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1
Kubik, Jan. "Historical Memory and the End of Communism." Journal of Cold War Studies 9, no. 2 (2007): 127–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2007.9.2.127.
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In critiquing a recent book by Charity Scribner, Requiem for Communism, this article addresses fundamental questions about collective memories of Communism and the Soviet bloc: Why and how is “the past” remembered selectively? What happens when forgotten events are brought back to the fore of collective consciousness? What are the actual mechanisms of remembering? Who are the often invisible gatekeepers that direct the paths of our memories? Who are the influential rulers of memory attempting to shape our mnemonic repertoire? Scribner's book indirectly touches on these issues, though not in a fully satisfactory way, especially with regard to working-class life under Communism. Although the book does have some strong points, it too often fails to take account of how people in the region (as opposed to leftist intellectuals in the West who “knew” Communism vicariously) experienced manual labor during the Communist era and how they remember it now.
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Maria S., Dirivyankina. "Agrarian policy of the RCP (B) in the Kuban and the Black Sea region in conditions of the transi-tion from war communism to nep: 1920–1924." Kavkazologiya 2023, no. 1 (2023): 79–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.31143/2542-212x-2023-1-79-93.
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The complex of measures applied by the Bolshevik government after the establishment of its power in 1917 and based on military mobilization and violent methods, went down in history as the policy of war communism. Because of this, having re-established Soviet power in 1920 on the territory of the Kuban-Black Sea region, the Bolsheviks faced two main tasks: providing the popu-lation of Central Russia with food and solving the land issue, which had to be resolved through the forcible collection of food and egalitarian land use. Introducing military-communist practices in the region met with active resistance from the population. The proclamation in March 1921 of the transition to a new economic policy could not significantly change the situation in the region, since until 1924, when the new course “Facing the Village” was adopted, the relapses of war communism persisted.
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GOODALL, ALEX. "THE BATTLE OF DETROIT AND ANTI-COMMUNISM IN THE DEPRESSION ERA." Historical Journal 51, no. 2 (2008): 457–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x0800678x.
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ABSTRACTThis article is an exploration of Diego Rivera's visit to Detroit in 1932–3. It seeks to use his experiences, and in particular the spectacular popular reaction to the Detroit Industry murals he painted, as a prism for analysing varieties of anti-communism in Detroit in the depression era. The article argues that close relationships between private capitalists, most notably Henry Ford and a Mexican communist, expose contradictions in big business's use of anti-communism in the interwar period, and suggest that anti-communism was a more complicated phenomenon than simply a tool for the promotion of ‘free enterprise’. Moreover, by comparing the public reaction to the artists' work with their original intent, it is possible to see how members of Detroit's society unconsciously used anti-communism to sublimate broader concerns over race and ethnicity, gender, politics, and religiosity in a region in the throes of profound social change. The article seeks to highlight elements of these latent anxieties and fears in order to show how anti-communism acted as a vessel for social debate.
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Ancans, Sandris. "Backwardness of Central and Eastern Europe as a Heritage of the Soviet Period." Rural Sustainability Research 43, no. 338 (2020): 61–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/plua-2020-0008.
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AbstractThe economy of Latvia lags behind economically developed nations approximately fourfold in terms of labour productivity in the tradable sector, which is the key constituent of a modern economy, thereby affecting future sustainable development in the entire country, including the rural areas. The economic backwardness is characteristic of the entire Central and Eastern Europe. This is the heritage of a communist regime that lasted for about half a century and the economic system termed a (centrally) planned economy or a command economy. However, such a term for the communist-period economy is not correct, as it does not represent the purpose it was created for. Accordingly, the paper aims to assess the effect of the communism period on the economic backwardness of the Central and Eastern European region of the EU. A planned economy that existed in all communist countries, with the exception of Yugoslavia, was not introduced to contribute to prosperity. It was intended for confrontation or even warfare by the communist countries under the guidance of the USSR against other countries where no communism regime existed, mostly Western world nations with their market economies. For this reason, it is not correct to term it a (centrally) planned economy or a command economy; the right term is a mobilised (war) economy. An extrapolation of a geometric progression for GDP revealed that during the half a century, Latvia as part of the USSR was forced to spend on confrontation with the West not less than EUR 17 bln. (2011 prices) or approximately one gross domestic product of 2011. The research aim of the paper is to assess the effect of the communism period on the economic backwardness of the Central and Eastern European region of the EU.
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Ekiert, Grzegorz. "Three Generations of Research on Post Communist Politics—A Sketch." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 29, no. 2 (2015): 323–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325414559052.
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This essay outlines theoretical visions or paradigms that have underpinned empirical and historical work on the great transformation in Central and Eastern Europe. Such paradigms shaped “sociological imaginations” and analytical lenses through which scholars generated important questions and developed their research interests and projects. The study of post-communism was influenced by three such paradigms: the first focused on the immediate communist past as the main constraint on post-1989 transformations; the second attempted to transcend the specificities of post-communism and integrate the study of the region with the general comparative politics enterprise; and finally, the third signified the return to a disciplined exploration of historical and cultural contexts and their role in shaping the outcomes of transformations.
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Plopeanu, Aurelian-Petruș, and Daniel Homocianu. "Prisoner in the cage of history? Its influence in understanding the current tolerance of bribery in Romania." Eastern Journal of European Studies 15, no. 1 (2024): 47–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.47743/ejes-2024-0102.
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Our paper examines the influence of the historical legacy regarding the impact of the border of the former Habsburg Empire, the former political membership of the Romanian Communist Party (PCR), and perceptions about the communist past - in understanding the current tolerance of bribery in Romania, more than 25 years after the fall of communism. We started from an existing background suggesting that in the aftermath of the fall of communism, Romania underwent significant socio-economic changes, with persisting regional disparities accentuated by historical and cultural legacies. Using representative data from the European and World Values Survey joint dataset v.2.0, other relevant sources (Public Opinion Barometer from 2000 and 2007), variable selection and analysis methods based on DK/NA value treatment, binary derivations, the LASSO pack in Stata 17.0 together with different types of regressions including OLS, binary and ordered logistic ones, cross-validations both random and based on well established criteria (mixed-effects modeling), and collinearity removal techniques based on maximum accepted values of the Variance Inflation Factor (VIF), the results highlight that respondents from certain Romanian macro-regions that experienced higher levels of membership in the PCR and positive views about communism are less likely to be tolerant of bribery. It appears that if the region of residence was part of the former Habsburg Empire, current intentions for bribery are higher. Furthermore, our findings suggest that the propensity to bribe is negatively affected by current macro elements, such as higher crime levels, material deprivation, urban connectivity or lower levels of migration abroad, and left-wing voting preferences.
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Głowacka-Grajper, Małgorzata. "Memory in Post-communist Europe: Controversies over Identity, Conflicts, and Nostalgia." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 32, no. 4 (2018): 924–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325418757891.
