Literatura académica sobre el tema "Colonnaded streets"
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Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Colonnaded streets"
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Rababeh, Shaher, Rama Al Rabady y Shatha Abu-Khafajah. "COLONNADED STREETS WITHIN THE ROMAN CITYSCAPE: A “SPATIAL” PERSPECTIVE". JOURNAL OF ARCHITECTURE AND URBANISM 38, n.º 4 (23 de diciembre de 2014): 293–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.3846/20297955.2014.992168.
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Studies tackling the Roman legacy of colonial cities and Arabian provinces are still grappling with these cities from an urban planning perspective and/or building typologies. They do not provide a ‘spatial’ analysis that allows reading the Roman cities through the features that structured its urban language; one of which is the colonnaded streets. The study adopts a holistic approach to confront the ambiguities about possible origins, uses and meanings of the Roman colonnaded streets when traced in the Roman East as well as other Western cities. Besides its utilitarian and cultural value, the colonnaded streets are nalyzed according to two interrelated interpretations: astrological interpretation to represent an empire of astral divinity and performative interpretation to represent an empire of imperial power. The colonnaded streets is transformed from a ‘line on site’ into a ‘line of sight’ that testifies to the social norms of the Roman people but also to their ideologies, beliefs, and aspirations.
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Ryan, Garrett. "Street Theater: Building Monumental Avenues in Roman Ephesus and Renaissance Florence". Comparative Studies in Society and History 61, n.º 1 (28 de diciembre de 2018): 82–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417518000506.
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AbstractBetween the late first and the mid-third century CE, local elites in the eastern provinces of the Roman Empire lined the formerly utilitarian streets of their cities with honorific statues, colonnades, and ornamental buildings. The monumental avenues thus created have usually been interpreted as unplanned products of competitive munificence. This article, by contrast, suggests that the new streets had real political significance. It compares the monumental avenues of Roman Ephesus with a formal analogue from a better-documented historical context: the long, colonnaded courtyard of Florence's Uffizi complex, constructed by Duke Cosimo I in the mid-sixteenth century. Comparison with the Uffizi courtyard illuminates the prominence of “democratic” architectural conventions in Ephesian monumental avenues, the elite-centric vision of civic history implicit in their sculptural displays, and the degree to which public ceremonies reinforced their political messages.
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AVNI, GIDEON. "“From Polis to Madina” Revisited – Urban Change in Byzantine and early Islamic Palestine". Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 21, n.º 3 (julio de 2011): 301–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186311000022.
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The transformation of cities in the Byzantine and early Islamic Near East was discussed by a number of scholars in the last century. Many of them adopted a traditional approach, claiming that the Islamic conquest caused the total collapse of large classical cities, turning them into small medieval towns. The urban landscape was changed dramatically, with the large colonnaded streets of the classical Polis transformed into the narrow allies of the Islamic Madina.
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Mohamed, Hassan. "The Architecture of the Colonnaded Streets in the Romano-Egyptian Cities". Minia Journal of Tourism and Hospitality Research MJTHR 14, n.º 3 (1 de diciembre de 2022): 110–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.21608/mjthr.2022.168588.1067.
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Raja, Rubina. "Origins of the Colonnaded Streets in the Cities of the Roman East". Levant 50, n.º 1 (2 de enero de 2018): 116–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00758914.2018.1560702.
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Coulton, J. J. "Oinoanda: The Agora". Anatolian Studies 36 (diciembre de 1986): 61–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3642827.
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This study of the agora at Oinoanda is based on fieldwork done in 1975, 1977, 1981 and 1983 in the course of the survey of Oinoanda conducted by the British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara under the direction of A. S. Hall, and with the cooperation and assistance of the Directorate of Antiquities at Ankara. The topographical survey of the site, which underlies Figures 1 and 2, was undertaken by students of the Northeast London Polytechnic. Since our survey permit allowed no excavation, what follows is based on the visible remains, and some important points remain uncertain. Nevertheless, the extent of the remains and the absence of later interference with the site allow for a substantial reconstruction of the buildings concerned and their chronology.The agora of Oinoanda occupies an open space c. 87 m. by 27 m. in a depression between three low hills near the middle of the city area. To the north a spur runs out from the Acropolis hill, to the east is a small hill on the summit of which are rock cuttings for a small temple, and to the southwest is a hill which now carries a late antique fort. Between these three hills run the main streets of the city; to the south a road which skirts the hollow containing the Early Christian church Mm 3 to link up with the southern colonnaded street; to the west a much shorter road to the West Gate; and to the northeast another colonnaded street which leads between the two bath-buildings Mk 1 and Ml 1 in the direction of the Esplanade.
