Tesis sobre el tema "Conflitti locali"
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Jesus, Dina Isabel dos Santos Parrinha. "A perceção dos conflitos no local de trabalho: será uma ameaça ou uma oportunidade para os colaboradores?: um estudo de caso". Master's thesis, Universidade de Évora, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10174/16430.
Texto completoHaring-Smith, Whitney. ""All conflict is local" : an empirical analysis of local factors in violent civil conflict". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:05603826-f731-4817-a6a7-965e8056b62f.
Texto completoJesus, Nádia Batista de. "Relações socioambientais no extrativismo da aroeira (Schinus terebenthifolius Raddi no baixo São Francisco SE/AL)". Universidade Federal de Sergipe, 2010. https://ri.ufs.br/handle/riufs/4096.
Texto completoAs ondas modernizadoras relacionadas aos projetos de desenvolvimento regional no Baixo São Francisco não resultaram em justiça social e cidadania para as comunidades locais, existindo um quadro de desigualdades sociais, degradação ambiental e atores em situação de risco social. A exemplo dos pescadores artesanais, que há oito anos praticam o extrativismo da aroeira (Schinus terebenthifolius Raddi), espécie nativa que por uma demanda das indústrias processadoras-exportadora desse fruto, a pimenta-rosa , localizadas no estado do Espírito Santo tornou-se uma alternativa de renda às comunidades locais. Esta pesquisa teve como objetivos: analisar os aspectos socioambientais envolvidos do extrativismo até a transformação em pimenta-rosa a partir do Baixo São Francisco SE/AL, descrevendo o processo extrativista preponderante no local; conhecer a importância sócio-econômica do extrativismo da aroeira para os pescadores artesanais da região; identificar a cadeia produtiva da aroeira a partir do Baixo São Francisco SE/AL e tipificar os conflitos socioambientais envolvidos no extrativismo da aroeira no Baixo São Francisco. Trata-se de um estudo de caso com enfoque qualitativo, cuja análise dos dados orientou-se na hermenêutica a partir da pré-interpretação dos atores para uma reintrepretação do pesquisador, combinando múltiplas perspectivas teóricas, metodológica e de dados, juntamente com métodos participativos. A pesquisa identificou que a pimentarosa destina-se a indústria de alimentos com o uso especialmente na culinária e na indústria de cosmético, com a produção voltada aos países da União Européia, Estados Unidos, Canadá e Argentina. Dessa demanda resulta, a constante procura por novas áreas de ocorrência natural da espécie como, nesse caso, integrou-se a cadeia produtiva dos municípios do Baixo São Francisco SE/AL: Santana do São Francisco - povoado Saúde, Brejo Grande povoado Brejão dos Negros, Pacatuba, Ilha das Flores, em Sergipe e; Piaçabuçu povoado Sudene e Peba, em Alagoas. Por um lado, os resultados da ação intencional da prática extrativista e empresarial têm conseqüências como os conflitos de natureza socioambiental (de uso dos recursos naturais) entre diversos atores envolvidos. Por outro, a pressão sobre o recurso gera degradação ambiental, uma externalidade negativa por não seguir orientações técnicas, tornando-se não sustentável ambientalmente em áreas que devem estar sendo preservadas. No extrativismo e comercialização a pimenta-rosa no mercado exterior alcança o preço em dólar de US$ 14/18kg e o extrativista recebe por essa atividade o valor de R$1,50/kg. Nesse contexto, as relações estruturais do capitalismo penetram de forma parcial em circunstâncias da vida social dos atores, incluindo-os no processo de produção de mercadoria e excluindo-os do processo de ampliação do capital na racionalidade econômica que avança sobre elementos da natureza para torná-los mercadoria. A condição de pobreza é uma grande aliada da degradação ambiental que gera os conflitos socioambientais no Baixo São Francisco (SE/AL). Para os pescadores-extrativistas essa prática se apresenta como uma alternativa de complementação à renda familiar, cuja adesão decorre da ausência de oportunidades para garantir a sobrevivência, diante do declínio da pesca na região. Portanto, a aroeira (Schinus terebenthifolius Raddi) poderia fazer parte de uma proposta de desenvolvimento sustentável para essa região. Sobretudo, diante das condições paupérrimas das populações nos locais de coleta e gestão até então ausente, envolvendo a participação das comunidades locais como parceiras, visando melhorar as condições de sobrevivência.
Gebremariam, Azage. "Multidimensional approach to local water conflicts". Thesis, Loughborough University, 2011. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/9091.
Texto completoChamberlain, Adam Sander Carsey Thomas M. "Conflict and the city how newspapers deal with local political conflict /". Chapel Hill, N.C. : University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2007. http://dc.lib.unc.edu/u?/etd,1044.
