo iii – just prior to his succession by Gian Gastone (1671–1737), last of the Medici grand dukes – sought to consciously craft the Medici dynasty’s lasting legacy.
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8

Eisenbichler, Konrad. "Fils de la louve: Blaise de Monluc et les femmes de Sienne". Renaissance and Reformation 37, n.º 2 (8 de septiembre de 2014): 5–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v37i2.21808.

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In July 1552 the city of Siena rebelled against its Spanish overlords that had either influenced or directed the Republic’s government for several years, threw out the Spanish garrison that controlled the city, and open its doors to a French army sent by King Henri II to protect the city and bring it into the French sphere of influence. The man in charge of this army was the French marshal Blaise de Monluc (1500–1577), who arrived shortly after the anti-Spanish insurrection and remained until the end of the siege when the city, exhausted and depleted, finally surrendered to a mercenary army hired by the duke of Florence, Cosimo I de’ Medici, on behalf of Emperor Charles V von Habsburg. In his memoires of his military campaigns, Blaise de Monluc recalls his Sienese years and especially the valour of the women of Siena who contributed in no small way to the defence of their city. This article outlines the events before and during the siege and Monluc’s comments about the women of Siena. It then analyses these comments in order to gain a better understanding of what, exactly, the women did for their city and who these women were. En juillet 1552, la ville de Sienne se rebella contre ses suzerains espagnols qui avaient soit influencé ou dirigé le gouvernement de la république pendant plusieurs années ; elle mit en fuite la garnison espagnole qui contrôlait la ville et ouvrit ses portes à une armée française envoyée par le roi Henri II pour la protéger et l’intégrer dans la sphère d’influence française. L’homme chargé de cette armée était le maréchal français Blaise de Monluc (1500–1577), qui arriva peu de temps après l’insurrection anti-espagnole et resta jusqu’à la fin du siège lorsque la ville, épuisée, finit par se rendre à une armée mercenaire embauchée par le duc de Florence, Côsme Ier de Médicis, au nom de l’empereur Charles V de Habsbourg. Dans les mémoires de ses campagnes militaires, Blaise de Monluc se rappelle de ses années à Sienne et surtout du courage des femmes siennoises qui contribuèrent de manière non négligeable à la défense de leur ville. Cet article donne un aperçu des événements avant et pendant le siège ainsi que des commentaires de Monluc sur les femmes de Sienne. Ensuite, il analyse ces commentaires afin d’acquérir une meilleure compréhension de ce que les femmes ont fait pour leur ville et qui elles étaient.
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9

Simon, Robert B. "Bronzino's "Cosimo I de' Medici as Orpheus"". Philadelphia Museum of Art Bulletin 81, n.º 348 (1985): 16. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3795339.

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10

Hankins, James. "Cosimo de' Medici and the 'Platonic Academy'". Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 53 (1990): 144. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/751344.

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11

Dean, T. "Cosimo de' Medici and the Florentine Renaissance". English Historical Review 117, n.º 470 (1 de febrero de 2002): 120–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/117.470.120.

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12

Saalman, Howard y Philip Mattox. "The First Medici Palace". Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 44, n.º 4 (1 de diciembre de 1985): 329–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/990112.

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Cosimo de' Medici's great house on the Via Larga in Florence, begun in the mid-1440s, was the model of Early Renaissance palace architecture. By the time he moved into it, however, sometime before 1458, Cosimo's life had nearly run its course. Most of his years had been spent in the house of his father, the casa vecchia of the Medici, also on the Via Larga. Possibly at the same time as the construction of the new palace, this first Medici palace underwent a transformation that united the main house and flanking buildings behind one vast façade. This article seeks to ascertain the precise nature and location of the old Medici complex on the Via Larga through examination of the visual and documentary evidence of the casa vecchia and all adjoining properties. An inventory of the house made in 1418 suggests a tentative reconstruction of the interior of the old palace, while comparison with other 14th-century houses may warrant certain assumptions about its external appearance. It will be seen that a striking similarity exists between the 1418 inventory of parts of the first Medici palace and the order of the palace begun by Cosimo de' Medici in the 1440s. As was usual in Early Renaissance architecture, the components and arrangement of an earlier house became the point of departure for the program and layout of a new house.
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13

LARIVAILLE, Paul. "«Istorie fiorentine». Cosimo de’ Medici nell’ora del riepilogo". Giornale storico della letteratura italiana 189, n.º 627 (julio de 2012): 354–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.gsli.5.129206.

