Tesis sobre el tema "Communisme – Opinion publique – 1900-1945"
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Oberloskamp, Eva. "Fremde neue Welten : Die Wahrnehmung der Sowjetunion in den Reiseberichten deutscher und französischer Linksintellektueller zwischen den Weltkriegen". Paris 4, 2008. http://www.theses.fr/2008PA040250.
Texto completoDurant les années de l’entre-deux-guerres, de nombreux intellectuels de gauche sont partis, pour la « nouvelle Russie », pleins de curiosité et d’espoir, afin de voir de leurs propres yeux la première tentative sérieuse de réaliser a�� grande échelle l’utopie du socialisme. Beaucoup d’entre eux n’ont pas cessé, après leur retour, de croire à la viabilité du projet bolchevique et ont pris ouvertement position en faveur de l’Union soviétique. Le présent travail analyse comment des intellectuels de gauche français et allemands ont perçu et jugé l’Union soviétique au cours de leurs voyages, et quels facteurs sous-tendaient ces perceptions et ces jugements. L’étude démontre que la plupart des intellectuels pris en compte n’étaient pas aveugles par rapport aux réalités soviétiques. Or, malgré les perceptions souvent critiques, de nombreux voyageurs ont adopté une attitude favorable, voire apologétique. Les perceptions et les jugements portés sur l’Union soviétique ne s’expliquent pas seulement par l’influence exercée de la part des hôtes soviétiques, mais aussi par les attentes qui étaient projetées sur la « nouvelle Russie » et par les schémas d’interprétation, les visions du monde et les idées et valeurs politiques qui étaient à la base des appréciations de l’URSS. La comparaison franco-allemande montre qu’il existait – en fonction de la culture politique respective – des voies très différentes menant à une attitude positive par rapport à l’expérience bolchevique
A large number of left-wing intellectuals travelled to the “New Russia” in the years between the two World Wars. They were full of curiosity and hope to see with their own eyes the first wide-ranging and serious attempt at realising Socialism. Well after their return many continued not only to believe in the feasibility of the Bolshevik experiment, but enthusiastically supported it. This study analyses how German and French left-wing intellectuals viewed the Soviet Union during their voyages and how their perceptions and assessments came about. It shows that most of the intellectuals assessed in this work were not blind to negative Soviet realities. But in spite of what they saw, they still assumed a positive, often even an apologetic position towards the Soviet Union. This cannot be explained simply by the manipulations of their Soviet hosts. Underlying reasons for such positions were the ideological preconceptions with which each approached the Soviet Union. The analysis reveals important differences in this regard between the French and German perspectives
Bourrinet, Philippe. "Aux origines du courant communiste international des conseils : la Gauche communiste hollandaise (1907-1950) : du tribunisme au conseillisme". Paris 1, 1988. http://www.theses.fr/1988PA010553.
Texto completoThe 'dutch marxist school', a revolutionary current represented most by gorter and pannekoek, arrose at the turn of the century. In opposition to the 'reformism' and 'opportunism' of the 2. International, it was first supported by lenin, before he rebuffed them in 1920. During the german revolution (1918-21), they became the theoretical leaders of the "councils movement" (aau, kapd), standing up against unionism and parlamentarism. This communist 'dutch-german' left - hostile to the russian state policy - was expelled from komintern in 1921. The council communist current fought the 'party communism' and the 'state communism'. After 1933 this one 'withdrew' to the netherlands and took over the theoretical head of the concilist groups who had escaped from the german catastrophe. Hostile to any political organization, the dutch gic of pannekoek and canne-meijer disappeared in 1940. Despite a short revival in 1945 (spartacusbond), the dutch 'councilism' little by little faded away. After 1968 the councilism had a significant ideological influence by its rejection of all political and trade unionist apparatus of the 'old workers' movement', which the rank and file of the workers often criticise. 'Councilism' today has many similarities with the old anarchist current
Galloux-Fournier, Bernadette. "Voyageurs français aux Etats-Unis, 1919-1939 : contribution à l'étude d'une image de l'Amérique /". Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 1987. http://www.theses.fr/1987IEPP0009.