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This article is part of the special cluster titled Social practices of remembering and forgetting of the communist past in Central and Eastern Europe, guest edited by Malgorzata Glowacka-Grajper Controversies over social memory form an important aspect of reality in the post-communist countries of Eastern Europe. On the one hand, there are debates about coming to terms with the communist past and the Second World War that preceded it (because important parts of the memory of the war were “frozen” during the communist era), and, on the other hand, and intimately connected to that, are discussions about the constant influence of communism on the current situation. This article presents some of the main trends in research on collective memory in the post-communist countries of Eastern Europe and reveals similarities and differences in the process of memorialization of communism in the countries of the region. Although there are works devoted to a comparative analysis of memory usage and its various interpretations in the political sphere in the countries of Eastern Europe, there are still many issues concerning daily practices (economic, religious, and cultural) associated with varying interpretations of the war and the communist past which needs further elaboration and analysis.
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Yahuda, Michael. "Deng Xiaoping: The Statesman." China Quarterly 135 (September 1993): 551–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000013916.
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Alone of the world's Communist leaders, Deng Xiaoping has charted a course that has combined for his country rapid economic development, successful economic reform and openness to the capitalistic international economy with continued dictatorship by the Communist Party. Under his leadership Communist rule in China has survived the demise of Communism in Eastern Europe and the disintegration of the Soviet Union-the motherland of Communism. In the process the regime has weathered the ending of the Cold War and has become more engaged with the Asia-Pacific region. But Deng's reputation at home and abroad has been badly tarnished by his ruthlessness in masterminding the Tiananmen massacre of 4 June 1989. But that ruthlessness is absolutely central to Deng's political philosophy and strategy. For him it is the basis of order at home which alone ensures that the economic policies of reform and openness can be carried out without undermining Communist Party rule through the spread of liberal influences. In so far as statesmanship requires moral dimensions it will be necessary in assessing the quality of Deng's statesmanship to consider the meaning of statesmanship itself.
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Suleimenov, М. A., and G. M. Kappassova. "Soviet political regime in Kazakhstan during the period of «military communism»." Bulletin of the L.N. Gumilyov Eurasian National University. Political Science. Regional Studies. Oriental Studies. Turkology Series. 136, no. 3 (2021): 57–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.32523/26-16-6887/2021-136-3-57-65.
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The article deals with the emergence and activity of Soviet power institutions in Kazakhstan during the period of «war communism». During the years of «war communism», the construction of the Soviet state apparatus continued. An important feature of this process, researchers call the wide involvement of workers and peasants in state bodies. There was a change in the national composition of civil servants - after the revolution, they began to include representatives of many peoples of the former Russian Empire. In addition, many officials continued to work in Soviet state structures that began their careers during the Provisional Government or even the tsarist regime. The escalation of the civil war led to the emergence of emergency authorities not provided for by the Constitution of the USSR. On the ground, the functions of emergency services were performed by revolutionary committees. During the years of the Civil War and «war communism», the RCP (b) became the core of the Soviet political system. Thus, under the influence of wartime emergencies, a rigid military command system began to form in the country. The article reveals the specifics of the implementation of the policy of «war communism» in Kazakhstan, carried out by the Bolsheviks during the civil war of 1918-1920. As a result of the analysis, it was possible to determine that the policy of «war communism» in the regional aspect was carried out in line with general Soviet trends. It represented a set of measures of the Soviet government in the field of industry, agriculture, and social relations aimed at militarizing production and ensuring the combat capability of the Red Army. The specifics of the implementation of the policy of «war communism» in Kazakhstan were determined by the economic backwardness of the region and the nature of hostilities. These features should include: later than in the whole Soviet Union, the inclusion of the regions of Kazakhstan in the process of implementing measures of «war communism», their extension to the indigenous population, more rigid forms and methods of implementing military-communist construction. The result of the policy of «war communism» in Kazakhstan was a drop in production, especially in the agricultural sector of the economy, the famine of 1920-1922, which led to demographic losses of the population, mass migration of nomadic peoples outside the country, widespread peasant anti-Bolshevik protests and resistance of the indigenous population in the form of Basmachism. Based on archival materials and published works, the authors analyze the activities of Soviets and revkoms. In conclusion, conclusions are drawn that determine the nature of the origin and purpose of the Soviet institutions of power.
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Bunce, Valerie. "The National Idea: Imperial Legacies and Post-Communist Pathways in Eastern Europe." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 19, no. 3 (2005): 406–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325405277963.
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Why has the national idea played such a powerful role, both positive and negative, in the regime, state, and economic transitions that have taken place in post-communist Eurasia? This article emphasizes the powerful but variable effects of imperial rule in this region, beginning with the Habsburgs and continuing through the more recent experiences of the Soviet bloc and the Yugoslav, Soviet, and Czechoslovak ethnofederations. The national idea, a product of very different experiences in the West, was transformed when moving eastward in the nineteenth century, largely because imperial contexts are not state contexts. The political empowerment of the national idea continued when imperial dynamics returned to the region with the rise of communism. As a result, post-communist Eastern Europe was unusually well situated to privilege nationalism in the struggles over new states and new economic and political regimes.
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Trapani, James. "Seeing ‘Reds’ in Colombia: Reconsidering the ‘Bogotazo’, 1948." Esboços - Revista do Programa de Pós-Graduação em História da UFSC 23, no. 36 (2017): 352. http://dx.doi.org/10.5007/2175-7976.2016v23n36p352.
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http://dx.doi.org/10.5007/2175-7976.2016v23n36p352The Latin American Cold War theatre was distinct from the global struggle between American capitalism and Soviet communism. The Soviet Union had very little infuence on the region prior to Fidel Castro’s 1960 declaration of Marxism-Leninism. Despite this, a plethora of social struggles spanning virtually every Latin American republic have been broadly grouped together – defned by this Latin American ‘Cold War’. This paper seeks to determine the origins of this paradoxical defnition. It will argue that the convenient alignment of national and international crises was utilized by US Secretary of State George C Marshall in April 1948. The establishment of the Organization of American States sought to realize the political alignment of the hemisphere against ‘Communism’, both Soviet and internal. This confounded many Latin American leaders as communism, while evident, did not pose any legitimate threat to their nations or the region. Hence, Marshall’s sale of an anti-communist declaration, which would decrease the sovereignty of individual states, was made quite diffcult during initial negotiations. Conveniently, On April 9 Colombia was brought to the brink of Civil War following the assassination of Jorge Eliécer Gaitán. The US State Department knew that the ensuing Colombian Bogotazo was not related to the global Cold War. They had intelligence on the populist liberal Gaitán and the violent response to his assassination. Nevertheless, the opportunity to internationalize the crisis was seized by Marshall. In doing so, the Latin American Cold War emerged with devastating national and regional consequences.
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Olander, Marcia. "Costa Rica in 1948: Cold War or Local War?" Americas 52, no. 4 (1996): 465–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1008474.