Texto completoTitle from electronic title page (viewed Mar. 27, 2008). "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of masters in the Department of Political Science." Discipline: Political Science; Department/School: Political Science.
Sato, H. "PEACE AND CONFLICTS IN LATE MEDIEVAL JAPAN AND EUROPE". Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/172806.
Texto completoIndeka, Nkoso Joseph. "Les chefferies ndengese en conflit: dans les interstices de la tradition et de l'Etat, R.D.Congo". Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209364.
Texto completoC’est essentiellement un mode de lecture du fait politique, les chefferies à travers les âges: conditions d’émergence et d’institutionnalisation, sources de légitimité, supports territoriaux et symboliques, fonctionnement réel, enjeux et conflits. L’analyse de tels processus a nécessité la prise en compte de la dispersion des idées politiques dans les institutions sociales et familiales, la religion, la littérature, l’art et l’économie. On n’a pas négligé pourtant, leurs liens à l’ordre social et les rapports avec les structures politico-administratives étatiques dans lesquelles les chefferies sont enchâssées. Cette dissertation a combiné deux grandes perspectives du pouvoir politique :symbolique et sociologique. Dans la perspective symbolique renouvelée, une des entrées principales a été celle de la « mise en scène » du pouvoir, dans des contextes variés, pour assurer sa légitimité. A été ainsi mis en exergue le concept de « traditions », renvoyant aux analyses de Hobsbawm et Ranger (1983). Cette perspective de l’ethnologie classique du pouvoir politique a été complétée par celle de la sociologie politique davantage tournée vers la « domination » au sens wébérien, les enjeux et relation de pouvoir, ainsi que l’étude des comportements des acteurs :stratégies et tactiques individuelles et collectives. On s’est intéressé aux dynamiques politiques locales produites à travers l’interaction entre les facteurs internes et externes, et aux modalités de réception, d’interprétation et d’appropriation afin d’y lire un peu de « sens ». En cela, cette thèse est « une anthropologie des mondes contemporains » (Augé 1994) avec un arrière-fond historique important. Elle a privilégié l’analyse des interactions aussi bien rituelles qu’administratives. Ces regards croisés du pouvoir politique local ont ainsi permis d’articuler ce qu’Olivier de Sardan (2005) appelle « ethnographie classique et socio-anthropologie des espaces publics en Afrique ».
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
Marques, António Pedro Sousa. "Actores, estratégias e desenvolvimento local: conflitos e consensos no município de Palmela no limiar do século xxi". Doctoral thesis, Universidade de Évora, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10174/11640.
Texto completoBoaz, John E. "Guidelines for conflict management in the local church". Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1993. http://www.tren.com.
Texto completoStudents, National Union of South African. "October elections: a recipe for conflict?" Student Representative Council, University of the Witwatersrand, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/72773.
Texto completoReinhold, Susan. "Local conflict and ideological struggle : #positive images'and Section 28". Thesis, University of Sussex, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.358979.
Texto completoArellano-Yanguas, Javier. "Local politics, conflict and development in Peruvian mining regions". Thesis, University of Sussex, 2011. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/6315/.
Texto completoElfversson, Emma. "Central Politics and Local Peacemaking : The Conditions for Peace after Communal Conflict". Doctoral thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-324928.
Texto completoTaylor, Suzanne. "Local development, seeking an alternative in post-conflict El Salvador". Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/MQ56722.pdf.
Texto completoFell, Patrick Terence. "Legitimacy and conflict : explaining tension in local Swedish hunting policy /". Luleå : Luleå University of Technology, 2006. http://epubl.ltu.se/1402-1544/2006/18/.
Texto completoArmstrong, J. W. "Local conflict in the Anglo-Scottish borderlands, c. 1399-1488". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.596159.
Texto completoAdhikari, Jay Ram. "Political conflict, community forest governance and local livelihoods in Nepal". Thesis, Adhikari, Jay Ram (2011) Political conflict, community forest governance and local livelihoods in Nepal. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 2011. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/15676/.
Texto completoLabonia, Mónica. "Les dynamiques locales de coopération des institutions "traditionnelles" pour la pacification des conflits dans l'Afrique Noire : l'exemple des Joola-Ajamaat de la Basse-Casamance (Sénégal)". Thesis, Nice, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014NICE2031.