Texto completoThe thesis can be divided into three parts : the first one describes the Franco-American relationships background during inter-war years. The historical context is analysed insisting on connexions between the two countries. Then the author try to mesure what French people knows about United States by literature, press, school or direct knowledge of the country. It springs out of this first part that, facing of convulsive European civilization, America sets up, an take a primary place in French opinion. The second part deals with transmission of knowledge about United States. It appears that written documents remain at that time, a major vector ; thus, books and articles abound on the subject. Now, studies, articles and narrations on America, published during inter-war years are, most often, consequences of one or several transatlantic travels. In this way, they appear as statements on United-States. The author tries, in front of the large amount and the diversity of these written documents, to classify them and to mesure their influence on French opinion. The third part lightens the contents of these statements ; they carry…
Blanchard, Pascal. "Nationalisme et colonialisme : Idéologie coloniale, discours sur l'Afrique et les Africains de la Droite nationaliste française, des années 30 à la Révolution Nationale". Paris 1, 1994. http://www.theses.fr/1994PA010596.
Texto completoThe nationalist, reactionary, fascist and "maurrassienne" right elaborate from the 1930's a discourse and a spedifici ideology about the colonial attempt. Since 1880-1910 the nationalist right express an "anticolonialism" until its understanding of the empire during the 20's about which the final will be the imperial glorification, mainly during the Vichy period : the "revolution nationale". The purpose of this study is to present the structure and the influence of the colonial ideology of the "droites". In this outline, the main point studied is the france colonial domain of africa, which is the main concern of the different right parties from the 1920's to 1940-1944. Then it is underlined a "representation" of the Africa and the African natives during this period. This thesis is based upon the analysis of the printing press corpus which represent all the tendancies of the right, and also an investigation to a representative sample of the extreme right and at last this study of the literature during the period. This thesis underline the position of the french right in the colonial structure and its ascendancy on an important fringe of the politic opinion besides the left colonial "ideology" and the "parti colonial". We hope to show throw this study that the french extreme right has a specific colonial ideology and. .
Geiger, Wolfgang. "L'image de la France dans l'Allemagne hitlérienne et pendant l'après-guerre immédiat". Nantes, 1996. http://www.theses.fr/1996NANT3007.
Texto completoThis analysis of the image of france and the french is based on about a hundred of monographs (political and historical works, journalistic reports, memories of soldiers). Concerning the war period, we have also exploited the weekly das reich and special reviews as well as archive documents dealing with the perception of the french by the german authorities and with their cultural propaganda. The analysis demonstrates that until 1938, in the context of hitler's peace propaganda", different views of the french could coexist: first, friedrich sieburg's approach which was nevertheless marked by a sentiment of "love and hate", second, paul distelbarth's francophile approach (eclipsed by the defense of nazi germany in the french edition of his book); and third, the ethno-racism of the so-called "raciologues". But all tendencies agreed on the antithetical opposition between french and german "being", culminating in the idea that the french work for living whereas the german live for working. But different political judgements about the degree of "french guiltiness" in this war were opposing each other even in the propaganda writings of 1939 40. Behind the problems of tactics which dominated during the occupation of france, concerning the question of collaboration from the german point of view, the stereotypical perception of the french was intensified, but more than one author revealed a sentiment of ambiguity or even of "love and hate" in a sieburgian way, at least by being jealous of the status of the intellectuals and more generally of culture in france. Were the french able to change their attitude after german victory and under the pressure of collaboration, this was the question dominating the writings about vichy france. The last part of the thesis points out in which mesure many of these stereotypes persisted in occupied western germany, beyond the political turn of 1945
Baranek, Clara. "Entre sphère publique et sphères privées : la défaite communicationnelle du parti communiste polonais, 1945-1989". Grenoble 3, 1999. http://www.theses.fr/1999GRE39002.
Texto completoLemonidou, Elli. "La Grèce vue de France pendant la première guerre mondiale, entre censure et propagandes". Paris 4, 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007PA040016.