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The years following World War Two produced a strong resurgence of U.S. intervention in Central America and the Caribbean couched in Cold War terms. Although the U.S. intervention in Guatemala to overthrow the government of Jacobo Arbenz in 1954 has generally been seen as the first case of Cold War covert anti-Communist intervention in Latin America, several scholars have raised questions about U.S. involvement in a 1948 Costa Rican civil war in which Communism played a critical role. In a 1993 article in The Americas, Kyle Longley argued that “the U.S. response to the Costa Rican Revolution of 1948, not the Guatemalan affair, marked the origins of the Cold War in Latin America.” The U.S. “actively interfered,” and achieved “comparable results in Costa Rica as in Guatemala: the removal of a perceived Communist threat.” Other authors have argued, even, that the U.S. had prepared an invasion force in the Panama Canal Zone to pacify the country. The fifty years of Cold War anti-Communism entitles one to be skeptical of U.S. non-intervention in a Central American conflict involving Communism. Costa Ricans, aware of a long tradition of U.S. intervention in the region, also assumed that the U.S. would intervene. Most, if not all, were expecting intervention and one key government figure described U.S. pressure as like “the air, which is felt, even if it cannot be seen.” Yet, historians must do more than just “feel” intervention. Subsequent Cold War intervention may make it difficult to appraise the 1948 events in Costa Rica objectively. Statements like Longley's that “it is hard to believe that in early 1948 … Washington would not favor policies that ensured the removal of the [Communist Party] Vanguard,” although logical, do not coincide with the facts of the U.S. role in the conflict.
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Kahn, Michelle Lynn. "Rethinking Central Europe as a Migration Space: From the Ottoman Empire through the Cold War and the Refugee Crisis." Central European History 55, no. 1 (2022): 118–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938921001321.
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What is central Europe? As I write this article in 2021, three decades after the fall of communism, this question seems as salient as ever. I am not the only Central European History reader to think about this topic in recent years. In a 2018 CEH article, provocatively titled “Habsburg History, Eastern European History … Central European History?,” Chad Bryant argued that scholarship on these three nominally distinct fields had become blurred in the wake of the post-communist opening of archives and the transnational turn. It was time, Bryant insisted, not only for CEH readers to reconsider the category of “central Europe” itself, but also to engage with a new set of questions, ones that would move beyond the predominant emphasis on “how and why regimes collapsed.” Compellingly, he advocated for studies that would help us understand the post-1989 era, such as the long-term legacies of communism, the integration of individual countries into the European Union, and present-day migration to the region.
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Kozminski, Andrzej K. "Restitution of Private Property: Re-privatization in Central and Eastern Europe." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 30, no. 1 (1997): 95–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0967-067x(96)00025-6.
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The article deals with the relatively little researched problem of the restitution of property confiscated by the communist regimes in Central and Eastern Europe, After the fall of communism, new democratic governments and parliaments were faced with the problem of compensating former owners. This problem has practical aspects related to investors' confidence, as well as moral, symbolic, and emotional ones. Quite often it becomes a pawn in the political game. Legislation adopted and proposed in the key countries of the region is examined and compared. The political, economic, and institutional context of re-privatization is analysed. From the point of view of the key objectives of property restitution, the different re-privatization formulas, practised throughout the region, are assessed.
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Holmes, Leslie. "Crime, organised crime and corruption in post-communist Europe and the CIS." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 42, no. 2 (2009): 265–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2009.04.002.
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This article examines the incomplete and sometimes contradictory evidence on the crime, organised crime and corruption situations in post-communist states, and then seeks to explain the apparent increase in all three in early post-communism. Among the factors considered are the impact of weak states and economies, neo-liberalism, globalisation, Schengen and Fortress Europe, the Communist legacy (the ‘ghost from the past’), and collusion. The article then examines the dynamics of criminality and malfeasance in the region, and provides evidence to suggest that the crime and corruption situation has stabilised or even improved in most post-communist countries in recent times. The factors considered for explaining this apparent improvement are the role of external agents (notably the EU), the move from transition to consolidation, and the role of political will.
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Ost, David. "Class after Communism." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 29, no. 3 (2015): 543–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325415602057.
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After 1989, class appeared to be everywhere and nowhere. The messy consequences of the emergence of new classes and new types of economic inequalities were plain for all to see, but no one uttered the term “class.” The concept appeared illegitimate because of associations with the old regime, even though it always had more success explaining developments in the capitalist world east Europe was entering than the state socialist world it was leaving. The media and academy adopted a discourse of “normality” instead: New rules resulted not from policy choices empowering certain groups at the expense of others but from necessity, and people just had to adapt. Because the economic collapse nevertheless elicited much anger and frustration, the absence of class talk contributed to a proliferation of nationalist talk, and thus had political consequences. The paper rehearses reasons for the decline of class analysis in the region, and notes the post-1989 fascination with the “middle class.” It explores the evolution of class analysis during the communist period, culminating in the embrace of a stratification theory that resisted discussion of power, which made sense at the time but became a burden after 1989. Several critical class analyses of state socialism, from the 1930s to today, are then introduced, demonstrating both their relevance and their unfortunate absence from debates. New types of class analyses promoted by younger scholars and activists are emerging, however, and are discussed in the summaries of the other essays in this collection.
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Schanda, Balázs. "Church and State In the New Member Countries of the European Union." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 8, no. 37 (2005): 186–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x00006244.
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In May 2004 eight former communist Central and Eastern European countries joined the European Union. Written constitutions in the region now contain guarantees on freedom of religion together with fundamental statements on Church-State relations. Since the fall of communism a net of bilateral agreements has been negotiated with the Holy See. Of the established members of the EU only Austria, Germany, Italy, Portugal and Spain had concordats whilst France and Luxembourg were partly bound by such treaties. Amongst the new member states only the predominantly Orthodox Cyorus has no contractual relationship with the Vatican. A pragmatic reason for this may be that the new members went through a very rapid leagal transition marked by considerable uncertainties after the fall of communism. The Catholic Church did not seek privileges with the agrements, but rather legal certainty. The stadards of religious with the agreements, but rather legal certainty. The standards of religious freedom in the new member states are generally good compared with the resrt of Europe. None of the new member states adopted a state church model, and none of them followed a rigid separation model either. Most new member states to be particularly valued by those who experienced forced secularism during communist rule.
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Streets-Salter, Heather. "A 'constant lurking danger'? The Comintern's Far Eastern Bureau, 1928-33." Twentieth Century Communism 24, no. 24 (2023): 75–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/175864323837280481.
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This article explores the creation and operation of the Comintern's Far Eastern Bureau (FEB), which existed from 1928 to 1934 and was headquartered in Shanghai, China. It investigates why the FEB was organised, who was involved in its operations, and what its agents were doing at a time when communism had been declared illegal by the Guomindang Party. It also offers an assessment of the FEB in terms of its impact on China and the wider region, especially on whether or not the FEB's existence influenced the development of the Chinese Communist Party and other communist movements in East and Southeast Asia. Finally, this article assesses the level of threat the FEB posed to the Chinese Guomindang Party and to the various colonial regimes in the region, as well as its successes and failures. Its purpose is to renew interest in the FEB and to prompt a more sustained discussion about its composition, activities, impact and legacies.