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Khamis, Elias. "THE SHOPS OF SCYTHOPOLIS IN CONTEXT". Late Antique Archaeology 5, n.º 1 (2009): 439–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134522-90000117.
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The shops of Scythopolis are contemporary with the initial layout of the Roman city. Similarly to other Roman cities in the East, the major streets of Scythopolis were colonnaded with rows of shops on both sides. While certain monuments and buildings in the city centre changed their character, design and function through time, the streets with their shops alongside, remained the most dominant and unchangeable feature of the city during several centuries. The owners of the shops, and their religious and cultural background, changed during the Roman, Byzantine and Early Islamic periods, but they still used the same buildings and probably sold similar products from one period to another. Sometimes it is possible to determine the function of certain shops. Among these were the shops of a coppersmith, a blacksmith, and a goldsmith, and shops for selling glass, pottery, building materials, and even souvenirs. Bakeries, taverns, and probably a butcher, can also be identified.
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Kaiser, Alan. "Origins of the Colonnaded Streets in the Cities of the Roman East by Ross Burns". American Journal of Philology 139, n.º 2 (2018): 356–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ajp.2018.0020.
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Waelkens, Marc. "Still in search of the origin and meaning of the ‘colonnaded street’ - ROSS BURNS, ORIGINS OF THE COLONNADED STREETS IN THE CITIES OF THE ROMAN EAST (Oxford University Press, 2017). Pp. xvi + 409, figs. 116. ISBN 978-0-19-878454-8. $100." Journal of Roman Archaeology 33 (2020): 861–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1047759420000628.
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James, Simon. "Ross Burns. Origins of the colonnaded streets in the cities of the Roman East. 2017. Oxford: Oxford University Press; 978-1-9878-4548 £100." Antiquity 92, n.º 365 (octubre de 2018): 1406–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.15184/aqy.2018.211.
Texto completoTesis sobre el tema "Colonnaded streets"
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El, Achi El Saadi Rola. "Les rues à colonnades romano-byzantines du Liban : étude d'archéologie, d'architecture et de conservation au travers des exemples de Byblos, Beyrouth et Tyr". Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 1, 2023. http://www.theses.fr/2023PA01H050.
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Avec l'intégration de Byblos, Beyrouth et Tyr dans l'Empire romain, vers 64 avant J.-C., ces villes ont connu un renouveau architectural exceptionnel, qui a duré plusieurs siècles. Durant cette période, et d'après les fouilles entamées sur les sites au cours des XXe et XXIe siècles, il semble que le tissu urbain de chaque ville ait été réorganisé et doté de nouveaux monuments répondant autant que possible aux nouvelles exigences de standardisation et d'idéalisation architecturale. Parmi les vestiges qui nous renseignent sur la grandeur du paysage urbain romano-byzantin de Byblos, Beyrouth et Tyr figurent leurs rues à colonnades. La construction de ces artères principales qui reliaient les différents secteurs de chaque ville, débuta vers la fin du Ier siècle. Elle atteint son apogée au IIe siècle, puis connu un développement exceptionnel à la fin de l'Antiquité, avant de disparaitre complètement pendant les périodes médiévales et de tomber dans l'oubli. Cette thèse sera donc l'occasion d'examiner l'évolution historique, esthétique et fonctionnelle de ce type de monument. Elle nous permettra d'interpréter les données archéologiques recueillies sur le terrain en adoptant un croisement systématique des différents attributs identifiés, ce qui nous aidera à saisir les similitudes qui caractérisent les rues à colonnades du Liban, ainsi que les différences qui les distinguentWith the integration of Byblos, Beirut and Tyre into the Roman Empire, around 64 BC, these cities underwent an exceptional architectural revival, which lasted for several centuries. During this period, and according to the 20th and 21st centuries excavations that were undertaken on these sites, it seems that the urban fabric in each city was reorganized and endowed with new monuments that met as much as possible the new requirements of standardization and architectural idealization. Among the surviving ruins that tell us about the grandeur of the Roman-Byzantine urban landscape of Byblos, Beirut and Tyre stand their colonnaded streets. The construction of these main arteries, which linked the different sectors in each city, began towards the end of the 1st century. It reached its peak in the 2nd century and then underwent an exceptional development at the end of Antiquity, before disappearing completely during the medieval periods and falling into oblivion. This thesis will therefore be an opportunity to examine the historical, aesthetic and functional evolution of this type of monument. It will enable us to interpret the archaeological data collected on site by adopting a systematic cross-referencing of the various attributes identified, which will help us to grasp the similarities that characterize the colonnaded streets of Lebanon, as well as the differences that distinguish them
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Hammond, Mark D. ""Road work ahead" the transformation of the colonnaded street in sixth and early seventh century Palestine and Arabia /". Diss., Columbia, Mo. : University of Missouri-Columbia, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10355/5912.