Texto completoThis thesis examines the way in which France considered Greece during the First World War. It sets out to analyze the network of information on Greek issues that France established, as well as to define and evaluate the resulting influence that it had on the French attitude to Greece during the war. The question of “information” is one of the most complexes of the Great War because it raises controversial issues of propaganda and censorship. The French authorities resorted to propaganda in order to orientate and shape public opinion, while the tendency of other bodies such as the Press Bureau of the French Ministry of War was to control the flow of both national and foreign information and to conceal from the French some of the realities of the war. While studying the role and importance of French propaganda and censorship organizations, this work also considers propaganda developed in Greece, which was geared towards French public opinion. The purpose of this thesis is, through the specific example of how France perceived Greece during the Great War, to elucidate the nature of information during this period in history and to evaluate the extent in which it came to influence and dominate public opinion
DURAND, JEAN DANIEL DELBREIL JEAN CLAUDE. "L'OPINION MOSELLANE FACE A LA POLITIQUE ALLEMANDE JANVIER 1933 - SEPTEMBRE 1939 /". [S.l.] : [s.n.], 1998. ftp://ftp.scd.univ-metz.fr/pub/Theses/1998/Durand.Jean_Daniel.LMZ9801.pdf.
Texto completoJesné, Fabrice. "Les nationalités balkaniques dans le débat politique italien, de l'Unité au lendemain des Guerres Balkaniques (1861-1913) : entre invention scientifique, solidarité méditerranéenne et impérialisme adriatique". Paris 1, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009PA010612.
Texto completoBrüning, Franziska. "La France et Heinrich Brüning : un chancelier allemand dans la perception française". Dijon, 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007DIJOL013.
Texto completoThe political role of Brüning is a classic topic mainly within German historical science. Research questions usually focus on his political options and constraints regarding domestic as well as foreign relations levels. It becomes apparent that France’s policy toward Brüning can be best described as a blockade policy. Brüning did not possess the diplomatic skills of Stresemann. As a result, despite the Locarno Agreement, both countries contributed to the deterioration of French-German relations. Research on France’s policy toward Germany usually centers on political, economical or strategic aspects. A crucial question in this context has thus far been omitted: How did the French assess the chancellor and how did this image of Brüning influence France’s policy toward Germany? The methodical approach in this paper is derived from research on international relations. This separate branch within historical science deals with the impact of images and perceptions on international relations and provides a theoretical framework for research on the difficult question of the influence of public opinion on the formulation of foreign policies. Our analysis shows that the whole of France shared a common perception of Brüning. It becomes evident that Brüning revived old French fears of Germany and that France lacked a consistent strategy for dealing with its neighbor. The Brüning government’s methods with regard to foreign affairs and the underestimating of the national socialist danger in France contributed to a situation where emotionally and culturally loaded reasoning within the French political discourse became the basis for the formulation of the foreign policy alignment
Agostino, Marc. "Le Pape Pie XI et l'opinion : 1922-1939 : une stratégie pontificale en matière d'opinion publique : ses résultats en France et en Italie". Lyon 3, 1986. http://www.theses.fr/1986LYO31005.
Texto completoSpreading a coherent message among the public appears as the main priority of the pontificate of pope pius xi. It was done with the view of restoring the belief in christ in contemporany societies and implied the setting up of real strategy in the matter of public opinion, and a definite policy toward the press in particular. This book focuses on a global survey of the pontificate with this aiminview; ataking the study of the press in france and italy as a starting point, it assesses the impact of this- policy on the catholics as well as on the other layers of the population. The election of the pontiff and his death are privileged times when on can size up the evolution of the image of pius xi during his reign, and note the unanimity prevailing at the time of his death. The pontificate, which is chronologically analysed. Keeping this strategy as a guideline, resolves on two periods the watershed being the years 1929-1930. Up to then, the pope had launched the doctrinal grounds for his action and found solutions to the serious problems that hampered the papal strategy. From 1931 to 1939, after a period of time when the pope was unaninously praised for his political views, pius xi, magnified by his illness, took up strong publics positions on important matters in 1937-1938. He appears, in france in particular, as the defender of the rights of man and in both countries as the pope of peace and herald of christian values
Teulières, Laure. "Français et italiens dans la France méridionale de la fin de la Grande guerre au sortir de l'occupation : opinion et représentations réciproques". Toulouse 2, 1997. http://www.theses.fr/1997TOU20039.
