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Bosphore-Pérou, Rolande. "Militants et militantisme communiste à la Martinique, 1920-1970 : identification, formes et implication." Thesis, Antilles-Guyane, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014AGUY0800.
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A travers diverses sources et particulièrement des sources orales recueillies auprès d’anciens militants communistes simples adhérents ou responsables et d’articles de la presse communiste martiniquaise, cette thèse cherche à éclairer sur la ferveur militante d’hommes et de femmes de la Martinique, d’une famille politique essentielle dans le courant du XXe siècle.Cette étude parcourt une longue période s’étendant principalement de 1920 à 1971, montrant les débuts balbutiants du communisme à la Martinique, son ascension, sa période florissante et les débuts de son lent déclin. La problématique est d’abord de faire découvrir des Martiniquais dans leur vécu de militant communiste, montrer comment ces hommes et ces femmes s’approprièrent une doctrine, la transformèrent peut-être pour l’adapter à leurs besoins, à leur culture. Il s’agit également d’examiner quelle structure communiste fut mise en place en Martinique, cette organisation était-elle à l’image des fédérations métropolitaines ou était-ce une formation politique spécifique au milieu martiniquais?Ensuite pour mieux appréhender les choix et les parcours, il a fallu arriver à l’identification des modèles, des origines de ce militantisme et la formation des militants. Les référents furent tant des figures propres au marxisme et au socialisme international et national que des personnalités contestataires du milieu politique martiniquais.Puis proposer une lecture des pratiques et des stratégies militantes pour évaluer la qualité et la particularité de cette militance ainsi que les conséquences de l’engagement de ces militants dans différentes sphères. Quelles étaient leurs propositions, pourquoi leurs revendications politiques différaient-elles de celles des autres communistes coloniaux ? Comment expliquer leurs choix d’une nouvelle société plus égalitaire dans un État socialiste mais toujours associé à la France ?Ce travail de recherches positionne cette militance au centre d’une analyse qui explore l’histoire politique et sociale d’une population, en s’appuyant sur d’autres disciplines comme la sociobiographie et les sciences politiques. Il examine le façonnement d’une société par un groupe politique prégnant entre 1920 et 1971, ainsi que les réponses de ce groupe face à différents problèmes politiques et sociaux en privilégiant une approche par les acteurs<br>Through various sources, particularly oral sources collected from ancient communists, ordinary members or officials, and articles of martinican Communist press, this thesis shows about the militant fervor of martinican men and women and essential political family in the course of the twentieth century. This study covers a long period extending mainly from 1920 to 1971 showing the early stuttering of communism in Martinique, his ascension, his prosperous period and the beginning of his slow decline. The issue is first to make discover Martinicans in their experience of communist militant, present how these men and women appropriated a doctrine, transformed it perhaps to suit at their needs, at their culture. It is also to consider what communist structure was put in place in Martinique; this organization was it like the metropolitan federations or was it a specific political party? Then to better understand the choices and paths, it’s necessary arrive at identifying mentors, origins of this activism and training of militants. Referents were as figures specific to Marxism and international and national socialism as figures as specific martinican politics. Then offer a reading of practices and activist strategies for assessing the quality and uniqueness of this militancy and the consequences of the commitment of these activists in different spheres. What were their political choices, why their political demands did they differ from others colonial Communists? How to explain their choice of a new society more egalitarian in a socialist state, but always associated with France? This research study positions that militancy in the center of an analysis that explores the political and social history of a population, based on other disciplines such as socio-biography and political-sciences. It examines the shaping of a people by a political significant group between 1920 and 1971, and the proposals of this group face different political and social problems in promoting an approach by the actors
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Kokosalakis, Yiannis. "The Communist Party in Soviet society : communist rank-and-file activism in Leningrad, 1926-1941." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/22993.
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This thesis examines a little studied aspect of the Soviet Union’s history, namely the activities of the mass membership of the Communist Party during the interwar period, specifically 1926-1941. Based on extensive research in central and regional party archives, it revisits a number of specialised scholarly debates by offering an account of key processes and events of the period, including rapid industrialisation and mass repression, from the viewpoint of rank-and-file communists, the group of people who had chosen to profess active support for the regime without however acquiring positions of political power. The account provided is in the form of an in-depth case study of the party organisation of the Red Putilov – later Kirov – machine-building plant in the city of Leningrad, followed by a shorter study of communist activism in another major Leningrad institution, the Red-Banner Baltic Fleet. It is shown that all major political initiatives of the leadership generated intense political activity at the bottom levels of the party hierarchy, as the thousands of rank-and-file members interpreted and acted on central directives in ways that were consistently in line with their and their colleagues’ interests. As these interests were hardly ever in harmony with those of the corresponding level of the administrative state apparatus, the result was a nearly permanent state of tension between the executive and political branches of the Soviet party-state at the grassroots level. The main argument offered is that ultimately, the rank-and-file organisations of the communist party were an extremely important but contradictory element of the Soviet Union’s political system, being a reliable constituency of grassroots support for the regime while at the same time placing significant limits on the ability of state organs to actually implement policy. This thesis therefore challenges interpretations of Soviet state-society relations based on binary narratives of repression from above and resistance from below. It identifies instead an element of the Soviet system where the line between society and the state became blurred, and grassroots agency became possible on the basis of a minimum level of active support for the regime. It is further argued that the ability of the mass membership to influence the outcome of leadership initiatives was predicated on the Marxist-Leninist ideological underpinnings of most major policies. In this way, this thesis also contributes to the recent literature on the role of ideology in the Soviet system. The concluding chapter considers the value of the overall findings of this thesis for the comparative study of 20th century socialist states.
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Caulet, Erwan. "La petite bibliothèque rouge : portrait de l'intellectuel communiste français en critique littéraire au temps de la Guerre Froide." Thesis, Paris 1, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA010583.