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14

Branciforte, Suzanne. "Antonio Di Meglio, Dante, and Cosimo De' Medici". Italian Studies 50, n.º 1 (enero de 1995): 9–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/its.1995.50.1.9.

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15

Cavallo, Bradley J. "Cosimo I de’ Medici’s Dissimulation of Diplomacy in the Guardaroba Nuova". Diplomatica 4, n.º 1 (23 de marzo de 2022): 52–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25891774-bja10062.

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Abstract Renaissance diplomatic relationships between sovereigns can often be understood vis-à-vis the gifting of portraiture. Such presentations enacted exchanges of an essential part of the individual portrayed – their presence. Hence, portraiture as a diplomatic gift served as an exchanged acknowledgement between rulers of their respective political authority. Using this mode of political messaging, Cosimo I de’ Medici (r. 1537–74) sought to bolster his reign by commissioning a portrait series of historical and contemporary, Mediterranean-wide potentates. When installed alongside maps and globes of the known terrestrial and celestial universe within the Guardaroba nuova, the painted effigies dissimulated multi-generational Medici involvement in international diplomacy because displaying the portraits en masse suggested that Cosimo and his predecessors had continuously received the paintings as diplomatic gifts, and thus recognition as masters of Florence.
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16

Paoletti, John T. "Medici Funerary Monuments in the Duomo of Florence during the Fourteenth Century: A Prologue to “The Early Medici”*". Renaissance Quarterly 59, n.º 4 (2006): 1117–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ren.2008.0538.

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Medici patronage of the arts in the fourteenth century has gone largely unstudied. Yet there is a notable paper trail, backed by a small number of sculptural remnants of funerary monuments, indicating that prominent members of the family understood the power of visual imagery for establishing their patrilines as leading families, both within the social hierarchy of Florence and within the Medici consorteria. These sculptural remains give clear precedent for the early activity of Giovanni di Bicci and Cosimo de’ Medici as artistic patrons in the fifteenth century.
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17

Eisenbichler (book editor), Konrad y Gabrielle Langdon (review author). "The Cultural Politics of Duke Cosimo I de' Medici". Quaderni d'italianistica 21, n.º 2 (1 de junio de 2000): 164–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/q.i..v21i2.9408.

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18

Mandel, Corinne y Konrad Eisenbichler. "The Cultural Politics of Duke Cosimo I de' Medici". Sixteenth Century Journal 33, n.º 4 (2002): 1088. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4144132.

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19

Fornaciari, Gino. "Left or right hand of Cosimo I de’ Medici?" Rheumatology International 32, n.º 11 (6 de noviembre de 2011): 3699–700. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s00296-011-2223-1.

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20

Steinwender, Clemens Leopold. "Korruption, Ämterkauf und Patronage in Florenz. Informelle Politik im italienischen Stadtstaat und der Toskana". historia.scribere, n.º 7 (19 de mayo de 2015): 279. http://dx.doi.org/10.15203/historia.scribere.7.412.

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Corruption, purchase of administrative office and patronage in Florence. Informal politics in the italian city state and Tuscany This proseminar – paper deals with the corruption and Patronage in late medieval and modern age Florence. The reign of the Medici is especially looked at with prominent figures such as Lorenzo de Medici or Cosimo de Medici. The necessary institutions for this to happen are adressed as well as the forms these practices had. The ties with the pope and the church are also a part of the paper. As will be shown, the leaders of Florence often had to tolerate forms of corruption due to the nature of this italian city state.
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21

Kholev, Roman R. "Interpreting Pontormo’s Halberdier: Francesco Guardi or Cosimo I de’ Medici?" Actual Problems of Theory and History of Art 11 (2021): 595–602. http://dx.doi.org/10.18688/aa2111-06-47.