Texto completo: In the historical context of the conflict in Casamance (1982-2005), we have addressed the relationship between the institution of sacred royalty of Youtou and the restoration of order in that village. The scientific interest of this relationship is to identify the group’s dynamics of change specifically showing the Joola-ajamaat ethnic group – at the time when it is confronted with the conflict.In Youtou, the devastation of neighbourhoods’ Kagar and Kanokindo, the exodus of the population, the destruction and abandonment of the cults have altered deep social and territorial structure between 1995 and 2005. The analysis of this period – which is the last phase of the conflict in Casamance – has allowed us recognize the way in which the spaces of power, NGOs and traditional institutions have created and recreated social representations favourable to the return of peace.The meddling of traditional institutions (the Council of Elders, the kulangaka, the jirembeyi, Joola - ajamaat sacred royalty and the village assembly) in the process of pacification of people has been crucial.We have thoroughly studied the institution of Joola-ajamaat sacred royalty from Youtou’s case, because there’s no other organization in this village that can integrate simultaneously and in such a complex way the political power and religious power as well. We have examined functions arambeu of Youtou - and specially those affecting the restoration of order, the management of violence and mediation during conflicts in the light of the dialectic of tradition - modernity
von, Billerbeck Sarah Birgitta Kanafani. "Whose peace? : local ownership and UN peacebuilding". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:b6c84aa3-5344-48d8-ba1a-2b01d1a75146.
Texto completoSILVA, Clódson dos Santos. "Do lado de cá & do lado de lá: tempos e espaços dos conflitos da “política” em Santana do Acaraú - Ce". http://www.teses.ufc.br, 2009. http://www.repositorio.ufc.br/handle/riufc/1221.
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Santana do Acaraú's (Ceará, Brasil) power dispute becomes tense during local elections. To the population, this period is identified as “the time of politics”. It is a festive time, manifested in various rituals: motorcades, marches, lunch, dinner and political speeches. As well as it is a period of conflict, expressed in the new social groups which oppose people that otherwise would be united by relationships of kin, friendship and/or neighborhood. However, it is not always that the conflicts peculiar to "the time of politics" ends with the counting of votes or after to take up office. The way campaign was made, accusations of fraud and requests for vote recounting may risk the “closure of the time of politics” and take confrontations beyond elections period. Departing from the native meanings of politics, I examine how political conflicts are lived with by the Santanians in three different times: elections, everyday life and "political time” sui generis, when the conflicts persistence acquired other dimension. With this thesis I try to understand the way politics is socially constructed in terms of a specific time, space and language where it is permitted, and how it builds and strengthens the policy and the place of professional politicians.
Em Santana do Acaraú - Ceará - BR, a disputa pelo poder local se acirra na época das eleições, principalmente nos pleitos municipais. Esse é o momento identificado pelos moradores como tempo da política, nele as facções políticas são claramente identificadas em um tipo de conflito aberto/autorizado. É um período de festas, manifestado nos rituais de comensalidade, nas carreatas, nas passeatas e nos comícios e também é um período de conflitos expressos nos novos recortes sociais que dividem pessoas que, em outros momentos, estariam unidas por relações de parentesco, amizade e/ou vizinhança. Contudo, nem sempre os conflitos característicos do tempo da política findam com a apuração dos votos e a investidura do cargo. O modo como a campanha foi conduzida, as acusações de fraude e a solicitação de recontagem dos votos, podem colocar em risco o fecho do tempo da política, levando os conflitos característicos de tal temporalidade para além do período eleitoral. A partir dos significados nativos da política, examino de que forma os conflitos da política são vivenciados pelos santanenses em três temporalidades distintas: os conflitos em momentos eleitorais; os conflitos no cotidiano; os conflitos em dois momentos sui generis, em que a persistência do conflito político adquiriu outras dimensões. Desta forma, procuro nesta tese compreender como é construído socialmente o lugar da política, atribuindo a ela territorialidade, uma linguagem e temporalidade específicas, enfim, um período em que ela é permitida, o tempo da política, e como isso reforça e constrói a política como o lugar dos políticos profissionais.
Kideghesho, Jafari Ramadhani. "Wildlife conservation and local land use conflicts in Western Serengeti, Tanzania". Doctoral thesis, Norwegian University of Science and Technology, Department of Biology, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:no:ntnu:diva-1970.
Texto completoThe pre-colonial traditional societies in Western Serengeti were physically and spiritually connected to animal species and plants in their surrounding environments. This link contributed to sustainable use and harmonious coexistence. The religious affiliation and local management structures sanctioned some destructive behaviours and designated some species and habitats as sacred. Additionally, low human population and primitive technology posed low pressure on resources. Colonial regime interrupted the coexistence through introduction of new management structures. The exclusive, prohibitive and punitive actions perpetrated by colonial regime under "fences and fines" conservation approach fomented conflicts and local resentment towards conservation policies. However, despite local resentment and conflicts, the economic and political reasons forced the post-colonial government to inherit these policies uncritically.
While the idiom "Serengeti shall not die" has been a popular motto and ambition for decades, some forces had been working against it. These forces include: inefficient state-led enforcementn (due to shrinkage of government budgets in 1970s and 1980s); human population growth; rural poverty; globalisation of markets in animal products (e.g. rhino horns and ivory) and; local resentment towards the conservation policies. The reduction of the wildlife populations and habitats as a result of these forces, ruled out the efficacy of “fences and fines” approach in conserving wildlife. This prompted a need to search for alternative approach that would end this crisis.