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La thèse examine ce que signifie être intellectuel et communiste à travers le cas du critique littéraire. Dans ce but elle reconstitue « l’ordre des livres » communiste lors de la première Guerre froide (milieu des années 1940-milieu des années 1950). Après une présentation liminaire du contexte d’exercice et d’écriture de la critique littéraire d’« expression communiste » en Guerre froide, une première partie dresse un panorama de cette critique et de ses caractéristiques dans l’avant-Guerre froide et un contexte encore de basses eaux idéologiques. Puis la thèse étudie son durcissement et sa « pamphlétarisation », son anti-américanisation : son entrée en Guerre froide. Une troisième partie restitue le déploiement bibliographique, la « petite bibliothèque rouge » communiste de Guerre froide qui en découle, tandis que la dernière partie brosse les variantes, la crise larvée et l’ébauche d’inflexion du milieu des années 1950 de cette critique littéraire. Il résulte de ce parcours un portrait du critique littéraire communiste en « penseur d’orthodoxie » des livres et des auteurs, aux tendances « publicistes » fortes et un aperçu de la « culture littéraire » communiste : réaliste social(ist)e, soucieuse de thématiques issues du quotidien, des luttes politiques et sociales en France et dans le monde, dix-neuviémiste dans ses références esthétiques et littéraires, soucieuse d’efficience politique et sociale, anti-formaliste sur les plans esthétique et thématique…<br>This Master's thesis tackle what it means to be a Communist and an intellectual through the example of literary appreciation. In order to do so, it will reconstruct the Communist “order of books” during the first Cold War (mid 1940s-mid 1950s). After a presentation of how this literary criticism came to be and its writing process, a first part will give a comprehensive overview of the criticism and its caracteristics, before the Cold War, when ideologies were still fledgling. Then the thesis will focus on how the literary criticism became more radical, sounding more like pamphlets and being more anti-American; in other words, how it took part in the Cold War. The next part will analyze the development of a bibliography, which would later evolve into the "little red library" of Communism during the Cold War. Finally, the last part will show how the literary criticism started to morph in the mid 1950s, it will explain its variations and the dormant crisis that it experienced. As a result of this work, we will be able to draw a portrait of the Communist literary critic as a thinker who would envision his readings and its authors through the prism of Marxist orthodoxy, someone who would strongly feel about expressing his political views. We will see a glimpse of the Communist literary culture, with its both social and socialist realism, which was concerned with everyday issues or political and social struggles, both in France and abroad. In this culture, the influence of the 19th century could be seen in its esthetic and literary references alike, as it strove to achieve something socially and politically, in an uncluttered fashion, as far as topics and style were concerned
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Kersh, Natasha. "Processes of transition in education in Latvia : aspects of policy reforms and development with particular reference to financing and privatisation." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.365568.
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Stephens, A. W. "The Comintern and Asia : ideas and realities." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/124493.
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The 'April Theses' submitted by Lenin to the
Central Committee of the Bolshevik Party early in 1917
included a call for the foundation of a new international
socialist movement to guide and coordinate world
communism.'*' In Lenin's opinion there were two main
imperatives for such an organisation: the need to provide
an alternative to the reformist (as opposed to
revolutionary) Second International; and the perceived
imminence of socialist revolution throughout Europe. The
First Congress of the Communist International subsequently
convened in Moscow in March 1919, by which time the
Bolsheviks had seized state power in Russia and
revolutionary prospects elsewhere still appeared
favourable. Under Lenin's forceful patronage, the
Comintern seemed set to play a leading role in the attempt
to realise those prospects.
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Yan, Man-kit David, and 甄文傑. "Ideology and teacher education in communist Russia and post-communist Russia." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2001. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31962683.
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Yan, Man-kit David. "Ideology and teacher education in communist Russia and post-communist Russia." Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 2001. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B23501583.
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Parker, Douglas Scott. "Women in communist culture in Canada : 1932 to 1937." Thesis, McGill University, 1994. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=22614.
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During the Great Depression of the 1930s, many artists, writers, and dramatists joined the Communist Party of Canada and its cultural wing, the Progressive Arts Club. They produced plays, and contributed articles, poems and stories to socialist magazines, such as Masses and New Frontier. As the depression deepened and radical politics became less sectarian, women played a more prominent role in the cultural realm of radical politics. Their increased participation changed the way women were represented in art and literature; women's roles became less stereotypical, and women artists and writers combined both socialist and feminist concerns in their work. The journal New Frontier, founded by Jean "Jim" Watts and edited by two women and two men, provides numerous examples of socialist-feminist writing. Dorothy Livesay, one of the editors and a member of the Communist Party from 1932 to 1937, deserves special attention for her contribution to Canadian literature of social protest.
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Sheng, Yi. "A Post-Communist Picnic." VCU Scholars Compass, 2010. http://scholarscompass.vcu.edu/etd/2166.
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Signaling the moon, packing balls of mud, carving a big sphere, cleaning with a giant unwieldy mop, playing with indigo, wrangling cardboard, setting sunflowers ablaze, playing a tune with a soda bottle, taking a walk with other people’s laundry, kindling smoke signals, weaving a bed, cracking seeds all night, listening to sleep, dressing a plant, these are some of the activities that have been incorporated into my work over the last two years. Most ideas begin in the studio and then are realized outside. Many of the tasks mentioned allow me to easily integrate into a crowd, where the project and I go unnoticed and remain indistinguishable from the buzz of day to day life. Other projects however, have been done with more consideration for its secrecy. The narratives that are incorporated in this thesis, both personal and culled from research, attempt to unpack some of the fleeting yet conceptually interwoven curiosities that have propelled me to search for these experiences.
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Utley, Gertje R. "Picasso : the communist years /." New Haven : Yale university press, 2000. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb376408294.
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Ferro, Ryan C. "Nationalism and the Communists: Re-Evaluating the Communist Guomindang Split of 1927." Scholar Commons, 2019. https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/7785.