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22

van Veen, Henk Th. "Republicanism in the Visual Propaganda of Cosimo I de' Medici". Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 55 (1992): 200. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/751424.

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23

Comerford, Kathleen M. "Cosimo de' Medici and the Florentine Renaissance: The Patron's Oeuvre". History: Reviews of New Books 29, n.º 3 (enero de 2001): 99–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612750109602040.

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24

Arba, F., D. Inzitari y D. Lippi. "Pseudobulbar paralysis in the Renaissance: Cosimo I de’ Medici case". Neurological Sciences 35, n.º 7 (7 de marzo de 2014): 1133–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10072-014-1694-8.

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25

MASSETI, MARCO. "Sculptures of mammals in the Grotta degli Animali of the Villa Medici di Castello, Florence, Italy: a stone menagerie". Archives of Natural History 35, n.º 1 (abril de 2008): 100–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e0260954108000090.

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The Grotta degli Animali of the Villa Medici di Castello, Florence, Italy, houses a varied range of life-size mammals in polychrome marble, perhaps created by Cosimo Fancelli around 1555, on a model by Baccio Bandinelli. This paper describes and identifies the mammalian species portrayed, bearing in mind, however, the possible influence of an iconographic tradition, as well as the probable inspiration from mythological and legendary sources.
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26

Ricciardelli, Fabrizio. "La repressione del dissenso a Firenze nell’età di Cosimo de’ Medici". Hispania 75, n.º 250 (30 de agosto de 2015): 389–412. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/hispania.2015.012.

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27

Lawless, Catherine. "Myth, Ritual and Orthodoxy: Cosimo de' Medici and St Peter Martyr". Cultural and Social History 2, n.º 3 (septiembre de 2005): 273–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1191/1478003805cs029oa.

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28

Schiavone, Oscar. "Luca Martini (1547–61): A case study in the military administration and commercial exploitation of the northern Tyrrhenian in the Renaissance". International Journal of Maritime History 31, n.º 4 (noviembre de 2019): 688–706. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0843871419881013.

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From 1547 to his death in 1561, Luca Martini (1507–1561), a Florentine polymath and bureaucrat, was appointed superintendent of the Ufficio dei fossi in Pisa. Duke Cosimo I de’ Medici tasked him with the reorganisation of coastal Tuscany, which entailed reclaiming the Pisan plain, restoring and embellishing major and minor urban centres and reviving trade in the area. In his capacity as superintendent, however, he was also in charge of supervising Pisa’s shipyard, building a new military and commercial fleet and renovating the coastal defence system. This article will show how Martini’s unique concentration of power was instrumental in reorienting the Medici perception of the Tyrrhenian as a ‘last frontier’ to be exploited and defended.
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29

Ganz, Margery A. y Francis Ames-Lewis. "Cosimo "Il Vecchio" de' Medici, 1389-1464: Essays in Commemoration of the 600th Anniversary of Cosimo de'Medici's Birth." Sixteenth Century Journal 26, n.º 3 (1995): 700. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2543169.

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30

Assonitis, Alessio y Carmen Menchini. "Panegirici e vite di Cosimo I de' Medici: Tra storia e propaganda". Sixteenth Century Journal 38, n.º 3 (1 de octubre de 2007): 855. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20478558.

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31

Ciappelli, Giovanni. "Cittadini "con qualche auctoritÀ". Cosimo e Piero de' Medici e il fisco". SOCIETÀ E STORIA, n.º 122 (abril de 2009): 677–713. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/ss2008-122001.

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32

Kholev, R. R. "Early sculptural busts and all'antica representation of Duke Cosimo I de' Medici". Клио, n.º 1 (2023): 55–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.51676/2070-9773_2023_01_55.

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33

Zappella, Christine. "The Implicating Gaze in Bronzino’s Cosimo I de’ Medici as Orpheus and the Intellectual Culture of the Accademia Fiorentina". Studies in Iconography 42, n.º 1 (2021): 161–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.32773/qgcr7110.