The community conservation (CC) initiative, which emerged as a major paradigm of conservation work in late 1980s, was the most appealing option. Through provision of tangible economic benefits, CC sought to motivate local people to align their behaviours with conservation goals. This prescription was applied to Serengeti where two CC initiatives, Serengeti Regional Conservation Project (SRCP) and Community Conservation Service (CCS) were launched. Findings from this study indicate that the benefit based approaches implemented under these initiatives are fundamentally flawed, a scenario that precludes their possibility to contribute significantly to conservation objectives.
Although attitudinal survey indicated that the benefit-based strategy increase acceptability towards conservation, this may not necessarily imply a change in behaviour. Poaching was still rampant in the villages under the projects. However, even if the strategy could lead to a change of behaviour among the beneficiaries, its impact to conservation would still be insignificant since only a small fraction of the communities benefit (i.e. 14 out of 126 villages). Furthermore, even within the project villages the minimal benefits granted are inequitably distributed and monopolised by local elites. The poorest members of the society are unable to enjoy these benefits because cash is required to access them (e.g. game meat, medical services).
Along with the benefits, the results indicated that the costs inflicted by wildlife to local people and some socio-demographic factors (education, wealth) have potential role in shaping conservation attitudes. Local communities experiencing fewer costs from wildlife conservation and those most educated were less likely to support protected areas. Those with more livestock were more negative, probably because the costs of prohibition from access to water and pasture in protected areas were more obvious to them. Conservation attitudes were more positive to Serengeti National Park than to the adjacent Game Reserves, a scenario that can be attributed to history and the age of the park. It was created some 50 years when population was low and land was still available. Furthermore, the majority of the villagers were, either too young, or were not even born when the Park came to existence. Therefore, they did not feel the pain of eviction, if there was any.
Richter-Devroe, Sophie. "Gender and conflict transformation in Palestine : between local and international agendas". Thesis, University of Exeter, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10036/3108.
Texto completoXiang, Wei. "L'aire Paysagère de Wulingyuan (Hunan, Chine) : à la recherche d'un équilibre entre protection et développement local". Phd thesis, Université de Grenoble, 2011. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00751458.
Texto completoDrozdz, Martine. "Regeneration b(d)oom : territoires et politique de la régénération urbaine par projet à Londres". Thesis, Lyon 2, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014LYO20088.
Texto completoThe inner city was at the margin and in decline for most of the second half of the 20th century. Today it is an essential part in London's development strategy. It works as a relief valve for the social and spatial pressure induced by globalisation in the capital city of the United Kingdom. Regeneration policies are the political and spatial model driving this transformation. From the late 1980s the regeneration consensus revolved around three principles: it had to be funded by property-led entrepreneurial investments, distributed by competitions between territories and governed by public-private partnerships, thus realising the neoliberalisation of space.However, the delivery of regeneration projects in old inner city areas is discontinuous and incomplete. Itmakes space for numerous state interventions which show that we are far from a complete withdrawal of thestate. In the 2000s, New Labour policies append new norms to the regeneration model: the notions ofdurability, acknowledgement of minority rights, and the imperative to become more participative. In Londonthis has led to the creation of the "opportunity areas" policy, which has attempted to propel the development of the inner city by the boom of the property markets on the edge of the city centre. In the absence of stronger coercing distributive mechanisms, we show that this policy has in fact led to the faster privatisation of public housing and extended the range of "new-built gentrification". The Conservative – Liberal Democrat Coalition have dismantled many of the regeneration participative regimes. In some cases, austerity policies have triggered the privatisation of core functions in local urban democracy. This model, with its shortcomings and injustice, is criticized in the public sphere but protests remain fragmented and are struggling to become established, because of the very geography of project-based regeneration
Garrett, Amanda Lynne. "When Cities Fight Back: Minorities, Local Politics, and Conflict in Europe". Thesis, Harvard University, 2013. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:10821.
Texto completoGovernment
Petrie, Amanda Jane. "Home education and the Local Education Authority : from conflict to cooperation". Thesis, University of Liverpool, 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.241005.
Texto completoMeracle, Quentin R. "Mark as the basis for conflict resolution in a local church". Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1999. http://www.tren.com.
Texto completoTurner, Jack. "The great powers and local factors in internal conflict : the dynamics of conflict termination in Cambodia, 1979-1991". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.410996.
Texto completoReed, Erin Rachel. "Domestic Capacities for Building Post-Conflict Peace". Digital Archive @ GSU, 2008. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/political_science_theses/22.
Texto completoSilva, ClÃdson dos Santos. "Do Lado de CÃ e do Lado de LÃ: Tempos e EspaÃos da PolÃtica em Santana do AcaraÃ-Ce". Universidade Federal do CearÃ, 2010. http://www.teses.ufc.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=5954.