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Crowe, David M. "The Roma in Post-Communist Eastern Europe: Questions of Ethnic Conflict and Ethnic Peace." Nationalities Papers 36, no. 3 (2008): 521–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990802080752.
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The collapse of communism in Central and Eastern Europe promised bold opportunities for the various ethnic groups populating that vast, diverse region. Yet if history had any lessons to teach these groups it was that democracy, or at least the political systems that emerged in the midst of the rubble of the Berlin Wall between 1989 and 1991, was no guarantor of whatever idealized rights the region's ethnic groups hoped would come in the wake of the collapse of the communist dictatorships that had dominated these parts of Europe for decades. Communism, had, in many instances, done nothing more than stifle the festering ethnic tensions that had exploded in the nineteenth century and short-circuited the complex, lengthy process of resolving these conflicts. Consequently, for those knowledgeable about the essence of these conflicts, it should have come as no surprise that Yugoslavia, for example, was torn asunder by ethnic violence so terrifying that it took the intervention of the Western world's great powers to end the most violent aspects of these wars of ethnicity.
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Maulida, Faishal Hilmy. "HITAM PUTIH PRRI-PERMESTA: KONVERGENSI DUA KEPENTINGAN BERBEDA 1956-1961." Paradigma, Jurnal Kajian Budaya 8, no. 2 (2018): 174. http://dx.doi.org/10.17510/paradigma.v8i2.180.
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<p>Regional upheavals that occurred in Sumatra and Sulawesi in the period of 1956–1961 indicated a meeting point between two interests, i.e. the desire of the regions to get rights through regional autonomy and develop power to eradicate communism. This paper aimed at analysing regional upheavals involving PRRI-Permesta in terms of the meeting point between the two different interests. The method used in this study is a historical one. The results showed that the upheavals that arose from certain interests could not be accommodated by the central government, and this made the region take the initiative to solve them with military engagement. It can be concluded that PRRI-Permesta was an emerging movement in the region demanding reforms in the management of the state by the central government. The anti-communist characteristics of the movement made the United States of America ready to provide support for a movement against the central government. However, this also means that there was an encounter between two different interests in one vision of the struggle.</p>
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Jahangirli, Jahangir, and Jahandar Jabarov. "The Historical Evolution of Russophilia in Europe: a Study of the Development and Transformation of Positive Attitudes Towards Russia." Eminak, no. 3(43) (November 10, 2023): 113–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.33782/eminak2023.3(43).661.
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The purpose of this paper is to investigate the historical trajectory, spread, and evolution of russophilia, a sociological phenomenon that exists in contemporary Europe. The article conducts a comprehensive analysis of the developmental process of russophilia in Europe, tracing its origins from the early stages of primitive sympathy towards the Russian state during the Middle Ages to its subsequent conscious ideological-cultural and political-economic manifestations in the 20th century. Furthermore, the article examines the contemporary projection of russophilia, which reached its pinnacle in the aforementioned region during the 20th century, while also exploring the factors contributing to the current decline of russophilia.
 The article introduces a significant scientific contribution by being the pioneering study to comprehensively explore the historical evolution of russophilia in Europe. Previous research on russophilia has been limited in scope, with only a few articles addressing the topic in a fragmented manner. Prior to this article, there has been a lack of comprehensive studies examining the overall development of russophilia in Europe. Therefore, this article stands as the first comprehensive endeavor in this field of research, filling a notable gap in the existing literature.
 Conclusions. The results of the study shed light on the origins and development of russophilia in Europe, examining both Western and Eastern regions. Key factors contributing to russophilia include the influence of communism, particularly the USSR, as well as cultural expansion. Effective propaganda campaigns and the establishment of economic and social connections play crucial roles in fostering admiration for another culture. Ethnic kinship alone is insufficient to foster deep affinity without widespread and systematic propaganda integrated into state policy. Nostalgia for communism, fuelled by shared experiences and the positive aspects of former communist systems, also contributes to russophilia. Countries such as East Germany, Poland, and Serbia etc., which underwent communist rule, exhibit heightened russophilia. The common fate shared by these nations, including the same political ideology, communist culture, and perceived defeat by the capitalist USA, further strengthens russophilia sentiments among communist nostalgics.
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Streets-Salter, Heather. "The Noulens Affair in East and Southeast Asia." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 21, no. 4 (2014): 394–414. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765610-02104006.
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In June 1931, British authorities in Singapore arrested a Comintern operative using the name Joseph Ducroux. An address book found on his person then led the Shanghai Municipal Police to Hilaire Noulens and his wife, both Comintern agents, who were collectively in charge of funneling all monies and communications between the Comintern, the Chinese Communist Party, and Communist organizations throughout East Asia. The arrest of the Noulens, and the material found in their apartments, compromised hundreds of Communists and their international networks in East and Southeast Asia. The case materials themselves, found in British, French, and Dutch archives, expose the ways the Comintern’s Far Eastern Bureau used Soviet capital and an international cast of characters to combat European imperialism in East and Southeast Asia during the interwar period. Although these efforts suffered from serious weaknesses, European colonial administrators nevertheless worried constantly about the specter of an all-powerful Soviet machine bent on world domination. Their response was cross-colonial collaboration to undermine and destroy the Comintern’s activities in the region. This article explores the circumstances surrounding the Noulens Affair, as it came to be known, to argue that the global struggle between communism and anti-communism that marked the years of the Cold War after 1945 cannot be adequately understood without reference to this earlier, interwar period.
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Falk, Barbara J. "Post-Communism's First Decade: A Primer for Non-Specialists." Canadian Journal of Political Science 36, no. 2 (2003): 417–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423903778706.
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This article examines the lessons "learned" and the legacies inherent in the downfall of authoritarian communism in central and eastern Europe in view of post-communism's first decade. It is argued that the events of 1989-1991 were revolutionary in dramatically and unexpectedly establishing new regimes and ushering in simultaneous and multilateral (political, economic, social, national) change. Furthermore, 1989-1991 represents a rejection of "grand narrative" large-scale social experimentation in political arrangements in favour of hybridism and incrementalism. Ten key maxims are introduced as a means of analyzing this historical rupture and understanding the variety of experiences across the region.
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Reynoso Jaime, I. "“Plowing in the sea”. The Russian Revolution and Latin America." Latinskaia Amerika, no. 7 (December 15, 2004): 104–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0044748x24070071.