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The 1924-1927 United Front period has long been understood within a civil war context. The major revolutionaries of ethnic Han origins and the myriad of Comintern advisors that played significant roles have subsequently all been evaluated in those terms. My work decenters the civil war narrative in order to dislodge the rigid labels that have historically accompanied the identities of the Guomindang and the Chinese Communist Party. When re-evaluating the activities of the First United Front as a loosely defined tactical alliance, the White Terror -perpetrated by the GMD onto Communists and their affiliated members – then becomes a moment of permanent dichotomization of Communist and Nationalists groups. Analyzing the activities of the First United Front without rigid Communist and Nationalists labels, aids in clarifying the organizations actions. Moreover, when viewing these activities within the broader context of a global anti-colonial movement, the shared goals of the tactical alliance become more comparable to many of the ideological tenets driving self-determination in the twentieth century.
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Zumoff, Jacob Andrew. "The Communist Party of the United States and the Communist International, 1919-1929." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2003. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1382502/.
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The American Communist movement, born out of a left-wing split from the American Socialist Party in 1919, was divided into several hostile organisations that understood very little about American politics, culture or society. In its early years, the Communist International (Comintern) repeatedly intervened into the American Party. Far from hindering the Party's understanding and appreciation of American conditions, this intervention helped transform the Party from a marginal sect of isolated immigrants in 1920, to an important part of American politics in the 1930s. This intervention stemmed from the desire of the early Comintern, under the leadership of Lenin and Trotsky, to create an international revolutionary Communist movement. However, in the mid- 1920s, as the leadership and ideology of the Russian Communist party changed. Under the rubric of building 'socialism in one country', the Comintern now intervened more and more to create a stable, Pro-Stalin leadership. The first portion of this thesis, comprising the first four chapters, illustrates how between 1919 and 1923 Comintern intervention was necessary to politically and organisationally construct a Party. The Comintern helped achieve unity amongst the competing groups; forced the Party to take advantage of the opportunities for legal work; compelled the Party to intervene into the labour movement. The next four chapters examine the change in Comintern intervention between 1923 and 1929. During this period, internecine factionalism, increasingly devoid of a political basis,t ore the Party asunder,and sapped its ability to intervene into society. The Comintern continued to intervene, but largely to play one faction off against another. In the aftermath of the 1928 Sixth Congress, the Party leadership purged first its left, Trotskyist wing, led by James P. Cannon, and within the year, the right, Bukharnite, wing, led by Jay Lovestone. The Comintern then installed a pliant leadership that finally ended factionalism and carried the now Stalinised Party into the 1930s.The final chapter analyses the changing Communist perspective on the 'Negro Question', from ignoring black rights to championing the right of Southern blacks to independence. Here, the Comintern, acting on pressure from pioneer black Communists, insisted that the Party address this important issue.At the Sixth Congress, the Comintern adopted the theory that blacks in the American South were a oppressed nationality, and had the right to form a separate state. Whilst this programme was not in accord with reality, it forced the Party to aggressively fight for black rights, so that by the 1930s it was well known for its stand for black liberation.
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Ligot, Jacinto C. "Communist insurgency in the Philippines." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/30553.
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In the post Cold War and the collapse of communism in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, the communist insurgents in the Philippines are still a potent force and the main threat to the county's national security. The purpose of this thesis is to examine the issues that brought about the resurgence of the communist insurgency and the counterinsurgency measures undertaken by the government. Economic disparity and injustice are major reasons for people to take up arms against the government. Unless these are resolved, the insurgency problem will continue to persist. A purely military solution to the problem will not solve the communist insurgency in the Philippines. While the CPP is the most potent threat to the security of the Republic of the Philippines, it is not yet in a position to win militarily against the Armed Forces of the Philippines. In the same manner, the Armed Forces of the Philippines could not totally defeat the insurgents for as long as the basic issues that attract or draw the people to the communist movement are not addressed by the government.
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Uhl, Katharina Barbara. "Building communism : the Young Communist League during the Soviet thaw period, 1953-1964." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:485213b3-415d-4bc1-a896-ea53983c75f8.
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The present study focuses on the activity of the Young Communist League (Komsomol) to promote the communist project during the so-called Thaw period in the Soviet Union (1953-1964). The term ‘communist project’ describes the complex temporal triangle in which the relevance of the present was rooted in its relationship to the heroic past and the bright future. Young people were supposed to emulate the heroism of previous generations while fighting remnants of the undesired past. This was presented as a precondition for achieving the communist future. The structure of this study reflects the chronology of the communist project. It analyzes the rhetoric used by the Young Communist League to promote the communist project and explores the strategies used to mobilize youth for building communism. The first chapter focuses on the organizational structure of the Komsomol and assesses its readiness for this task. Despite attempts to strengthen horizontal communication and control, streamline administration and reorganize its structure, the Komsomol remained hierarchal and bureaucratic. The second chapter explores the promotion of past heroism in rituals, social practices and the use of public space. The third chapter is also concerned with the past; it describes the Komsomol’s fight against ‘remnants of the past’, primarily religion and deviant behaviour such as hooliganism, heavy drinking and laziness. The final chapter focuses on the Komsomol’s attempts during the Thaw to bring about the future: its efforts in the economy, moral, political and cultural education, and the realm of leisure.
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Mishler, Paul C. "The littlest proletariat: American Communists and their children, 1922-1950." Thesis, Boston University, 1988. https://hdl.handle.net/2144/38078.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Boston University<br>PLEASE NOTE: Boston University Libraries did not receive an Authorization To Manage form for this thesis or dissertation. It is therefore not openly accessible, though it may be available by request. If you are the author or principal advisor of this work and would like to request open access for it, please contact us at open-help@bu.edu. Thank you.<br>This is a study of the political culture of the Communist Party of the United States as seen through the activities and programs they organized for children. Beginning in the early 1920s Communist-organized children's activities were designed to transmit the values and ideology of the movement to, what they hoped, would be the next generation of radicals. These activities ranged from children's organizations, such as the Young Pioneers of America, to a variety of after-school programs, cultural groups, and summer camps. Through the use of oral historical sources as well as printed and manuscript documents, this study explores the ways participation in the Communist movement was an aspect of the activists daily lives, intertwined with their concerns about their families and communities.
In providing for the education and socialization of their children, Communists confronted the issue of their own place within American culture. For many, that relationship was structured by their own immigrant backgrounds, and their interest in maintaining their ethnic culture in the face of Americanization. For others, it was the search for those aspects of the American tradition which would be compatable with their radical social and political beliefs.