Texto completoCoordenaÃÃo de AperfeiÃoamento de Pessoal de NÃvel Superior
Em Santana do Acaraà - Cearà - BR, a disputa pelo poder local se acirra na Ãpoca das eleiÃÃes, principalmente nos pleitos municipais. Esse à o momento identificado pelos moradores como tempo da polÃtica, nele as facÃÃes polÃticas sÃo claramente identificadas em um tipo de conflito aberto/autorizado. à um perÃodo de festas, manifestado nos rituais de comensalidade, nas carreatas, nas passeatas e nos comÃcios e tambÃm à um perÃodo de conflitos expressos nos novos recortes sociais que dividem pessoas que, em outros momentos, estariam unidas por relaÃÃes de parentesco, amizade e/ou vizinhanÃa. Contudo, nem sempre os conflitos caracterÃsticos do tempo da polÃtica findam com a apuraÃÃo dos votos e a investidura do cargo. O modo como a campanha foi conduzida, as acusaÃÃes de fraude e a solicitaÃÃo de recontagem dos votos, podem colocar em risco o fecho do tempo da polÃtica, levando os conflitos caracterÃsticos de tal temporalidade para alÃm do perÃodo eleitoral. A partir dos significados nativos da polÃtica, examino de que forma os conflitos da polÃtica sÃo vivenciados pelos santanenses em trÃs temporalidades distintas: os conflitos em momentos eleitorais; os conflitos no cotidiano; os conflitos em dois momentos sui generis, em que a persistÃncia do conflito polÃtico adquiriu outras dimensÃes. Desta forma, procuro nesta tese compreender como à construÃdo socialmente o lugar da polÃtica, atribuindo a ela territorialidade, uma linguagem e temporalidade especÃficas, enfim, um perÃodo em que ela à permitida, o tempo da polÃtica, e como isso reforÃa e constrÃi a polÃtica como o lugar dos polÃticos profissionais.
Sete, Lucas Rogerio. "RELAÇÕES ENTRE ESTAÇÃO ECOLÓGICA DO TAIM E COMUNIDADE LOCAL: CONFLITOS E COOPERAÇÃO". Universidade Federal de Santa Maria, 2010. http://repositorio.ufsm.br/handle/1/8853.
Texto completoThe creation of protected areas is one of the main historical claims of conservation of the nature movements and also one of the main strategies adopted by the governments and environmental entities for the conservation of the environment and of their natural resources. The responsible organs for the creation and administration of the units of conservation as the ecological stations, have employed authoritarian and technocratic political, that result in conflicts with the local communities, with prominence for the expropriation of the lands; dispute of waters; restrictions to the hunt and fishing; among other, with so much damage to the conservation ends as of development of the populations of the spill (especially traditional groups). Front to this scenery compatible forms have been looked between the conservation objectives and development by diverse strategies, with emphasis in the valorization of the vision and participation of the local populations in the actions and decisions of the administration. The researches about perception of local community offer instruments for the understanding of behaviors and they aid in the improvement of the process of environmental administration. This work approaches the problem of the harmonization between conservation objectives and development in the case of the Ecological Station of Taim that is constituted in an area of integral protection that, in his implantation, it implicated the removal of some families and introduction of new restrictive norms for the populations that live in yours spill. In that context intends to observe the conflicts that appeared with the new scenery, and the conciliation initiatives among the conservation purposes and development that it has been accomplished in the area. The data of this qualitative research were obtained in the period of January from 2009 to January of 2010, with the technique of the semistructured interview, combined with secondary data, bibliographical consultations and observations in the place. The lifted up data indicate that the population notices the existence of several embarrassments in the conservationist speech and divergences among the purposes of the unit of conservation and of the resident population in the spill. The initiatives of harmonization of the conservation purposes and development are several, but still incipient and dependent of external resources, what restricts their impacts.