Texto completoItalian immigration which reached south western france at the beginning of the twenties had a major impact in local rural communities. To better understand the relations between the french and the italians, it is necessary to assess the reactions of public opinion as it was confronted with this migration. Hence this study lays emphasis on a plural approach which combines an analysis of both the sociological data on the issue and the social discourse it generated. To do so it is essential to take into account the various systems of representations at work in southern french society as well as the interactions induced by the differences of opinion within the two populations. At first, demographic preoccupation coupled with a general agreement on the benefits of an increased labour force eased the acceptance of this immigration. The shared rural values contributed to the shaping of a favourable representation among local people. In the midst of conflicts revolving around fascism, ideological references had a pivotal role as they determined contrasted reactions of either hostility or friendship ; the political and communal organisation of migrants had a long lasting influence on these reactions. Despite its overall importance in the expression of public opinion, the political issue was not the only one relevant. Catholicity, the manner professional relations were then conducted, the mutual perception of cultural practices, etc. Permit to achieve a more thorough comprehension of the manifestations of opinion which characterised this migratory encounter. From the late thirties to june 1944 (french liberation) this period of crisis gave rise to tensions. The global context, the consequences of the italian declaration of war against france and the new scissions resulting from german occupation combined to transform the representations at work in the public opinion and modified the relations between french and italians
Bonnefoi, Nadine. "Le Temps : les conflits austro-serbes et leurs retentissements : 1903-1918". Paris 1, 1997. http://www.theses.fr/1997PA010592.
Texto completoProblems and in the austro-serb opposition by looking at their consequences on independent but often inspired by the official politicy of the different governments, it has for a long time been on the side of the integrity of the great empires and the distinction of the union blocks rather than on the side of Balkan claims for independence which were more threatening for the general the world conflict brought le temps to admit, then to claim, the end of the looking at the wole period, its analysis of the national Serb and south- contributed to the apathy of the public opinion wich could not understand the real national problems and gave its implicit support to its leaders
Serodes, Fabrice. "Au-delà des lieux communs : dirigeants français et britanniques face à l'anglophobie de Fachoda à Mers el-Kébir". Tours, 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007TOUR2019.
Texto completo"Beyond Anglo-French prejudices. French and British leaders facing anglophobia from Fashoda (1898) to Mers el-Kébir (1940)". Had anglophobia a decisive impact on the policy-making of French and British leaders at the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th centuries? This dissertation relies on official and local documents, as a means of testing whether anglophobia, defined as a "systematic" hatred of Britain, had penetrated the elites. Although certain individuals in this period are more anglophobic than others, they do not manage to construct a coherent grouping. At the opposite end of spectrum, a long tradition of anglophilia was rejuvenated by the 1904 Entente cordiale. Many elites tried to develop ever closer ties between France and Britain, throughout the period. The term "anglophobia" is not therefore appropriate to describe relations between Britain and France at this time. It is the view of this thesis that "historical myths" is a more fitting and nuanced descriptor
Beynet, Michel. "L'image de l'Amérique dans la culture italienne de l'entre-deux-guerres". Grenoble 3, 1989. http://www.theses.fr/1989GRE39025.