Embedded in these children's activities were a multiplicity of ideals for what a socialist United States would look like. In the programs they organized for children Communists expressed autopian spirit, which is common to all radical movements. Thus, Communists' ideas about the role of the family and the process of child-rearing, and their attempt to counter the hostile influences of public schools, established religion, and organizations such as the Boy Scouts reflected their concerns about the relationship between themselves and their children and between their families and American society. In the organizations and activities they created for their children the Communists expressed their view of their place in history and their hopes for the future.<br>2031-01-01
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Giri, Mukunds. "Communist movement in Nepal: ideology, strategy and social basis of communist movement under parliamentary system." Thesis, University of North Bengal, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/2558.
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Swift, Ann. "The road to Madiun : the Indonesian communist uprising of 1948 /." Ithaca (N.Y.) : Cornell Modern Indonesia project, Southeast Asia program, Cornell university, 1989. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37484830s.
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Hazareesingh, Sudhir. "Intellectuals and the French communist party : disillusion and decline /." Oxford : Clarendon press, 1991. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb35566713w.
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Piculescu, Violeta. "Studies on the post-communist transition /." Göteborg: Dept. of Economics, School of Economics and Commercial Law [Nationalekonomiska institutionen, Handelshögsk.], 2002. http://www.handels.gu.se/epc/archive/00002026/01/piculescuNE.pdf.
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Giatzidis, Aimilios. "Civil society in post-communist Bulgaria." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.322918.
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Guedes, De Oliveira Marcos Aurelio. "Stalinism and the Brazilian Communist Party." Thesis, University of Essex, 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.306072.
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Tran, Jennifer M. Arch Massachusetts Institute of Technology. "The casino in the communist city." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/43844.
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Thesis (M. Arch.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Architecture, 2008.<br>Includes bibliographical references (p. 43).<br>The casino in the communist city is a contentious place of hidden desires, perceived debauchery and luxury. Accessible only to foreign passport holders, casinos in Ho Chi Minh City (formerly known required by law to be housed in 5-star hotels as one room establishments, tucked away on Entering a casino in HCMC is akin to crossing a border: passports are checked and photocopied and signatures must be signed. The proposed casino re-imagines the program's entrances and the relationship between ... affording both populations subversive and unexpected views. This thesis claims that through subdivision, and contrast, the Vietnamese can partake in the activities of legal gambling without trespassing. Gambling tourists, on the other hand, are knowingly fed through the efficient and luxurious physically separated from - but visually connected to - the rest of the city.<br>by Jennifer Tran.<br>M.Arch.
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Rechel, Bernd. "Minority rights in post-Communist Bulgaria." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.433516.
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Nazarov, M. S. "Democratic transit in post communist countries." Thesis, Видавництво СумДУ, 2012. http://essuir.sumdu.edu.ua/handle/123456789/26084.
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Clark, Rhonda (Rhonda Ingold). "The Communist Party and Soviet Literature." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1994. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc500452/.
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The Communist Party's control of Soviet literature gradually evolved from the 1920s and reached its height in the 1940s. The amount of control exerted over Soviet literature reflected the strengthening power of the Communist Party. Sources used in this thesis include speeches, articles, and resolutions of leaders in the Communist Party, novels produced by Soviet authors from the 1920s through the 1940s, and analyses of leading critics of Soviet literature and Soviet history. The thesis is structured around the political and literary developments during the periods of 1917-1924, 1924-1932, 1932-1941, and 1946-1949. The conclusion is that the Communist Party seized control of Soviet literature to disseminate Party policy, minimize dissent, and produce propaganda, not to provide an outlet for creative talent.
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McNiece, Matthew A. ""Un-Americans" and "Anti-communists" the rhetorical battle to define twentieth-century America /." [Fort Worth, Tex.] : Texas Christian University, 2008. http://etd.tcu.edu/etdfiles/available/etd-12042008-164541/unrestricted/McNiece.pdf.
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Hughes, Hannah Cole. "Contemporary Perspectives on the French Communist Party: A Dying Ideology?" Kent State University Honors College / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ksuhonors1368205610.
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Melich, Jiri S. "The legacy of communist political culture in East-Central Europe, a study of the post-communist mind." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/NQ57616.pdf.
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Simunjak, Maja. "The (de)personalisation of mediated political communication in communist and post-communist societies : the case of Croatia." Thesis, University of East Anglia, 2014. https://ueaeprints.uea.ac.uk/51482/.
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This thesis focuses on the personalisation of mediated political communication and contributes to the personalisation scholarship by adding to it a non-Western perspective. Specifically, that from the communist and post-communist societies, by using Croatia, the latest member of the European Union, and its communist predecessor Yugoslavia, as a case study. The thesis starts from the premise that the political communication is more personalized, i.e. focused on individual political actors and their personae, in communist and post-communist societies, than in Western ones with which personalisation scholarship dominantly deals with. It is also hypothesized that it may have graver consequences than in the West. For example, it may weaken political institutions, sustain authoritarianism, lead to manipulation and deceit of public etc. Accordingly, main research question asked in this thesis is: What are the similarities and differences in the ways in which the personalisation of mediated political communication develops over time in a communist non-democratic system, a post-communist new democracy, and an established Western democracy? The question is answered through a longitudinal content analysis of Yugoslav/Croatian daily newspapers and fuzzy set qualitative comparative analysis. The empirical analyses revealed that the personalized political communication indeed develops in a different way, and is connected to different conditions, in the transitional society, than is the case in established Western democracies. The most important finding of this study is that the mediated political communication was, unlike in Western democracies, de-personalized over time. The theoretical discussion of the possible causes and effects of personalisation in communist and post-communist societies contributes to the development of personalisation theory, and the empirical study provides original evidence of how and why mediated political communication was personalized in non-Western contexts. Furthermore, two new theories are formed that may help explain the personalisation trends in transitional societies. These are continuation theory and democratization theory.