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Thesis (M.A.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 2006.The entire dissertation/thesis text is included in the research.pdf file; the official abstract appears in the short.pdf file (which also appears in the research.pdf); a non-technical general description, or public abstract, appears in the public.pdf file. Title from title screen of research.pdf file viewed on (February 26, 2007) Includes bibliographical references.
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Yoncaci, Pelin. "Roman Urban Space Framed By Colonnades: Mediating Between Myth, Memory And History In Ephesus". Master's thesis, METU, 2006. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12608002/index.pdf.
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A multi-layered analysis on the morphological development of Ephesus in relation to the Temple of Artemis and an investigative wandering through the streets of this city in the era of Roman Empire highlights this thesis characterized by a consistent search for the significance of the notion of urban armature. From the standpoint of those who lived at that time, special attention is directed toward the colonnaded avenues as well as to their formal and social impacts within the city fabric. The thesis re-reads Ephesus within two main partsfirst the urban form in relation to the topographical provision and sacred landscape provided by the site itself
and then from the ground level through a walking trip of the city as it appeared in the second century A.D. Crucial to this visual experience is the semantic quality of the environment at a collective level since the meaning of the experience would be useless without considering the meaning of signs and symbols within the environment. Thus, bounding ancient society and urban space at the phenomenological level, the small trip starts at the harbor and concludes at the Temple of Artemis, the irrefutable symbol of Ephesus and the most revered shrine in Asia Minor.
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Ben, Aros Mohamed. "Les développements architecturaux à Leptis Magna pendant l'époque sévérienne (193 – 235)". Thesis, Paris 4, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA040008.
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Leptis Magna a joué un rôle essentiel dans l'histoire de l'Afrique du Nord. Ce rôle se base sur des données économiques de la ville et de la bonne gestion de ses élites, qui sont ouvertes à la politique de romanisation en adoptant les coutumes et les modèles de l'architecture romaine. Parmi les élites les plus célèbres, celle de la famille des Spetimii : Septime Sévère qui accéda au trône en 193 après J-.C, sous son règne Leptis Magna atteint son apogée et devient la Rome Africaine, en y édifiant les bâtiments sévériens qui font l’objet de cette étude. Le choix de ce sujet se justifie essentiellement par l’importance de l'urbanisme lepcitain et ses caractéristiques à l’époque sévérienne. Qui ont généré des travaux foisonnants en plusieurs langues. Un bilan est désormais nécessaire qui aura pour objectif de mettre en évidence l’importance et l’originalité de cette phase sévérienne: aussi bien pour la ville elle-même que pour l’idéologie impériale, qui s’est manifestée ici de manière éclatante. Nous essayerons ici de connaitre pour quelles raisons Septime Sévère accorda toute son attention à construire ces édifices somptueux pendant une courte période. Parce qu'elle était sa ville natale ? Où bien, présentait-elle un bénéfice avantageux pour Rome ? L'intérêt de ces monuments grandioses datés de l’époque romaine nécessite une recherche historico-scientifique au niveau du tissu urbain : connaitre leur fonctionnement et leur rôle dans la société romaine; étudier leurs composants esthétiques en essayant de trouver les points communs entre eux; également mesurer l’amplitude de la production artistique et sa relation avec le développement politique et économique de la villeLeptis Magna has played a vital role in the history of North Africa.This role is based on the economic data of the city and the good management of its elites who are opened the policy of Romanization by adopting the Roman customs and patterns of Roman architecture. Among elites, most famous are those of the family Septimii which allowed his child, Septimius Severus, came to the throne in 193 AD. Under the reign of this emperor, Leptis Magna reached its peak of prosperity and became the Rome of Africa by setting up a massive constructions program: “The Severan Buildings” are the subject of this study. The choice of this subject is essentially justified by the importance of planning lepcitain characteristics at the Severan period, which generated abundant work in multiple languages. Now an assessment is necessary to highlight the importance and originality of this Severan phase: both for the city itself as well as for imperial ideology, which is conveyed brilliantly. We will try here to know why Septimius Severus gave his full attention to build these magnificent buildings in a short period. Perhaps because it was his hometown? Or was the town an advantageous asset for Rome? The beauty of these great monuments dating from the Roman era requires a historical and scientific research in the urban fabric: To know their operation and their role in Roman society; to study their aesthetic components and to find the common points between them, also to measure the amplitude of the artistic production and its relationships with the political and economic development of the city
Libros sobre el tema "Colonnaded streets"
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Origins of the Colonnaded Streets in the Cities of the Roman East. Oxford University Press, 2017.