Texto completoThis piece of research aims at defining what America (USA) meant for Italian culture between world war one and world war two, namely, what the way America was interpreted by the Italian indirectly revealed about their culture. It makes an analysis by themes of what the Italian have written about America, its films and its literature, and of the interpretations of America which can be found in Italian literature. Fascism has had only little effect on this image, whereas the presence in America of many ill-integrated Italian immigrants has probably increased misunderstanding of America in Italy; the Italian saw America through its cities - particularly New York and its center Manhattan - but they hardly perceived at all its industrial, democratic and protestant aspects. A symbol of the importance of catholicism and of family in Italian culture, and of the fascination exerted by Hollywood in Italy, the free American woman occupies a place in the Italian image of America. The popularity of American film and of Jack London in Italy means that the Italian were fascinated by an adventurous America, whereas Italian literature is confirmation of the role played by American woman and Italian emigration in the Italian image of America
Ducange, Jean-Numa. "Élaborer, écrire et diffuser l'histoire de la "Grande Révolution française" dans les social-démocraties allemande et autrichienne, 1889-1934". Rouen, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009ROUEL029.
Texto completoFor several decades, the "Great French Revolution" was a privileged object of study for the German and Austrian Social Democrats. From the centenary of 1889 to the triumph of National Socialism, the Social Democrats strove to offer a particular reading of the French Revolution of 1789-1799 that was extension of the first analyses of Marx, Engels and Lassalle. Although substantial, their output was not confined to simply the mass of books written on this theme. Taking its distance from traditional manners of looking at the history of ideas and organisations, this dissertation tries to understand how an historical reference is inscribed in the framework of an organisation and the debates which traverse it, with the help of hitherto underutilised sources (pamphlets, workers' almanachs, journals and party educational material. . . ) The history of the French Revolution is viewed multi-perspectivally, a method which allows one to measure the influence of French historiography in Social Democratic circles in the germanophone countries, whilst also casting another light on the "classics" on the Revolution such as the works of Jean Jaurès and Albert Mathiez
Gayme, Évelyne. "L'image des prisonniers de guerre français de la Seconde guerre mondiale : 1940-2000". Paris 10, 2002. http://www.theses.fr/2002PA100127.
Texto completoContrarily to World War One prisoners of war, those of World War Two have never been forgotten. Owing to the movie La Grande Illusion, which came out in 1937 and again in 1946, prisoners were in all minds, especially as every family knew a prisoner personally. A basic image spread, in which the French people recognized themselves : prisoners were victims, average Frenchmen. This image was created during the war and carried on, owing to movies, literature and the self-censored witnesses who agreed with the existing image. As prisoners of war feared they had to justify themselves for the French defeat, censored themselves and selected the tales they chose to tell. However the public opinion's view was only negative during summer and autumn of 1945, on account of the Pétain trial. But prisoners of war were officially proclaimed fighting men as from 1949. This image, though constantly present in society, did not alter much and at that only with the abilities of identification and the expectations of the French people. The prisoner of war was an ordinary man facing the gaullien resistant during the Sixties. He hated war while decolonization took place. He proved that the enemy could be human even when the Cold War demonized the Other. During the Fifties, a minority among senior prisoners rose against this image, which did not show their private sufferings and the values in which they believed. The prisoners chose the Seventies to reestablish a more realistic picture of what they had lived through and enlightered the dark hours of World War Two. Unsuccessfully : the French people being unable to identify with too specific an image. Nowadays, senior prisoners argue that each one of their experience was so unique that no one image can reflect the diversity or their traumas
Cohen, Évelyne. "Paris dans l'imaginaire national (1918-1934)". Paris 1, 1996. http://books.openedition.org/psorbonne/1236.
Texto completoDuris, Stadler Christa. "L'Allemagne vue à travers des périodiques protestants français (1933-1940)". Paris 10, 1994. http://www.theses.fr/1994PA100009.
Texto completoThis thesis analyses for the first time how some French protestant periodical publications perceived national-socialism and the attitude of the German evangelical church towards the Nazi system. The four main topics of the study are: - which attitude have periodical publications with regard to the conflict rising up in the German evangelical church, conflict that results in the constitution of the confessional church? What's their view of the national socialists and the German Christians’ policies towards the Jews? - How the national socialist policy in religious question is perceived by the periodical publication? - has the way the periodical publications deal with Hitler state contributed to bring French and German Protestantism in contact after 1945? A general idea of the different historic evolution of Protestantism in both countries is given in the introductory chapter. Because Karl Barth’s theology has an important part in the constitution of the confessional church, the second chapter deals with texts appeared in the periodical publications analyzing his theology between 1928 and 1932 the study dwells on attitudes of opposition seen by the periodical publications
Wolfs, Gilles. "La Russie en guerre (1914-1918) vue par les périodiques occidentaux : relation des événements, nationalismes et propagange". Université Marc Bloch (Strasbourg) (1971-2008), 2001. http://www.theses.fr/2001STR20044.