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Melich, Jiri S. Carleton University Dissertation Political Science. "The Legacy of communist political culture in East-Central Europe; a study of the post-communist mind." Ottawa, 1999.
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Doyon, Jérôme. "Rejuvenating communism : the Communist Youth League as a political promotion channel in post-Mao China." Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016IEPP0029/document.
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Comment l’Etat-Parti chinois renouvelle-t-il son élite et maintient-il sa cohésion dans la période post-Maoïste ? Il s’agit d’une question fondamentale pour comprendre l’évolution du système politique chinois. Or, les explications fournies par la littérature sur la question sont loin d’être satisfaisantes. J’aborde ces questions à travers une étude unique du rôle joué par la Ligue des Jeunesses Communistes dans le recrutement et la promotion des cadres de l’Etat-Parti depuis les années 1980. Je montre que du fait de la situation politique de l’après Révolution Culturelle et des besoins en jeunes soutiens de certains dirigeants, un système de « mobilité sponsorisée » s’est développé afin de renouveler l’élite politique chinoise. Des étudiants sont recrutés dès l’université et formés par les organisations de jeunesse du Parti. Ils sont alors placés sur une filière de promotion rapide, avec des opportunités de carrière et de formation uniques. Ce qui les conduit à des postes de dirigeants au sein de l’Etat-Parti. Par ailleurs, à travers les différentes étapes du processus de « mobilité sponsorisée », les jeunes recrues développent un rôle spécifique en tant que futurs cadres dirigeants et transforment leurs cercles de sociabilité. En conséquence, ils renforcent leur engagement politique et donc leur intérêt personnel à la survie du régime. Enfin, la nature décentralisée de l’Etat-Parti, et de ses organisations de jeunesse ; rend difficile pour les jeunes recrues d’établir des groupes cohésifs qui pourraient s’organiser contre l’Etat-Parti lui-même<br>How does the Chinese Party-State renew its political elite and maintain its cohesion in the post-Mao era? This is a key question in order to understand the evolution of China’s political system and still the explanations one can find in the literature are far from satisfactory. I approach these questions through a unique account of the role played by the Chinese Communist Youth League (CYL) in terms of cadres’ recruitment and promotion since the 1980s. I show that due to post-Cultural Revolution politics and the need for leaders at the time to recruit loyal young cadres, a “sponsored mobility” system was developed to renew the Party-State’s elite. College students are recruited and trained through the Party’s youth organizations. They are put then on a unique promotion path, which includes specific opportunities and trainings, and which leads them to leadership position in the Party-State. In addition, through the various steps of the sponsored mobility process, the young recruits develop a specific social role as future officials and transform their social circles. As a result, they cultivate a political commitment to their career in the Party-State and to the survival of the regime. Finally, the decentralized nature of the Party-State and its youth organizations make it difficult for the young recruits to establish cohesive groups which could organize against the Party-State itself
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Lonergan, Gayle. "Paper Communists : The Communist Party and the Peasantry in the Russian Civil War (1918-1921)." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.519800.
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March, Luke. "Communism in transition? : the Communist Party of the Russian Federation in the post-Soviet era." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.343106.
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Gruin, Julian Y. "Communists constructing capitalism : socio-economic uncertainty, Communist party rule, and China's financial development, 1990-2008." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:a70d4158-ac36-477c-accb-37f940071a0d.
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To what extent does China's experience of economic reform since 1989 compel a reconsideration of the ontological foundations of contemporary capitalist development? China's political economy remains characterized by a unique and resilient political structure (the Chinese Communist Party) that penetrates both 'private' (market) and 'public' (state) organizations. The conceptual rootedness of contemporary theories of comparative and international political economy in a distinctly Western historical experience of capitalist development hinders their ability to understand Chinese capitalism on its own terms—as historically, culturally, and globally embedded. To generate greater analytic traction in understanding China's otherwise paradoxical constellation of actors and dynamics, I argue that contemporary capitalism should be studied as a set of mechanisms for managing and exploiting socio-economic uncertainty, rather than according to the binary logics of state regulation and market competition. These mechanisms can be conceptualized as an overarching risk environment. On this basis, I trace how the cognitive frames, social institutions, and relational networks that emerged within the 'socialist market economy' in China's post-Tiananmen financial system have placed the Chinese Communist Party at the nexus of the state and the market. I argue that specific ideas emerged about how to manage the flow of capital, playing a significant role in underpinning expectations of financial growth and stability. During this period the financial system underpinned the CCP's capacity to both manage and exploit socio-economic uncertainty through the path of reform, forming a central explanatory factor in a developmental trajectory marked by a trifecta of rapid economic growth, macroeconomic stability, and deepening socio-economic imbalances. Rather than viewing the path of financial reform in China solely in terms of 'partial' or 'failed' free- market reform, it thus becomes possible to cast China's development in a new light as the product of a more concerted vision of how the financial system would enable a mode of economic development that combined the drive for capital accumulation with the distinctive socio-political circumstances of post-1989 China.
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Gunchev, Konstantin. "Party system fragmentation in post-communist Bulgaria." Click here for download, 2007. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1296099121&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=3260&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Cartwright, Andrew L. "Implementing land reform in post-Communist Romania." Thesis, University of Warwick, 1999. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/3843/.
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This thesis examines the implementation of ownership reforms following the collapse of Communist rule in Romania in 1989. It concentrates upon the rural sector and, in particular, the question of what to do with the collective farms. The aim has been to provide a critical account of the roots of the post-Communist land question, going back as far as the agrarian situation in the last century. To this end, regard is had to the land question in the pre-Communist era, concentrating on the efforts made by the state to create a sustainable system of land tenure. The second part of the work investigates how the Communist regime reformed land use and agricultural production, in particular, the methods by which the private control of land was transformed during collectivisation. In this way, the recent land reforms are linked to a much longer history of struggle over land. The objective has been to examine the legal process of implementing post-Communist land reforms as a means whereby history is rewritten, both nationally and locally. The land reforms are, partly, the official recognition of abuses committed by the former regime and yet, they are also a means of restructuring the country's agricultural sector. As in other countries in eastern Europe, Communist rule in Romania transformed a predominantly agrarian society into an industrial one. Before the Communists almost three-quarters of the population lived and worked on the land. By the time President Nicolae Ceausescu fell, the proportion was less than a third. The land question in post-Communist Romania centred on the extent to which the need to compensate former landowners could direct the content of reform.