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The review analyzes the book "The Russian Revolution and Latin America: 1917 and Beyond," edited by Carlos Miguel Herrera and Eugenia Palieraki. It highlights the diversity of responses to the Russian Revolution, ranging from enthusiasm to rejection, and criticizes the dichotomous view of this event in traditional historiography. The book seeks to understand how the Russian Revolution impacted Latin American societies and challenges the Eurocentric view of the event. Specific cases are examined, such as the development of the Argentine Communist Party, the Communist Party of Mexico and tensions between the Comintern and the Communist Party of Chile. The relationship between the Russian Revolution and the Chilean left is also studied, as well as the impact of communism on the family life of militants. The work concludes with an essay on the "posterity" of the Russian Revolution in Latin America, suggesting that its legacy continues to resonate in the region and contributes to the debate on the role of socialist left in present and future struggles.
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Khan, Abdul Zahoor, Nargis Zaman, and Zahir Shah. "United States Fundamental Interests in Chile and Cuba: A Historical Study." Global Regional Review I, no. I (2016): 218–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/grr.2016(i-i).17.
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US hegemony as the result of its interventions in Cuba and Chile is a historical reality. The United States used to be scared that imposition of Communism had minimized the Americans dominance over there under the policy of nationalization. Although, the United States had tried his luck in Cuba twice, in decades of 1960’s, to vanish communism dangerous roots, but unfortunately faced defeat. Again in 1970’s decade the United States faced the same threat of communism (in form of Salvador Allende regime) in Chile. Chile has blessed with such rich mineral resources like Cuba, so the United States also had similarly established their strong hold inform of different significant companies. In order to prevent the power of Salvador Allende and his nationalization policy, the United States had launched military coup in 1973 resulted in success that also helps to minimize the communism threats in region
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Pavlenko, V. V. "Creation of the Union of Sports Societies and Organizations of the USSR: Regional Aspect (on the Example of the Penza Region)." Izvestiya of Altai State University, no. 5(121) (November 19, 2021): 19–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.14258/izvasu(2021)5-02.
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The article reveals the reasons and conditions for the transformation of the structure of physical education and sports management in Soviet society in the late 1950s within the framework of the concept of building communism in the USSR — the creation of the Union of Sports Societies and Organizations (Sport Union) of the USSR — a voluntary association that managed the physical education and sports movement with the active assistance of trade unions and the Komsomol. The main goal of the Sports Union was to give the physical education and sports movement in the USSR a mass and then a national character.
 The theoretical provisions of literature of the 1960s are characterized. On the ratio of state and public principles in management under communism, the transition of individual state functions to public organizations, the strengthening of the role of public structures in communist society, etc. Estimates of modern domestic researchers of the goals and factors of changing the form of leadership in physical education and sports in Soviet society in the late 1950s are considered.
 The formation of the Sports Union at the regional level is being studied in accordance with the decree of the Central Committee of the CPSU and the Council of Ministers of the USSR «On the Leadership of Physical Culture and Sports in the Country» of January 9, 1959 — in the Penza Region: the formation of an organizing bureau, the holding of constituent conferences, the state of the physical education and sports movement in the region in the late 1950s.
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Barany, Zoltan D. "Living on the Edge: The East European Roma in Postcommunist Politics and Societies." Slavic Review 53, no. 2 (1994): 321–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2501296.
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You watch your pocket. Gypsies. They don't work, only steal, and make children so the government will give them money every timeNadine Gordimer"I am no racist," he said. "But some Gypsies you would have to shoot."Jozef Pacai, mayor of the Slovak village of MedzevThe east European communist regimes, in contrast to their frequently repeated claims, not only did not weed out nationalism in their domains but in some cases attempted to manipulate and exploit it for their own purposes. Nonetheless, since the collapse of communism the region has experienced a robust resurgence of at times violent ethnic conflicts and racism explained by the simultaneous occurrence of several factors accompanying the postcommunist transition process
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Slabáková, Radmila Švaříčková. "Between Old Traditions and New Approaches: Locating Oral History and Memory Studies in East Central Europe." Slovenský národopis / Slovak Ethnology 69, no. 2 (2021): 205–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/se-2021-0011.
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Abstract The article explores how oral history and memory studies have been used in East Central Europe after the fall of the Iron Curtain. It focuses particularly on the question of whether Eastern European scholars only reproduce what was invented in the West, or whether they advance their original concepts and ideas. Both disciplines have been involved in reassessing the history of communism and the communist version of history itself and both contributed to revealing memoires obscured by the communist regime, even if the role of oral history may be considered as pivotal in this process. Although oral history had been practiced in the region at least since the 1970s, it was introduced as a new discipline according to the Western criteria after the fall of the Berlin Wall. Memory studies and their most successful concept, the “lieux de mémoire”, were implemented into to the region later and the promoters of the concept were predominantly Western scholars. Drawing on the uses of the term “historical consciousness” in Czech and Polish research, the article argues that various strategies associated with the “return to Europe” can be found in the region when promoting native traditions and equalizing them with the Western ones.
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Calman, Leslie J. "Congress Confronts Communism: Thana District, 1945–47." Modern Asian Studies 21, no. 2 (1987): 329–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00013834.
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From 1945 to 1947 the Communist Party led the impoverished Warli tribals of Bombay's Thana District in a movement for fair wages and freedom from forced labor and landlord violence. The immediate targets of the action were the local landed interests and moneylenders who dominated the region and held the tribals (known as ‘adivasis’) in virtual slavery. The longer range goal, however, was to build the Communist Party and challenge Congress dominance.
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Kharlamov, Mykhailo. "Fight Against Fires in Kharkiv Region During the War Communism (1919–1921)." Scientific Papers of the Vinnytsia Mykhailo Kotsyiubynskyi State Pedagogical University. Series: History, no. 37 (2021): 38–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.31652/2411-2143-2021-37-38-45.
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The aim of the article is to analyze the development of firefighting in Kharkiv and Kharkiv province during the war communism. The author explores the features of complex processes of fire prevention and firefighting in the Kharkiv region in 1919-1921. The research methodology is based on a combination of general scientific (analysis, synthesis, generalization, comparison) and special-historical (historical-genetic, historical-comparative, historical-systemic) methods with the principles of historicism, scientificity and systematics. The scientific novelty of the work is that for the first time the peculiarities of fire fighting in one of the largest and most significant for the Soviet government in the studied period of the domestic regions - in the Kharkiv region. Conclusions. After the arrival of the Bolsheviks in Kharkiv in 1919, given the large number of fires that regularly occurred in the Kharkiv region, a number of measures were taken to improve the situation in the firefighting sphere in the region. Resolutions were adopted on the procedure for installing temporary portable furnaces in residential premises, special fire control commissions were created to check the state of fire safety in residential buildings, non-residential buildings and enterprises, etc. These measures were not always effective, due to lack of funds, qualified specialists, problems in the sectoral subordination of firefighting, especially in 1919 – the first half of 1920. However, during the second half of 1920- 1921, the situation in the firefighting sector began to improve: firefighting was transferred to the People's Commissariat of Internal Affairs, the situation with financing and logistics of firefighters gradually began to improve, Ukrainian courses for firefighters were opened in Kharkiv. Thus, the fight against fires in Kharkiv during the war communism had difficult periods, especially at the beginning, but gradually the situation in firefighting improved, largely due to the enthusiasm of ordinary firefighters and strict regulation of fire by the authorities.