Texto completoCHANG, HONG. "L'opinion publique en alsace face a la construction de l'europe : 1945 a 1950". Université Marc Bloch (Strasbourg) (1971-2008), 1993. http://www.theses.fr/1993STR20024.
Texto completoThe thesis is consecrated to the alsatian public opinion faced with the european integration from 1945 to 1950. Taking into account of the alsatian specific situation, it tries to define the evolution of this alsatian public opinion from the point of view of the various alsatian specific caracteristics. The choice of strasburg, capital of alsace, as the headquarter of the council of europe in february 1949 has given a new dimension to the alsatian public opinion toward the european integration. From that time, the european idea becomes one of the most important actualities in alsace. In the same time, the alsatian sense of identity considered as a positive factor for europe begins to be more and more debated in relation with the european integration. The study shows that the alsatian public opinion expresses its specific situation tied with its double culture and its troubled past due to historic vicissitudes between france and germany. It makes also sure the existence of a very favourable and original european idea in alsace during this period
Durand, Jean-Daniel. "L'opinion mosellane face à la politique allemande : janvier 1933-septembre 1939". Metz, 1998. http://docnum.univ-lorraine.fr/public/UPV-M/Theses/1998/Durand.Jean_Daniel.LMZ9801_1.pdf.
Texto completoOne of the main goals of this research is to establish the evolution of political analyses and commentaries by the press in moselle for the whole period (completed by archive documents). Events in german interior and exterior policy affect the sensitivity of journalists in moselle. In this type of nearly erupting volcano that europe became starting in 1935-36, it is difficult for observers, even ones as well-informed as journalists, to form and voice steady opinions. How can you not give in to dread when germany is hurriedly rearming and remilitarizing, not succumb to panic when hitlerian acts of force are multiplying ? Should a rapprochement with berlin be attempted or, on the contrary, should one remain aloof and rearm ? Can the religious persecutions of the third reich be condemned at the risk of seeing "catholic brothers" across the rhine undergo even greater harassment ? Is it possible, conceivable, to set off a conflict with its accompanying deaths and disasters (the memory of the first world war is still present in remarks made) in order to save "weak" austria, "little" czechoslovakia, "non-existent" memel ? These few examples show the difficult situations about which people in the moselle will react, worry, demonstrate. If the moselle population can sometimes have doubts, the journalists must reach decisions, choose, be affirmative, and all this while undergoing local and national political influences. Hate, or sympathy for, the front populaire still has repercussions. Parliamentary, and especially ministerial, fits and starts sometimes put the written press into annoying situations leading to feelings of impotence and, in reaction, the wish of certain journalists to see a strong government set up, one having an unwavering, firm policy. So many french and international events punctuate the period studied ! They will highly influence the evolution of public opinion. Other than the influence of the "leagues", the war in abyssinia, the war in spain, the franco-russian entente, british "appeasement", are all part of these marking events that have probably weighed on the thoughts and minds of northern Lorraine
Fontaine, François. "La Guerre d'Espagne (18/07/36-01/04/39) à travers la presse française illustrée". Paris 4, 2000. http://www.theses.fr/1999PA040168.
Texto completoJardin, Pierre. ""Die Dolchstoßlegende" : la légende du coup de poignard". Paris 4, 2002. http://www.theses.fr/2002PA040074.