A criação de áreas protegidas é uma das principais reivindicações históricas de movimentos preocupados com a conservação da natureza e também uma das principais estratégias adotadas pelos governos e entidades ambientais para a conservação do meio ambiente e de seus recursos naturais. Os órgãos responsáveis pela criação e gestão das unidades de conservação como as estações ecológicas, têm empregado políticas autoritárias e tecnocráticas que resultam em conflitos com as comunidades locais, com destaque para a desapropriação das terras; disputa pelas águas; restrições à caça e pesca; entre outras, com prejuízo tanto aos fins de conservação quanto de desenvolvimento das populações do entorno (especialmente grupos tradicionais). Frente a este quadro têm sido buscadas formas de compatibilização entre os objetivos de conservação e desenvolvimento mediante estratégias diversas, com ênfase na valorização da visão e participação das populações locais nas ações e decisões da gestão. As pesquisas sobre a percepção da comunidade local do entorno das unidades de conservação oferecem instrumentos para a compreensão de comportamentos e auxiliam na melhoria do processo de gestão ambiental. Este trabalho aborda a problemática da harmonização entre objetivos de conservação e desenvolvimento no caso da Estação Ecológica do Taim, RS, que se constitui em uma área de proteção integral que, na sua implantação, implicou a remoção de algumas famílias e introdução de normas restritivas para as populações que residem no seu entorno. Nesse contexto se pretendem identificar os conflitos existentes e as iniciativas de conciliação entre os propósitos de conservação e desenvolvimento que vem sendo realizadas na região. Os dados desta pesquisa qualitativa foram obtidos no período de janeiro de 2009 a janeiro de 2010, pela técnica da entrevista semi-estruturada, combinada com consulta a dados secundários, consultas bibliográficas e observações no local. Os dados levantados indicam que a população percebe a existência de diversas contradições no discurso conservacionista e divergências entre os propósitos da unidade de conservação e da população residente no entorno. As iniciativas de harmonização dos propósitos de conservação e desenvolvimento são diversas, mas ainda incipientes e dependentes de recursos externos, o que restringe seus impactos.
Rivera, del Piélago Norma Cecilia. "Mining and Social Funds: Analysis of the model based in the case of the Social Fund Michiquillay". Revista de Ciencia Política y Gobierno, 2015. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/53702.
Texto completoHultgren, Cal Anthony. "Principles of reconciliation for the local church the step beyond forgiveness /". Online full text .pdf document, available to Fuller patrons only, 2001. http://www.tren.com.
Texto completoRivas, Belloso Jairo Anibal. "Competencia política y conflicto en espacios locales (Perú 2003-2006)". Master's thesis, Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2017. http://tesis.pucp.edu.pe/repositorio/handle/123456789/9302.
Texto completoTesis
McCoy, Grainne. "The role of local government in conflict management : Portadown the case study'". Thesis, University of Ulster, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.429993.
Texto completoTaka, M. "Conflict coltan : local and international dynamics in the Democratic Republic of Congo". Thesis, Coventry University, 2011. http://curve.coventry.ac.uk/open/items/8af75d34-cb5d-4253-8476-07419206e940/1.
Texto completoBjörkhagen, Martin. "The Conflict in the Moluccas: Local Youths' Perceptions Contrasted to Previous Research". Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-23784.
Texto completoThe violent conflict in the Moluccas (1999-2002) has occasionally been portrayed in terms of animosities between Christians and Muslims. This study problematizes that statement by analysing several conflict drivers seen through two perspectives.The first purpose of this study was to contrast previous research regarding conflict factors in the Moluccas to the perceptions of the local youths’. There is a research gap regarding the youths’ experiences of the conflict, which this study aims to bridge. A second purpose was to analyse discrepancy between the academic literature and the youths’ bottom-up perspective. The final purpose was to apply the theory of collective guilt to explain and analyse the youths’ memories and perceptions regarding the conflict factors in the Moluccas. A qualitative case study approach was adopted since it could include both in-depth interviews and an assessed literature review. Six in-depth interviews were conducted in Indonesia which explored the youth’s perceptions. The critically assessed literature review was used to obtain data from secondary sources regarding the same conflict factors, as was explored by the interviews.The first part of the analysis exposed a discrepancy between the two perspectives regarding some of the conflict factors. The collective guilt analysis found that the youths only seem to experience a rather limited feeling of collective guilt. This is because all strategies to reduce collective guilt were represented in the youths’ perceptions. The most used strategy was to blame a few ‘black sheep’, or in this context a few provocateurs for the harm inflicted by the in-group, towards the out-group.
Ramutsindela, Maano Freddy. "Reconstructing the post-apartheid state : disputed spaces in Northern Province, South Africa". Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.313414.
Texto completoGrguric, Nicolas Grguric y eqeta@yahoo com au. "Fortified Homesteads: The Architecture of Fear in Frontier South Australia and the Northern Territory, ca 1847-1885". Flinders University. Humanities, 2007. http://catalogue.flinders.edu.au./local/adt/public/adt-SFU20080225.161715.
Texto completoButts, J. Wayman. "A model for the prevention, management, and healing of conflict in the local church". Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 2005. http://www.tren.com.
Texto completoRösth, Johanna. "Conflicts and governance over local waters : A case-study in Kiru Valley, Tanzania". Thesis, Södertörn University College, School of Life Sciences, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-2674.
Texto completoMiranda, Cristian Barreto de. "Rebuliço no coreto: conflito entre padres e políticos em Conceição do Coité (1989-2000)". Faculdade de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas, 2012. http://repositorio.ufba.br/ri/handle/ri/18774.