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Merridale, Catherine Anne. "The Communist Party in Moscow 1925-1932." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 1987. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/1409/.
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The thesis examines the Communist Party in Moscow between 1925 and 1932. Its structure, role and membership are studied, together with its relationship with the population of Moscow. A study is also made of politics in the period, with special reference to the oppositions of the 1920's. Four broad problems are discussed. The first is the relationship between the central Party leadership and the Moscow Committee. Second is the role of the grassroots activist in political life. Thirdly, the failure of the oppositions is studied in detail. Finally, popular influence over the Party is examined with a view to discussing how far the revolution had been 'betrayed' in this period. It is found that the Moscow Committee was less autonomous than other regional organs, but that grassroots initiative played an important part in political life. In general, people were reluctant to engage in formal opposition. This largely explains the defeat of the Left and Right oppositions, who failed to attract significant support. The majority of Muscovites remained apathetic or hostile to the Party, but a core of committed activists within it was responsible for many of the period's achievements. To the extent that they supported and even initiated policy, Stalin's 'great turn' included an element of 'revolution from below'.
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Driscoll, Claire. "Attitudes Concerning Immigration in Post-Communist Europe:." Thesis, Boston College, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:108434.
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Thesis advisor: Rosen Valchev<br>The current rise in nationalist sentiments and emphasis on developing immigration policies around the world led to the question of how have attitudes towards immigration and non-native people affected the differences in economic growth across post-communist countries in the Central and Eastern Europe regions? Using survey data from two waves of the World Value Survey as well as quantitative control data and proxy variables, this study contradicts expectations based on current literature in that it shows how negative attitudes towards others are correlated with higher growth. Such results demonstrate what could be a recurring phenomenon for countries in transition. However, the possibilities of inaccurate survey responses and data limitations due to survey inconsistencies must be kept in mind. The following research is not an all-encompassing answer to the aforementioned question. Instead, it illustrates a divergence from current literature and demonstrates a need for continuous investigation into how personal values are affecting nations as a whole<br>Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2019-05-01<br>Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences<br>Discipline:<br>Discipline:<br>Thesis advisor:
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Gjoci, Nina Nazmije. "Remaking Albania: Public Memory of Communist Past." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1525868882263365.
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Green, David Alexander. "The Czechoslovak Communist Party's revolution, 1986-1990." Thesis, University of Strathclyde, 2014. http://digitool.lib.strath.ac.uk:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=24879.
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This thesis argues that the Czechoslovak Communist Party (KSČ) and its policies precipitated the course of Czechoslovakia’s 1989 revolution. It draws upon both opposition and Communist Party documents across twenty-five state, regional and local archives in the Czech and Slovak republics, as well as secret police reports, interview testimony, audiovisual materials and newspaper reports to offer a comprehensive reappraisal of both Czechoslovakia’s 1989 revolution, and the last few years of Communist rule which preceded it. This thesis analyses the responses of grassroots, district and regional Communist Party committees to the KSČ leadership’s own version of perestroika, known as‘přestavba’ (restructuring), between 1986 and 1989. In contrast to Michal Pullmann’s (2011) work, which focussed only on the Party ‘elite’, the contention presented here is that the KSČ leadership used přestavba to put more responsibility onto local officials,whilst simultaneously preventing reform of the top Party structures. Local Party minutes show how this led to increased resentment and distrust among the Party membership,which affected the extent to which přestavba’s policies were implemented. The instability which přestavba caused also manifested itself in the official Socialist Youth Union (SSM). Newspaper reports, interviews and Party minutes show how přestavba caused tensions within the SSM membership as it tried to remain both relevant and representative of young people, and at the same time maintain its loyalties to the KSČ.Secret police and local opposition reports show that, after 17 November 1989, the SSM not only opposed the KSČ’s reaction to the emerging political crisis, but that in doing so spread news of the revolution and encouraged strike action. The KSČ’s own responses during the revolution, never subject to any serious historical analysis, are also offered here. Mirroring the approach taken by James Krapfl (2009), who studied Czechoslovakia’s revolution from the perspective of the ‘winners’ and drew extensively on local and regional opposition documents, this thesis looks at the losing side by drawing on equivalent regional and local Communist Party sources. The tensions přestavba caused affected the Party’s ability to handle the demands made on it during November and December 1989. And having been encouraged to find their ownsolutions to the crisis, local functionaries and the Party grassroots decided instead to reject both the Party leadership and přestavba itself.
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Diamanti, Filio. "Communist and Labourist paths to 'new times'." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/19683.
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This thesis is about the changing idea of socialism in post-war Britain with emphasis on the period leading up to, and following from the emergence of Thatcherism as a successful political force. Its focus is upon the interrelation between theory and policy statements in regard to the Labour Party and the Communist Party of Great Britain. As necessarily bound up with the interrelation, the New Left's theoretical understanding of Marxist categories of analysis, are discussed in the light of political theory and practice. The main focus is on how Marxism is gradually transformed, especially in the analysis of 'New Times', from an ideology of rupture into one of adaptation in the 1980s, an era where belief in collectivism was rejected in favour of the discursive, individual subject which has only a plural identity. A discussion of the importance of Marxist categories of analysis is also attempted in connection with the Left's analysis of the changing political environment. Party programmes and other statements are used as a basis for examining the theoretical understanding of socialism; the writings of the most influential of the British and Continental theorists are also discussed. The theoretical debates of the 1950s to the 1970s are surveyed as the starting point for an understanding of the political and theoretical approaches adopted in the 1980s. Finally, an assessment of the use of Marxist categories of analysis such as exploitation is undertaken in order to show how the re-thinking of these categories in relation to the idea of socialism has influenced the left's theory and practice in the epoch of 'New Times'.