Texto completoThe belief of " stab in the back " presents the German defeat of November 1918 as a direct consequence of the revolution, which is considered as the victory of social-democracy. The study of the documents shows that the defeat does not occur as a consequence of the revolution: short before the end of war, the military situation of Germany is desperate, its army is collapsing and fights a guerrilla war to contain the allied forces. The idea of "stab in the back" hides the responsibility of the military leaders in the failure. It emphasizes the responsibility of the political leaders, especially Bethmann Hollweg. While trying to incorporate the social-democracy using war in that way, he would have opened her the way to political power. The expression "stab in the back" embodies a return to the anti-socialist discourse that emerged before the war: the party is un-national, it rallied only in appearance the cause of national defence and represents a permanent threat to german unity. For these reasons, social-democracy should be kept aside of it. This conception will give one of the deepest roots of Hitler's discourse
Alary, Éric. "La ligne de démarcation (1940-1944)". Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2001. http://www.theses.fr/2001IEPP0036.
Texto completoSallée, Frédéric. "Sur les chemins de terre brune : voyages et voyageurs dans l'Allemagne nationale-socialiste (1933-1939)". Thesis, Grenoble, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014GRENH007.
Texto completoIn line with the studies by German historian Peter Reichel concerning the fascination of totalitarianism and the historical movement initiated in France by Fred Kupferman, along with the studies by François Hourmant and Sophie Coeuré regarding intellectuals traveling in Soviet union in the 1930's, the objective of this thesis is to describe the experience of the voyage on Nazi territory, from Hitler's accession to power to the beginning of World War II. This theme has been disregarded in the national-socialism historiography, due to the fact that they viewed the voyage as an anecdotic evidence of diplomatic duty. However, the amount of archives bequeathed on this topic led historians to believe that it is more relevant than previously thought. Limited to the classical image of Brasillach in front of the “Cathedral of Light” of Nuremberg as well as the image of foreign delegations during the Olympic Games of Berlin in 1936, the act of traveling shouldn't be reduced to this archetypal vision implying that only the “future fascists” would travel and discover the IIIrd Reich. Using sources from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, newspapers, travel logs, essays, and letters, this work hinges on three parts covering the significance to study the voyage with the goal to understand the totalitarianism phenomenon, the different stages of the voyage (the reception, their stay, the return to their countries of origin), and to analyze the role and the importance of the voyage in the development of either an acceptance or a rejection towards the totalitarianism. One of the main interests in studying the voyage in Hitler's Germany is the reasoning behind the motivation for the voyage to take place. Traveling is at first a moment in history lived and perceived by those who experience it. This awareness of the experienced moment in history leads us to study the structural motivations of this voyage (interest for modern politics, deconstruction of our own national model, beginning of a parallel diplomacy) and also the existential motivations (moral inspiration, surpassing the line of “germanity”) while underlining the surprising diversity of the travelers (geographical, cultural and social origin), which shows the power of attraction of the national-socialism far across the borders. Prior to understanding this phenomenon, the different phases of the voyage help to enlighten the construction of a specific Nazi policy towards the foreign traveler on one hand, and to underline the existence and development of a real network of contacts on the other. This component will examine how the model of national-socialism seemed attainable for the travelers. The return from Germany will bring to the forefront the feeling of obligation for the travelers to explain and describe what had been experienced during the travel. Finally, the voyage as propagator of a new image of Germany in foreigner's minds will complete this study. The shaping of the totalitarian image seems to go hand in hand with an attempt to rationalize the obliviousness of a part of the population, while for others the voyage is a mechanism of resistance. The standpoint of the travelers towards the Jew's situation is also necessary to broach. Like a window that offers a view on anti-Semitism and the first acts of denunciation, the voyage becomes a tool of intellectual thinking. The awareness of this rising totalitarianism makes the traveler a knowledgeable man, lost in the masses, sliding in this transnational fascism first learned in the Reich
Zombecki, François. "La perception de la fête internationale des travailleurs dans les journaux canadiens entre 1906 et 1945". Mémoire, 2008. http://www.archipel.uqam.ca/1442/1/M10556.pdf.
Texto completoGagnon, Jean-Philippe. "La diplomatie populaire d'American Friends of the Chinese people (1937-1945)". Mémoire, 2006. http://www.archipel.uqam.ca/3210/1/M9475.pdf.
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