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CAPES
Este trabalho tem como objeto de estudo o conflito ocorrido entre representantes da Igreja Católica e o poder público municipal de Conceição do Coité entre 1989 e 2000. Os religiosos que chegaram a partir de 1989 na instituição religiosa local, especialmente o Padre Luiz Rodrigues de Oliveira, influenciados por novas diretrizes de evangelização adotadas pela Igreja no Concílio Ecumênico Vaticano II, contribuíram para a vivência de um catolicismo mais preocupado com dinâmica das relações sociopolíticas e na mobilização contra a política clientelista em Conceição do Coité. A Igreja local por não atender mais aos interesses exclusivos do poder público municipal e interferir no campo político coiteense enfrentou a reação do grupo político dominante, denominado de “Vermelhos”, que exerce há mais de 38 anos a hegemonia no poder local. A atuação política dos representantes católicos na sociedade coiteense é um significativo exemplo para compreender como alguns setores da Igreja Católica no semiárido baiano agiram diante das inovações do Concílio Ecumênico Vaticano II e de como as ações da chamada Igreja Popular ainda persistem diante de contextos econômicos e políticos arcaicos. This work has as object of study the conflict occurred between representatives of Catholic Church and the municipal government of Conceição do Coité between 1989 and 2000. The religious people who arrived in the referred city from 1989 in the local religious institution, mainly Father Luiz Rodrigues de Oliveira, influenced by the new guidelines for the evangelization adopted by the Church in The Second Vatican Council, contributed to the experience a Catholicism more concerned with the dynamics of sociopolitical relations and mobilization against clientelist politics in Conceição do Coité. As the local Church no longer met the exclusive interests of the municipal government and also didn’t interfere in the political field of the people from Conceição do Coité, it faced the reaction of the ruling political party, called “Vermelhos”, that has been ruling the hegemony in the local government for 38 years. The political actions of the catholic representatives in the society of Conceição do Coité is a significant example to understand how some sectors of the Catholic Church in the semiarid of Bahia have acted on the innovations of The Second Vatican Council, and how the actions of the called Popular Church still persist facing the archaic economic and political contexts.
Kayembe, Mayaya Nick. "Les opérations de maintien de la paix en Afrique et les organisations de la société civile : les cas de l’ONUMOZ (Mozambique) et de la MONUSCO (Congo)". Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/36722.
Texto completoDietz, Robert D. "Spatial competition, conflict and cooperation". Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2003. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1058471128.
Texto completoTitle from first page of PDF file. Document formatted into pages; contains xiii, 268 p.; also includes graphics (some col.). Includes abstract and vita. Adviser: Donald Haurin, Dept. of Economics. Includes bibliographical references (p. 256-268).
De, Villiers Pierre. "Konflik in 'n plaaslike owerheid binne die raamwerk van 'n geïntegreerde ontwikkelingsplan van arbeid / Pierré de Villiers". Thesis, North-West University, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10394/1126.
Texto completoThesis (M.Com. (Industrial Sociology))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2007.
Botha, Johannes Rudolf. "Xenophobia conflict in De Doorns; a development communication challenge for developmental local government". Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/20094.
Texto completoENGLISH ABSTRACT: Xenophobic hostility is not an unfamiliar concept – it is practiced all over the world, also in South Africa. Defined by the South African Human Rights Commission (SAHRC) as a deep dislike of non-nationals by nationals of a recipient state, it constitutes a violation of the human rights of a targeted group, threatening the very principals upon which the young democracy is modelled on. What distinguishes xenophobia in South Africa from the rest of the world is its violent manifestation. In this country xenophobia is more than just an attitude, it is a violent practise, fuelled by racism, intolerance, ignorance and incapacity to deliver on developmental expectations. The 2008 xenophobic attacks in major centres in South Africa stunned the local and international communities, causing researchers to rush in search of answers. Just as the furore turned into complacency, on 17 November 2009, 3000 Zimbabwean citizens living in the rural community of De Doorns in the Western Cape were displaced as a result of xenophobic violence. Reasons for the attacks vary, with some blaming the contestation for scarce resources, others attribute it to the country’s violent past, inadequate service delivery and the influence of micro politics in townships. In assessing the reasons for the attacks the study claims that the third tier of government in terms of its Constitutional developmental mandate fails to properly engage with communities on their basic needs; that its inability to live up to post-apartheid expectations triggers frustration into violent xenophobic action. The De Doorns case offers valuable insight into the nature and scope of the phenomenon in rural areas, highlighting local government’s community participation efforts in exercising its developmental responsibility and dealing with the issue of xenophobia.