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Hitrov, Todor Stoyanov. "Civil-Military relations in post-communist countries." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Mar%5FHitrov.pdf.
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Zhang, Yang. "Taming factions in the Chinese Communist party." Diss., University of Iowa, 2016. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/2170.
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How does the Chinese Communist Party tame factions from breaking it apart? Relying on thousands of biographies, the dissertation attempts to uncover the complex network of Chinese political elites and investigate how institutions constrain the expansion of factions.
First, it finds that the rule of avoidance has been effectively implemented. Native provincial officials are often assigned with secondary party positions, especially so in deeply indebted provinces that are heavily reliant on the central government for fiscal transfer. Second, the centralization of the disciplinary inspection system helps maintain the momentum of the anticorruption campaign since the 2012 leadership succession. Compared to native officials, the officials who were transferred from a different province or a central government agency are likely to investigate much more corrupt party cadres in their jurisdictions. Third, when it comes to promotions of provincial party secretaries, many performance-based criteria appear to be less important than factional ties. Good economic performance such as fast GDP growth does not increase a provincial party secretary’s odds to join the Politburo. However, the effects of factional ties are mixed. For example, family ties to a top party leader greatly increase the likelihood of promotion, but college ties disadvantage the candidates. Finally, the dissertation shows that network centrality in the Central Committee is a strong predictor of the outcomes of the Politburo turnover. The network centrality is positively associated with party seniority, but due to the age limits, it cannot grow without a ceiling.
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Kositz, Bryce. "The 1911 revolution in communist Chinese propaganda." Thesis, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vPK_BWtROzg&list=PL8rZPGPMzfuK7yVuY31rWGFkHM_DF1ItU&index=10, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/13633.
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Have any of you visited another English speaking country, like the US? They speak English, but slightly differently from out here. For example, if you go to Maccas and ask for chips in the US, you’ll get potato chips, not the deep fried strips of potato you call chips. You have to ask for fries. And when you come back to Australia after a long trip there, you might accidently go to Macca’s and ask for fries. You’d laugh it off and correct yourself, no harm done, right? But imagine that people who heard your slip up did think it made you bad person. The coworker you came with is so shocked by your choice of words that they spread rumors about you at work. In fact, the only place you can find work any longer is that same Maccas.
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Lau, Chi-Chuen. "A journey of the repressed in Zhang Xianling's self-fictionalization." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2001. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/29569/.
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The dissertation studies the fictional journey of Zhang Xianliang from the viewpoint of political unconscious. Zhang has been under different kinds of labour reform and re-education in mainland China for twenty-two years. The experience is too painful to recall, yet too feared to be forgotten. The repressed trauma of Zhang is therefore displaced and disguised in the fictional language of reform, remembrance, love, sex and death. Each language fulfils one layer of Zhang's hidden wishes. Yet the desiring chain moves on with new forms of substitutions until death. The study investigates his unconscious psyche from the Historical subtexts of conflicting impulses between body and mind, self and Other, individual and socialist Ideological State Apparatuses, and the residual, dominant and emerging modes of production.
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Parsons, Stephen Robert. "Communism in the professions : the organisation of the British Communist Party among professional workers, 1933-1956." Thesis, University of Warwick, 1990. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/34723/.
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This thesis is a historical study of middle-class members of the Communist Party of Great Britain. Although it is principally concerned with the period from 1933 to 1956 some attention is given to the Party's first decade and the years immediately after the great upheaval of 1956. The thesis examines the reasons why middle-class people were attracted to the Communist Party; the various cultural and political initiatives they were involved in and their changing role in the CP. The work describes the way middle-class Communists drew upon their professional and technical skills to contribute to the life of the Party and its political campaigns. Attention is also given to the relationship of middle-class Communists both to their working-class fellow members and to the Party leadership and how these relationships developed and changed over time. The thesis revises various previously accepted characterisations of middle-class Communists which have emphasised the superficial nature of their commitment to the CP in the late 1930s or concentrated attention on those who became entangled in the world of spying. The most important aspect of the study, however, is the examination of the way in which Communists in the professions related their Communism to their work and how in turn their professional concerns and attitudes influenced their politics. To this end detailed studies have been made of the political and occupational activities of Communists in three professional groups - architects, psychologists and school teachers.
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Hardman, Helen. "The Communist Party National Conferences in the Soviet Union, Hungary and Yugoslavia 1988: Institutional Choice and Communist Party Power." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.491382.
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This thesis is a comparative study of three communist party national conferences held in the Soviet Union, Hungary and Yugoslavia between May and June 1955. New evidence, from archival materials and interviews conducted in these countries, shows how the conferences were convened in consonance with one another and how actors in these states collaborated for the purpose of modernising their respective parties with a view to rebuilding the party's legitimacy and maintaining the one-party state.
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Papiau, Danielle. "Psychiatrie, psychanalyse et communisme : essai de sociobiographie des psychiatres communistes (1924 – 1985)." Thesis, Paris 10, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA100191/document.