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The iconography of Bronzino’s sexually explicit Portrait of Cosimo I de’ Medici as Orpheus has long challenged scholars, especially since scientific analysis revealed below the portrait’s surface a fully conceived underpainting depicting a different moment from the story of Orpheus. First, I suggest that this change was associated with Cosimo’s military victory at the battle of Montemurlo, where the duke’s army finally extirpated his political opposition. Second, I contend that Cosimo’s nudity should be interpreted within the milieu of the Accademia Fiorentina, where the painting’s eroticism suggested to court literati that the duke had achieved the highest state of Platonic spirituality, known as “erotic furor.” Finally, I argue that although Bronzino’s Cosimo as Orpheus seemingly aggrandizes the duke, it is a polysemous image that former Republican, anti-ducal literati could likewise interpret as a scathing critique of the young ruler and an embodiment of the hope that political demise was close at hand.
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34

Sherberg, Michael. "The Accademia Fiorentina and the Question of the Language: The Politics of Theory in Ducal Florence*". Renaissance Quarterly 56, n.º 1 (2003): 26–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1262257.

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AbstractFounded in 1540 as the Accademia degli Umidi, the Accademia Fiorentina quickly assumed a central role in the renewed language debate in Italy. Three Florentine protagonists of the debate, Pierfrancesco Giambullari, Giovambattista Gelli, and Carlo Lenzoni, all penned treatises in defense of contemporary Florentine as a language model, in opposition to solutions advocated by others, particularly Pietro Bembo and his followers, and Giovan Giorgio Trissino. Their writings variously support the expansionist political program of Duke Cosimo de' Medici, while at times contesting his more egalitarian domestic politics and his attempts to limit intellectual freedom.
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35

Tucker, Mark S. "Discoveries Made during the Treatment of Bronzino's "Cosimo I de' Medici as Orpheus"". Philadelphia Museum of Art Bulletin 81, n.º 348 (1985): 28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3795340.

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36

Terpstra, Nicholas. "Competing Visions of the State and Social Welfare: The Medici Dukes, the Bigallo Magistrates, and Local Hospitals in Sixteenth-Century Tuscany". Renaissance Quarterly 54, n.º 4-Part2 (2001): 1319–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1262156.

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In 1542, Florence's Duke Cosimo I established a magistracy to supervise territorial hospitab and consolidate poor relief. Tense relations between the magistracy and these hospitab demonstrate the barriers to bureaucratic centralization in the sixteenth-century state, and underscore the fact that the shift from traditional charity to ‘new philanthropy’ was as much geographical and cultural as temporal. Tensions between the magistracy and successive Medici Dukes also demonstrate how in negotiations between bureaucrats and local communities territorial rulers could play both sides to advance their personal authority, and could learn from the difficulties of one magistracy how better to design another.
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37

Howard, Peter. "Preaching Magnificence in Renaissance Florence*". Renaissance Quarterly 61, n.º 2 (2008): 325–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ren.0.0102.

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AbstractThe magnificence with which the Florentine Renaissance is synonymous derived its power from a virtue elucidated and disseminated by influential preachers as early as the 1420s. Most notably, Sant’ Antonino Pierozzi O.P. — preacher, reformer, confidant of Cosimo de’ Medici, and eventually the city’s archbishop — drew on and creatively adapted the language of Aquinas and others to forge a public theology of magnificence apposite to the needs of his city and consonant with its republican values. This was well before the mid-1450s and the treatise of Timoteo Maffei which thus far has been the focus of scholarly attention.
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38

Menning, Carol Bresnahan. "Loans and Favors, Kin and Clients: Cosimo de' Medici and the Monte di Pieta". Journal of Modern History 61, n.º 3 (septiembre de 1989): 487–511. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/468290.

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CANGUILHEM, PHILIPPE. "Courtiers and musicians meet in the streets: the Florentine mascherata under Cosimo I". Urban History 37, n.º 3 (15 de noviembre de 2010): 464–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s096392681000057x.