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Xenofobie is nie ’n onbekende verskynsel nie, dit kom reg oor die wêreld, ook in Suid- Afrika voor. Gedefinieer deur die Suid Afrikaanse Menseregte Kommissie as ’n diep gesetelde afkeur aan vreemdelinge deur die inwoners van ’n gasheer land, verteenwoordig dit ’n skending van menseregte en hou dit ’n bedreiging vir die jong demokrasie in. Xenofobie in Suid-Afrika word gekenmerk deur die geweldadige aard daarvan. Hier verteenwoordig dit meer as ’n ingesteltheid, dit is ’n geweldadige uiting van gevoelens, aangespoor deur, rassisme, onverdraagsaamheid, onverskilligheid en die onvermoë om aan ontwikkelings-verwagtinge te voldoen. Die 2008 xenofobiese aanvalle in die stedelike gebiede van Suid-Afrika het die land en die wêreld diep geraak en ’n soeke na oplossings ontketen. Op 14 November 2009 word die gerustheid na die 2008 woede erg versteur toe 3 000 Zimbabwiërs in De Doorns in die Wes-Kaap deur xenofobiese geweld ontheem is. Redes wat aangevoer word wissel vanaf mededinging vir werksgeleenthede tot die land se geweldadige verlede, onvoldoende dienslewering en die invloed van mikro politiek in woonbuurte. Met die oorweging van redes vir die aanvalle maak die studie daarop aanspraak dat die derde vlak van regering in terme van sy Konstitusionele ontwikkelings-mandaad gefaal het om na behore met die gemeenskappe rondom hul behoeftes te skakel, dat die regering se onvermoë om aan die post-apartheid verwagtinge te voldoen frustrasie in xenofobiese geweld laat oorgaan het. Die De Doorns geval bied waardevolle insig in die aard en omvang van xenofobiese geweld in landelike gebiede en lê klem die plaaslike regering se hantering van openbare deelname in terme van sy ontwikkelings verpligtinge.
De, Ujfalussy Andrea Benedicta. "Conflict between local government and civil society pertaining to sanitation in South Africa". Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/14939.
Texto completoFrisbie, David L. "Cogent issues in clergy attrition subsequent to experiences of conflict in local congregations". Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 2001. http://www.tren.com.
Texto completoWateau, Fabienne. "Partager l'eau : irrigation et conflits au Nord-Ouest du Portugal /". Paris : CNRS éd. : Éd. de la Maison des sciences de l'homme, 2002. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb38995949x.
Texto completoBibliogr. p. 245-263. Index.
Silva, Andréa Lima da. "A morada do (a) Teimoso (a)": As práticas Socioambientais de Resistência em Mãe Luiza/Natal - Um Território (in) Sustentável". Universidade Federal de Pernambuco, 2003. https://repositorio.ufpe.br/handle/123456789/10006.
Texto completoEste é um estudo sobre as práticas sócio-ambientais de resistência dos(as) moradores(as) do bairro de Mãe Luiza Natal/RN frente as diversas formas de degradação sócio-ambiental impostas ao seu território. O objetivo deste trabalho consiste em apreender e analisar as possibilidades, os limites e desafios da efetivação do Desenvolvimento Sustentável Local através das práticas sócioambientais dos sujeitos em Mãe Luiza. Trata-se de identificar a direção que assume essas práticas de resistência, suas ambigüidades e perspectivas. A pesquisa foi realizada com dirigentes de sete grupos associativos localizadas no bairro. O trabalho leva à reflexão sobre a construção das práticas sócio-ambientais de resistência dos sujeitos e os seus resultados permitem considerar que: 1°) a população se preocupa com a preservação do meio ambiente como estratégia para permanecer e lutar pelo direito ao território; 2°) a ação dos promotores imobiliários conta, na maioria das vezes, com o apoio do poder público; 3°) o poder público dissemina ideologicamente o discurso da sustentabilidade local em detrimento de ações concretas de fiscalização e controle da ação dos promotores imobiliários; 4º) as práticas sócio-ambientais de resistência dos(as) moradores(as) constituem-se em práticas imediatistas voltadas para responder questões sócioambientais relacionadas à sobrevivência, apesar de terem importância na formação da identidade política dos indivíduos, e 5°) apesar da resistência dos(as) moradores(as) às inúmeras formas de degradação sócio-ambiental, o meio ambiente natural e construído de Mãe Luiza, continua a sofrer, de forma, cada vez mais acentuada, ações entrópicas, inferidas, na maioria das vezes, pelos mecanismos de mercado que especulam sobre o valor do uso e ocupação do solo. Desse modo, o que se pode concluir, nessa pesquisa, é que as práticas sócioambientais dos(as) moradores(as) traduzem o signo da resistência, da luta pelo direito à cidade e da possibilidade da formação de uma consciência cotidiana crítica e, neste complexo processo de guerra entre territórios e territorialidades se revelam insuficientes para enfrentar o poder do mercado imobiliário. O território de Mãe Luiza, como outros espaços urbanos, permanece insustentável do ponto de vista social, ecológico e humano