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Khan, Abdul Zahoor, Ahmed Ali, and Sajjad Ali. "United States Intervention and the Following Hegemony in Cuba and Chile: A Critical Appraisal." Global Regional Review II, no. I (2017): 343–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/grr.2017(ii-i).24.
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US hegemony as the result of its interventions in Cuba and Chile is a historical reality. The United States used to be scared that the imposition of Communism had minimized the Americans dominance over there under the policy of nationalization. Although, the United States had tried his luck in Cuba twice, in decades of the 1960s, to vanish communism dangerous roots, but unfortunately faced defeat. Again in the 1970s decade, the United States faced the same threat of communism (in the form of Salvador Allende regime) in Chile. Chile has blessed with such rich mineral resources like Cuba, so the United States also had similarly established its strong hold inform of different significant companies. In order to prevent the power of Salvador Allende and his nationalization policy, the United States had launched a military coup in 1973 that resulted in success that also helps to minimize the communism threats in the region.
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Chicinaș, Nicoleta. "The Crises in Post-War Education in Cluj." Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Studia Europaea 68, no. 2 (2023): 323–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbeuropaea.2023.2.15.
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"This article aims to analyse the education system in the city of Cluj during the post-war period, after World War 2, with a close focus on the period of time between 1944 and 1948. It's a period characterized by a series of successive crises resulting from political decisions. These decisions affected all levels of education, all ethnic and religious groups in the region, as well as the political opponents to the newly established communist regime of the Romanian Communist Party, primarily represented by these three political parties: the National Peasants' Party, the National Liberal Party, and the Socialist Party. Throughout the research into education within this time period, a combination of methods were used, including historical, comparative and statistical methods, and the sources used refer to both official and unofficial archived documents, contemporary press, and edited documents. Keywords: crises, communism, education, Cluj, democratization, reform"
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Ahmad, Harem Hasan, Ribwar Khalid Mustafa, and Ibrahim Ali Salim. "The Eisenhawer Doctrine (1957): The Impact on Arabic Countries and The Soviet Union Attitude." Journal of University of Raparin 7, no. 4 (2020): 240–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.26750/vol(7).no(4).paper13.
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Following the end of World War II, and emerging of a vacuum after the withdrawal of British and French forces from some of the Middle East countries in the region, creating fear in Western countries, particularly the United States, that the Eastern Bloc, in particular Russia, would seek to fill the vacuum and spread the idea of leftism and communism in the region. For this reason, the United States has made every effort to confront the idea of communism and establish a foothold in the region among its policies. To this end, then US President Harry Truman announced his country's new policy in the context of the Truman project on the Middle East in (1945). Following Harry Truman, when Eisenhower assumed power as the new US president in (1953), he put forward the new policy of his country named Eisenhower’s Dwight in Congress in order to confront Russian politics and infiltrate communist thought in the area. There were several items in his project that emphasized the cooperation of Middle Eastern countries, especially in the economic and military fields. 
 The Eisenhower’s Dwight has had a variety of reactions from countries in the region, especially Arab countries. Some have accepted it from the very beginning. Some also expressed opposition to the project. There were also countries that initially opposed the Eisenhower project, but after a period of time following US efforts and pressure, eventually endorsed the project and became a fan of the US. As a result of these political divisions in the region, several political and military alliances between the countries of the Middle East Were formed. The idea of Nasser and the idea of Arab nationalism come to life at this time. Although originally favored by the Eastern Bloc, especially Russia, it also partially weakened the notion of communism and was about to cause tension between proponents of these two ideas. This situation had nothing in fact to do other than destabilizing the political state and the occurrence of several coups in order to change the regime of some of Middle Eastern countries, besides the long sovereignty of some Arab rulers.Regarding the Soveit Union attitude towards the Eisenhower’s doctrine, it can be seen that,the Soveit Union ctitisized by the Soviet authorities from internal and external the SoveitUnbion.For instance the The Soveit Union attempted to gain extermal allies among the Middle Middle Eastren countries to convince them this doctrine is a part previous imperliams that supported by Westren countries.Finally,in the United Nation,The Soveit attempted to make a campaign to remove this doctrine as it mention a therat of world peace.
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Šindelář, Jan. "Gottwaldovy pomníky ve Středočeském kraji." Acta Musei Nationalis Pragae – Historia 74, no. 1-2 (2022): 49–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.37520/amnph.2020.005.
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This text explores the construction of monuments in Czechoslovakia in the 1970s and 1980s, detailing the history of all four monuments to the first Czechoslovak communist president Klement Gottwald in the Central Bohemian Region. Based on archival research, this paper attempts to unveil the practices of post-1968 memory policy at regional level. In four main sections, the text traces, in succession, the construction of ideologically motivated works in the towns of Příbram, Pečky, Rakovník and Nymburk, bringing the decision-making processes of the communist party and state authorities at local and national level under scrutiny. Cumbersome bureaucracy combined with chronic supply difficulties and the excessive workload of approved artists caused several years of delays to projects endorsed by the regime. Owing to their close ties to the communist regime, all four sculptures were removed from public display shortly after November 1989, i.e. after the fall of communism, but they were not destroyed. Their different fates − from being a gallery exhibit to ending up in a technical services warehouse − open up questions about the meaningful use of similar artefacts.
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Karkov, Nikolay. "Against the Double Erasure: Georgi Markov's Contribution to the Communist Hypothesis." Slavic Review 77, no. 1 (2018): 151–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/slr.2018.14.
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This paper argues against what can be called a “double ontological erasure” of state socialism in eastern Europe, by both the east European right-wing intelligentsia and the west European militant left. In an effort to challenge said erasure, the paper draws on the journalistic and fictional work of Bulgaria's major dissident writer of the 1970s, Georgi Markov. Against mainstream readings of his work as staunchly anti-communist, the paper suggests that Markov makes at least three major contributions to the “communist hypothesis” from the perspective of eastern Europe. First, by offering a “postcolonial” (rather than a political-economic) critique of the “cult of things” and consumerism in the region. Second, by developing a truly immanent critique of state socialism from the position of the communist ideal. Lastly, by proposing what could be called a “communism of the abject” among individuals and communities on the margins of socialist governmentality. Arguably, this triple contribution not only proffers a more nuanced and complex understanding of life under socialism, but also has important insights for contemporary debates on the left today.
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Ismial, Mahmoud, and Omar Hamid Shukur. "The Economic Dimension in Great Countries Strategies towards Asia-Pacific Region." Asian Social Science 12, no. 9 (2016): 107. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ass.v12n9p107.