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ABSTRACT:It is well known that the shift from canti carnascialeschi to mascherate, which took place in Florence during the first half of the sixteenth century, corresponds to parallel political changes from republic to duchy. The role of the new Duke Cosimo I de’ Medici in the transformation of Florentine street festivals must be appraised through his aim of establishing a courtly society in which the nobility were subjected to his control. In this article, this double process of change is observed through documents which show how the courtly mascherata can be viewed as a means by which courtiers sought to be identified as a homogeneous group by all Florentine citizens, looking at and listening to them from their windows.
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40

D’Elia, Anthony F. "The Cultural Politics of Duke Cosimo Ide ’Medici, edited by Konrad EisenbichlerThe Cultural Politics of Duke Cosimo Ide ’Medici, edited by Konrad Eisenbichler. Aldershot, Ashgate, 2001. xxi, 262 pp. $79.95 U.S. (cloth)." Canadian Journal of History 38, n.º 1 (abril de 2003): 97–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjh.38.1.97.

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41

Cruz, Xosé Antonio Neira. "Identidades en contacto en el siglo XVII: la mirada de los italianos sobre la realidad ibérica en las crónicas del viaje de Cosimo III de Medici (1668-1669)". Cuadernos de Filología Italiana 27 (7 de julio de 2020): 183–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.5209/cfit.66681.

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Los textos sobre el viaje por España y Portugal realizado por Cosimo de’ Medici entre septiembre de 1668 y marzo de 1669, en gran parte todavía inéditos, constituyen una fuente de excepcional interés para profundizar en las relaciones interculturales entre Italia y la Península ibérica. Los autores de los diarios de viaje describen tradiciones y usos culturales locales, la religiosidad y sus manifestaciones, la moda femenina y la gastronomía de los lugares visitados, que ofrecen testimonios aún no considerados por parte de los expertos en estos ámbitos disciplinares. A través de estos testimonios es posible estudiar los contactos lingüísticos con otros pueblos y la diversidad cultural de las regiones que visitaron estos cronistas.
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42

Blanchard, W. Scott. "Patrician Sages and the Humanist Cynic: Francesco Filelfo and the Ethics of World Citizenship*". Renaissance Quarterly 60, n.º 4 (2007): 1107–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ren.2007.0414.

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AbstractThe fifteenth-century humanist Francesco Filelfo (1398–1481) spent much of the period from 1429 to 1444 involved with Florentine politics, becoming a strong advocate on behalf of the patrician oligarchs, many of whom were exiled in 1434 at the return of Cosimo de’ Medici from eleven months of exile. Filelfo’s works from the period, including his satires, the Oratio ad exules, and the consolatory treatise entitled Commentationes Florentinae de exilio, were a response to the Florentine political crisis. Filelfo demonstrates in these works not only a rhetorical and political purpose on behalf of his patrons, but also takes the opportunity to reflect on the notion of world citizenship, a philosophical concept derived largely from Stoic and Cynic sources.
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43

Langdon (book author), Gabrielle y Elena Brizio (review author). "Medici Women. Portraits of Power, Love and Betrayal from the Court of Duke Cosimo I". Quaderni d'italianistica 29, n.º 2 (1 de junio de 2008): 172–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/q.i..v29i2.8469.

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44

Baker, Nicholas Scott. "Creating a shared past: The representation of Medici–Habsburg relations in the wedding celebrations for Eleonora de Toledo and Cosimo I de’ Medici". Renaissance Studies 33, n.º 3 (16 de octubre de 2018): 397–416. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/rest.12521.

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45

Hubbard, Charlotte. "Gilded relief panel of Cosimo II de’Medici". Luxury 4, n.º 2-3 (2 de septiembre de 2017): 287–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/20511817.2017.1352228.

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46

Else, Felicia M. "Vasari, the River God and the Expression of Territorial Power under Duke Cosimo I de' Medici". Explorations in Renaissance Culture 39, n.º 1 (2 de diciembre de 2013): 71–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23526963-90000440.