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Cette thèse se donne pour objet les relations entre psychiatrie, psychanalyse et communisme durant la période 1934-1985, du Front populaire au déclin du PCF dans les années 1980. Elle étudie cette histoire dans sa relation au courant réformateur de l’ordre psychiatrique institué par la loi sur les aliénés du 30 juin 1838 qui émerge dans le champ médical dans les années trente, jusqu’à la normalisation du sous-champ de la psychiatrie publique à la fin des années 80, courant conforté par l’introduction en France de la psychanalyse. A partir de l’analyse des trajectoires biographiques des psychiatres communistes et de la biographie collective du groupe qu’ils constituent en 1945, il s’agit d’articuler l’analyse compréhensive des raisons d’agir avancées par les acteurs et l’objectivation des positions occupées, tant au plan professionnel qu’au plan politique, dans la perspective d’un engagement partisan rapporté à son insertion dans l’histoire sociale du groupe des psychiatres publics. Articulant sociologie des mobilisations et sociologie des professions, l’étude se centre sur les formes d’hybridation sociale pratique et intellectuelle qui se nouent dans l’action entre pratiques militantes et activité professionnelle vécue comme un engagement.Après avoir mis au jour les dispositions des acteurs et les événements qui créent les prémisses d’une identité de psychiatre communiste, seront étudiées l’action conjointe des mécanismes d’homogénéisation et d’encadrement mis en place par le PCF et les appropriations réalisées par les acteurs, en relation avec les différentes configurations de l’entreprise militante et les reconfigurations de l’espace professionnel. On montre en quoi le capital acquis dans l’espace professionnel est mis au service des objectifs de l’entreprise politique, et en quoi le capital militant est une ressource dans les luttes de reconnaissance de la psychiatrie dans le champ médical. Dans le jeu de ces interactions se construit une identité de psychiatre communiste appelée à se rénover suite à la crise internationale du communisme de 1956 et à l’autonomisation de la psychiatrie qui se réalise en 1968.A la différence d’autres espaces médicaux spécialisés, la nature de l’objet de la psychiatrie, la maladie mentale, met en jeu des conceptions indissociablement médicales et philosophiques quant à la nature de l’individu, à son rapport au monde social et aux normes qui définissent le normal et le pathologique. A ce titre les débats qui traversent la psychiatrie ne sont pas indépendants des controverses philosophiques et du développement des sciences sociales. L’étude s’inscrit donc aussi dans une sociologie historique des intellectuels et dans la problématique du rapport des professions intellectuelles avec le politique. Sont aussi interrogées, les relations entre professions intellectuelles et cadres ouvriers devenus des intellectuels d’institution au sein de l’intellectuel collectif communiste, le lien entre discours savant et discours politique, et les tensions entre définition identitaire et clôture du groupe, et vocation messianique impliquant une ouverture aux évolutions du monde social. En modulant l’image d’un affrontement irréconciliable entre marxisme et psychanalyse, la thèse met au jour un lien fort, fait d’alliances et de concurrences entre le marxisme et la psychanalyse, contre les conceptions biologiques du psychisme<br>This thesis focuses on the relationship between psychiatry, psychoanalysis and communism during the period 1934-1985, from the Popular Front period to the years of decline of the French Communist Party (FCP) in the 1980s. It investigates this history regarding its relation with the reformist trend in the psychiatric environment organized under the law on the insane dated June 30, 1838 which emerges out of the medical field in the thirties until the normalization of the public psychiatry subfield at the end of the eighties, reinforced by the introduction in France of the psychoanalysis.Based on the analysis of the biographical career of the communist psychiatrists and the collective biography of the group they constitute in 1945, the purpose is to articulate the comprehensive analysis of the cases for action put forward by the actors with the objectification of their held positions, in their career as well as politically, in the context of a political commitment considered in relation with the shared history of the public psychoanalysts group. Articulating the sociology of political mobilizations and the sociology of careers, the investigation focuses on the various kinds of social, practical and intellectual hybridization that are formed in the action between militant practices and professional activity experienced as a political commitmentAfter having brought to light the players’ capacities and the events that create the premises of a communist psychiatrist identity, we will investigate, the joint action of the mechanisms of homogenization and supervision put in place by the FCP and the appropriations realized by the considered psychiatrists, in relation with the different configurations of the activist undertaking and the reconfigurations of the professional field.We show how the know how gained in the professional field is brought at the service of the political undertaking targets and how the acquired militant know how is used as a resource in the struggles for recognition of psychiatry in the medical field. In the course of these interactions, an identity of communist psychiatry is built up and required to be updated after both the international crisis of communism in 1956 and the fact that psychiatry becomes a self- sustaining part of psychiatry in the years near to1968. As opposed to other specialized medical fields, the nature of the object of psychiatry, mental illness, involves profound logical interrelationships, medical and philosophical conceptions as to the nature of the individual, his relation to the society and the norms which segregate the normal from the pathological. In this respect, the debates that go through psychiatry are not independent of the philosophical controversies and the development of the social sciences. This essay is thus part of a historiological sociology of intellectuals including the issue of the relations between the intellectual professions and politics. Are also discussed,the relationsips between intellectual professions and workers' leaders reaching the position of political institution’s intellectuals within the communist collective intellectual, the link between scholarly and political discourses, and the tensions between assertion of identity and the lock of the group and messianic vocation implying to be opened to the social world evolutions. Modulating the image of an irreconcilable confrontation between Marxism and psychoanalysis, the thesis reveals a strong link, made of alliances and competitions between Marxism and psychoanalysis against the biological conceptions of the psyche
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Raman, Parvathi. "'Being an Indian communist the South African way' : the influence of Indians in the South African Communist Party, 1934-1952." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2002. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/29274/.
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The Indians that settled in South Africa were differentiated by class, caste, religion, language and region of origin. Whilst some Indians were imported as indentured labourers to work on the sugar plantations in Natal, others came as merchants and traders and set up businesses in South Africa. In this thesis, I consider the historical background to the construction of 'Indianness' in South Africa, where the idea of 'community', a contested and transformative concept, called upon existing cultural traditions brought from India, as well as new ways of life that developed in South Africa. Crucially, central to the construction of 'Indianness' were notions of citizenship and belonging within their new environment. I look at the ways in which sections of the Indian 'community' were radicalised through fighting for democratic rights and citizenship in South Africa, and subsequently joined the South African Communist Party. With Indian South African communists, there was, I argue, a complex articulation between the influence of Gandhi and the Indian national movement, socialism and class politics, and the circumstances of their new social and political landscape. Historically, Indians have been disproportionately represented in the South African Communist Party in relation to their numbers in wider South African society. They have played an important part in the development of political strategies within the party and, in particular, have contributed to the ongoing debate on the relationship between nationalism and socialism and the practical application of this in party work. In this thesis, I look at the role of Indians in the South African Communist Party and consider the social, cultural and political influences that they brought to the organisation. I examine how these traditions were woven into new forms of political resistance within the CP, and how these fed into the Defiance Campaign of 1952.
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GORGA, Beatrice. "Realities in Transformation: from Realised Socialism to Realised Transition." Doctoral thesis, La Sapienza, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/11573/916884.
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