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<p>America’s and Great Countries economic policy makers have some of the hardest and most important jobs in the world. The economy has become a top priority for countries both capitalism communism and socialism. States are planning short and long-term economic strategy seeking to obtain economic benefits by searching for opportunities and places to bring them to grow and prosper.</p>
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BIZADEA, George. "HMONG. THE SECRET ARMY." STRATEGIES XXI - National Defence College 1, no. 72 (2021): 356–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.53477/2668-5094-21-25.
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This article aims to analyze the role of the Hmong population in the Indochina conflict. US President Dwight D. Eisenhower considered Laos a buffer state according to theDominion Theory and as such much more strategically important than Vietnam. To avoid the fall of Laos under communism and thus the spread of communism in the region, Eisenhower turned to the services of the C.I.A., because he could not intervene officially in Laos without violating the Geneva Convention.Keywords: Indochina; Laos; Vietnam; war; United States of America; Hmong, Central Intelligence Agency.
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AMBROSĂ, Ana-Maria. "Political-Legal Debates on Romania’s Administrative-Territorial Reform and Regionalisation." Anuarul Universitatii "Petre Andrei" din Iasi - Fascicula: Drept, Stiinte Economice, Stiinte Politice 28 (December 10, 2021): 01–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.18662/upalaw/62.
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In search of solutions for durable peace in Europe, the latter part of the 20th century witnessed the emergence of several western-based theories that redefined the relations of national states and the way they related to their territorial subdivisions: functionalism, federalism, neo-functionalism, intergovernmentalism, multi-level governance, etc. In this context, several administrative reforms were carried out in order to stimulate decentralisation and regionalisation. After the fall of communism, the states in Eastern and Central Europe aligned with European Union “fashion” and practices. Taking the same road, Romania has shyly proceeded towards local autonomy, keeping the territorial divisions of its communist past. As far as regionalisation is concerned, it formally adopted the European Nomenclature of Territorial Units for Statistics (NUTS). However, it did not transform the region into a true governance layer.
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Dobbins, Michael, Brigitte Horváthová, and Rafael Pablo Labanino. "Exploring interest intermediation in Central and Eastern Europe: is higher education different?" Interest Groups & Advocacy 10, no. 4 (2021): 399–429. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41309-021-00136-x.
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AbstractHigher education interest groups remain somewhat understudied from a comparative theory-driven perspective. This is surprising because political decisions regarding higher education must increasingly be legitimized to students, taxpayers, the academic community and society. This article aims to advance our understanding of higher education stakeholders in post-communist Europe. In our view, the region deserves more attention, not least because students and academics were very instrumental in bringing down communism and institutionalizing democracy. First, we draw on Klemenčič’s (EJHE 2(1): 2–19, 2012; SHE 39(3):396–411, 2014) distinction between corporatist and pluralist as well as formalized and informal systems of representation in higher education. Looking at survey data from four countries—Poland, the Czech Republic, Hungary and Slovenia—we examine to what extent post-communist democracies have established corporatist institutions to facilitate the formal participation of various crucial stakeholder organizations, e.g. students’ unions, academic unions, rectors’ conferences, etc. Then we address whether higher education organizations enjoy privileged access to policy-makers compared to those from other policy areas, while engaging with the argument that higher education is a particular case of “stakeholder democracy” in a region otherwise characterized by weak civic participation and corporatism. To wrap up, we discuss different “mutations of higher education corporatism” in each country.
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Slade, Gavin, and Matthew Light. "Crime and criminal justice after communism: Why study the post-Soviet region?" Theoretical Criminology 19, no. 2 (2015): 147–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1362480615571724.
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Georgiev, Svetoslav, and Emil Georgiev. "Evolution of top management’s understanding of product quality in Eastern Europe since the end of communism." TQM Journal 29, no. 1 (2017): 82–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/tqm-09-2015-0115.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to analyse the evolution of top management’s understanding of product quality in Bulgaria since the end of communism. The study examines three specific areas: top management’s understanding of the term “quality”; top management’s understanding of the relationship between quality and business performance; and top management’s understanding of the impact of job position on quality. Design/methodology/approach The paper relies on a quantitative research approach by using data from a survey of 186 companies in Bulgaria. Findings The paper suggests that senior managers in Bulgaria continue to base their understanding of “quality” on a single approach (*a characteristic of the communist era), with the product-based and the user-based approaches currently being the two most common ones. At the same time, surprisingly enough, this study claims that senior management in Bulgaria is currently well aware of the importance of quality as a dimension of firm’s competitiveness, and is also highly conscious of its roles’ impact on product quality. Research limitations/implications The results of this study are exclusively based on the case of Bulgaria and must be treated with caution in the case of other former communist states from the Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) region. Practical implications This paper has relevance for both managers and companies doing business in Eastern Europe. Originality/value This is the first paper to provide detailed analysis of the evolution of the understanding of “product quality” in CEE since the end of communism. Moreover, this paper applies, for the first time, Garvin’s five approaches to defining quality within a practical context.
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Békés, Csaba. "Hungary and the Dissolution of the Warsaw Pact (1988–1991)." Journal of Cold War Studies 25, no. 4 (2023): 4–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_01168.
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Abstract After the demise of Communism in East-Central Europe in 1989–1990, the new, non-Communist governments in the region had to consolidate their countries’ independence. The basic institutions of Soviet domination in East-Central Europe—the Warsaw Pact, the Council for Economic Mutual Assistance (CMEA), four large contingents of Soviet troops, and various other mechanisms of intra-bloc integration—still existed, and Soviet leaders hoped they could preserve most of those features in some form. Officials in East-Central Europe soon realized that they would have to take the initiative in eliminating all vestiges of Soviet hegemony in the region. The main impetus came from Hungary and Czechoslovakia and eventually Poland. Acting as a pressure group, they achieved agreement in the first half of 1991 on the dismantling of the alliance's military structures and then, by mid-1991, the dissolution of both the Warsaw Pact and CMEA. This article draws on recently declassified Hungarian, Soviet, East German, and Bulgarian archival sources to tell the behind-the-scenes endgame of the Warsaw Pact.
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Fahrizal, Adif. "Islamisasi di Kota Surakarta dan Sekitarnya Masa Orde Baru: Sebuah Tinjauan Awal." Lembaran Sejarah 16, no. 1 (2020): 62. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/lembaran-sejarah.59913.
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This article discusses the spread of Islam in the city and the neighborhood of Surakarta, Central Java during the New Order period. The spread of Islam took place through massive Islamic religious activities, such as mass prayer. In addition, the expansion of the number of mosques and mushola (Islamic praying sites) indicates a massive expansion of the influence of Islam in the region. Based on data from newspapers and interviews with relevant informants of the time, this article found out that the spread of Islam in Surakarta was a political agenda set up by the New Order government in order to counter the remnants of Communist ideology, which was withheld by sympathizers of the then Indonesian Communist Party. This article concludes that the massive spread of Islam shaped Surakarta, which had been known as the center of syncretic Javanese culture, to become religious and the government’s fear of Communism could be reduced. However, the process also made a sharp dichotomy between Islamist-based and Javanese-based identity of the city.