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47

Vilar, Mariano. "The Political Use of Epicureanism in Filelfo’s Commentationes Florentinae de exilio". Renaissance and Reformation 42, n.º 2 (24 de octubre de 2019): 141–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1065128ar.

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Francesco Filelfo’s Commentationes Florentinae de exilio (ca. 1440) presents us with a dialogue among a group of nobles and scholars who debate several issues in moral philosophy to console themselves on their defeat by Cosimo de’ Medici. The role of pleasure in human happiness is treated in several sections of the work in relation to three of Filelfo’s main goals: the condemnation of his rivals Poggio Bracciolini and Niccolò Niccoli (both of whom were connected with the Medicean circle), the exaltation of his own philological erudition, and the attack on Cosimo’s regime. There is textual evidence that Filelfo used some of the ideas presented by Valla in his De voluptate (1431) for the purpose of satirizing his rivals and showing that their interest in Epicureanism was morally and intellectually flawed.
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48

BINO, CARLA. "ISTITUZIONI E FONTI". Nuncius 18, n.º 1 (2003): 249–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/182539103x00639.

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Abstracttitle SUMMARY /title This article discusses the working method of Bernardo Buontalenti, the court engineer of the Medici family under Cosimo I and his son Francesco I. Buontalenti is a crucial figure for the history of theatre, because he was able to consolidate and rivitalise a tradition, in so far as he used the pre-existing technical knowledge and, at the same time, reinterpreted it in an original way; moreover he "invented" a new profession. By analysing the Memoriale of Girolamo Seriacopi, Proweditore di Castello, which records the works made in Uffizi theatre for the wedding of Ferdinando I de' Medici and Cristina di Lorena (1589), I trace the dynamics of Buontalenti's building site in order to infer some knowledge about the stage machines from the work practice. This method of analysis enables me to make two hypotheses: on the one hand, Buontalenti's machinery was built according to the rules of Florentine tradition (which was in part different from the one from Pesaro which is the basis of Sabbatini's treaty and is usually considered the primary tool for understanding Buontalenti); on the other hand, the use of craft knowledge begins a specialization process that will develop along the seventeenth century.
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Macfarland, Joseph C. "Machiavelli's Imagination of Excellent Men: An Appraisal of the Lives of Cosimo de' Medici and Castruccio Castracani". American Political Science Review 93, n.º 1 (marzo de 1999): 133–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2585765.

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For the education of princes Machiavelli recommends the true lives of “excellent men” rather than the “imagination” of how one should live, yet, the lives Machiavelli wrote tell a different story. While his relatively accurate life of Cosimo de' Medici offers lessons in deceit and faithlessness, it is a life to be admired rather than imitated. By contrast, theLife of Castruccio Castracaniis worthy of imitation, as it teaches the use of force as well as fraud, but it is mostly the product of an imagination enriched by ancient histories. Machiavelli taught the “effectual truth” by sketching the imaginary life of a modern prince because contemporaries would not imitate an ancient one. Moreover, the failure of even the imaginary Castruccio to master fortune indicates that the man of deeds needs the author's ability to imagine a particular life as an education for others.
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50

Moffitt, John F. "A Hidden Sphinx by Agnolo Bronzino, “ex tabula Cebetis Thebani”". Renaissance Quarterly 46, n.º 2 (1993): 277–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3039062.

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In 1568 Giorgio Vasari Described (from already dim memories) a now-famous allegorical painting that had been painted by Bronzino (Agnolo Allori) for Cosimo I de’ Medici. Now usually known as The Exposure of Luxury, the picture in the National Gallery in London seems by general acknowledgement to have been done around 1545 (Fig. I). According to Vasari's recollection Bronzino had “made a picture of singular beauty” that was sent to the king of France, François I. As best as Vasari could recall, the particulars of its complicated iconographic program were all devoted to variations on an erotic theme inasmuch as the picture included figures of “a nude Venus with [her son] Cupid, who was [shown] kissing her, and alongside [them] there were [other representations of] ‘Pleasure - il Piacere’ and ‘Idle Sport - il Giuoco’ accompanied by other ‘Loves-Amori.’
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