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Turkowski, Andrzej, and Tomasz Zarycki. "From Wallerstein to Rothschild." Journal of World-Systems Research 29, no. 1 (2023): 149–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/jwsr.2023.1135.
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This article investigates a neglected issue of the influence of systemic transformation in Central and Eastern Europe on the (sub)field of social sciences and more broadly on local fields of power. Our case study concerns a vibrant and internationally connected network of scholars from various disciplines and generations who were involved in developing and popularizing a dependency paradigm in communist Poland. As we show that the fall of communism and related transformation in the Polish field of power brought about dramatic shift in terms of their career trajectories as well as their ideological orientation and in consequence a sudden disappearance of this academic ecosystem. On this basis we argue about wider changes—encompassing marginalization of the “critical,” autonomous tradition and strengthening of heteronomic trends in social sciences in the region but also at the global level.
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Baranov, A. V., V. V. Kasyanov, and Yu A. Yakhutl. "Power Relations and Rural Population in Kuban-Black Sea Region during 1921—1924." Nauchnyi dialog 12, no. 7 (2023): 236–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2023-12-7-236-253.
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The article examines the reforms in power relations between the government and rural population in the Kuban-Black Sea region during the transition to the New Economic Policy (March 1921—1924). The study is based on materials from party and state authorities, as well as statistics. A systemic approach and diachronic comparative analysis are applied. The authors argue that until the fall of 1922, the system of power relations with the rural population in Kuban-Black Sea region maintained the predominance of the features of “war communism”: compulsory and arbitrary taxation, appointment of governing bodies, and repression. The specificity of the region was manifested in the combination of class and estate divisions of society, as well as Cossackization. It is shown that the transition to the NEP required a fundamental change in power relations with the peasantry, shifting towards the principles of material interest and civil peace, making the middle class and Cossacks loyal. It is emphasized that attitudes towards the NEP were contradictory, with local party and Soviet workers preferring to rely on military-communist methods. The authors conclude that a contradictory system of power and social relations was formed based on compromises and indirect coercion during food and land policies and during elections to the Soviets. By the fall of 1924, the RCP(b) was forced to concede to peasant demands on key aspects of reform.
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Rovny, Jan. "Communism, Federalism, and Ethnic Minorities: Explaining Party Competition Patterns in Eastern Europe." World Politics 66, no. 4 (2014): 669–708. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887114000227.
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Scholarship on East European politics expects that party competition in the region is determined by various communist legacies, juxtaposing state-centric authoritarianism to a liberal market economy. Recent empirical evidence, however, uncovers significant variance of party competition patterns across East European countries. To explain this variance, this article argues that an interaction between communist institutional framework and partisan responses to ethnic minorities determines party competition structure in the region. While experience with communist federalism determines partisan affinities with ethnic minorities, tolerance or support for ethnic minorities leads the political actors associated with those minorities to general socially liberal positions. Consequently—and contrary to received knowledge—ethnic politics influence the ideological content of party competition and structure party systems in Eastern Europe.
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Jasiewicz, Krzysztof. "“The Past Is Never Dead”." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 23, no. 4 (2009): 491–508. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325409342114.
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This article presents a summary of analyses addressing the changing patterns of voting behavior in post-communist Poland as a context for examination of the issue of the relationship between regions defined by history (eighteenth-century partitions, border shifts after WWII) and contemporary forms of voting behavior. In the 1990s, the dominant cleavage in Polish politics was the one between the post-Solidarity and post-communist camps, and the best predictor of voting behavior was one’s religiosity. In the first decade of the twenty-first century, this cleavage has been replaced by another, between the liberal, pro-European orientation and the more Euro-skeptic, populist attitudes. The empirical evidence seems to suggest that one end of the populist—liberal continuum is relatively well defined and represents the traditional system of values, which defines Polish national identity in terms of ethnic nationalism, strong attachment to Catholic dogmas, and denunciation of communism as a virtual negation of those values. The other end of this continuum is defined more by rejection of this nationalistic-Catholic “imagined community” than by any positive features. This article examines the relative role of identity-related factors (e.g., religiosity or region) and determinants based on one’s socioeconomic (class) position in shaping voting patterns in the 2007 elections to the Polish Sejm and Senate. The empirical data come from a postelection survey, the Polish General Election Study 2007.
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Kokosh, Artem. "The Concept of Space and Political Integration Processes of Eastern Europe in the First Post-War Decade." Mediaforum : Analytics, Forecasts, Information Management, no. 11 (December 14, 2022): 46–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mediaforum.2022.11.46-56.
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The timeliness of the article lies in describing historical and political specifications of Eastern Europe formatting at time of communism regimes taking into consideration the role of the USSR in political sphere of East European countries. The methodological base of the paper consists in historisism and objectivism principles that allow considering the facts in their historical and spatial relationships. The analysis of integration processes in Eastern Europe in 20th century is combined with the attempt to define a space, that is considered to be the novelty of the paper. The conclusion proves the timeliness defining the USSR effection in the region in 20th century and concentration of East European countries in soviet communism ideology.
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Patkhiddinov, Rukhiddin Kh. "HISTORY OF THE HEALTH CARE SYSTEM OF THE COUNTRY OF TURKESTAN IN 1917-1924: ON THE EXAMPLE OF THE FERGANA REGION." American Journal Of Social Sciences And Humanity Research 03, no. 06 (2023): 87–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/ajsshr/volume03issue06-18.
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The history of the Fergana Valley in 1917-1924 is characterized by famine, increasing epidemics, war, and the collapse of the national economy due to the policy of military communism of the Soviet authorities. These factors forced the people to go through a whirlwind of unprecedented difficulties. In the Fergana region, epidemics of perspiration, malaria, cholera, influenza, and plague spread and the spread of syphilis, tuberculosis, smallpox, and other infectious diseases intensified in the conditions of increased famine. As a result, a major health crisis occurred in the region.
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Tucker, Joshua A. "Comparative Opportunities." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 29, no. 2 (2015): 420–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325414559051.
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As the theoretical rationale (and funding opportunities!) for considering Eastern Europe as a distinct region diminish as we move farther away from the momentous events of 1989, the value of including East-Central European countries in comparative studies has only increased. This article outlines how comparative studies of political behavior involving East-Central European countries have evolved in the author’s own research from comparative studies including Russia along with four East European countries, to more broadly based comparative studies including multiple East European countries and former Soviet Republics, to studies where behavior is analyzed in both East European countries and more established democracies, and finally to large cross-national studies focused on questions related to post-communist politics (namely, the legacy of communism on post-communist attitudes and behavior) but relying on the comparative analysis of survey data from countries around the world. In a way, the research has come full circle, from studies of East European political behavior to better understand East European political behavior, to studies including East European countries to better understand general questions of political behavior not specific to post-communist countries, to now the most extensive comparative studies that are, however, designed once again to better understand East European political attitudes and behavior.