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Walker, Nathaniel Robert. Victorian Visions of Suburban Utopia. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198861447.001.0001.
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The rise of suburbs and disinvestment from cities have been defining features of life in many countries over the course of the twentieth century, especially English-speaking ones. The separation of different aspects of life, such as living and working, and the diffusion of the population in far-flung garden homes have necessitated an enormous consumption of natural lands and the constant use of mechanized transportation. Why did we abandon our dense, complex urban places and seek to find “the best of the city and the country” in the flowery suburbs? A large missing piece in this story is found in Victorian utopian literature. The replacement of cities with high-tech suburbs was repeatedly imagined and breathlessly described in the socialist dreams and science-fiction fantasies of dozens of British and American authors in the nineteenth century. Some of these visionaries—such as Robert Owen, Edward Bulwer-Lytton, Edward Bellamy, William Morris, Ebenezer Howard, and H. G. Wells—are enduringly famous, while others were street vendors or amateur chemists who have been all but forgotten. Together, they fashioned strange and beautiful imaginary worlds built of synthetic gemstones, lacy metal colonnades, and unbreakable glass, staffed by robotic servants and teeming with flying carriages. As different as their futuristic visions could be in their politics or narrative qualities, most were unified by a single, desperate plea: for humanity to have a future worth living, we must abandon our smoky, poor, chaotic Babylonian cities for a life in shimmering gardens.
Capítulos de libros sobre el tema "Colonnaded streets"
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Intagliata, Emanuele E. "Urban Layout and Public Space". En The Oxford Handbook of Palmyra, 321–34. Oxford University Press, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190858117.013.22.
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Abstract Although the origin of Palmyra goes back to at least the Bronze Age, it is from the Hellenistic period that archaeological evidence from this site becomes more frequent. The process of monumentalization of the settlement peaked between the first and third centuries, when the majority of the public monuments known at this site were constructed. The aim of this chapter is to provide the reader with a brief overview of some of the most important public monuments of Palmyra before and after the events of 272–273 that brought the settlement to its knees. These include the agora complex, the theatre, the amphitheatre, colonnaded streets (with a specific focus on the Great Colonnade), and marketplaces.
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"City Walls, Colonnaded Streets, and the Rhetorical Calculus of Civic Merit". En That Tyrant, Persuasion, 88–106. Princeton University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv1vbd102.12.
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"7 City Walls, Colonnaded Streets, and the Rhetorical Calculus of Civic Merit". En That Tyrant, Persuasion, 88–106. Princeton University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9780691221021-009.
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"THE COLONNADED STREET". En The Severan Buildings of Lepcis Magna, 67–78. Society for Libyan Studies, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/jj.4350571.12.
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Fant, Clyde E. y Mitchell G. Reddish. "Perga". En A Guide to Biblical Sites in Greece and Turkey. Oxford University Press, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195139174.003.0041.
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Certainly a striking city in its day, Perga (also spelled Perge) today still is an impressive place to visit. Its theater, stadium, agora, towers, baths, and colonnaded streets give the visitor a good sense of what an ancient city was like. Perga is located in the ancient region of Pamphylia, approximately 9 miles east of Antalya. To visit the site, take highway 400 east from Antalya to the town of Aksu, in which there is a yellow sign on the left that points to Perga, which is a little more than a mile north of Aksu. The Aksu Çayï (the ancient Cestrus River) comes within 3 miles of the site on its way to the Mediterranean, approximately 7 miles away. In ancient times Perga apparently had a port on the river, which was navigable, thus allowing the city to benefit commercially from the river. Ancient tradition claims that Perga was founded after the Trojan War by Greek settlers under the leadership of Calchas (a seer whose prophecies helped the Greeks in the war) and Mopsus (another ancient seer). The acropolis at Perga, however, was inhabited much earlier than this, even during the Bronze Age. When Alexander the Great came through the area in 333 B.C.E., the city of Perga offered no resistance to him. Some of the people from Perga even served as guides to lead a part of Alexander’s army from Phaselis into Pamphylia. After Alexander’s death, the city was controlled by the Ptolemies and then by the Seleucid rulers. One of the most famous natives of Perga during the Hellenistic period was Apollonius, a 3rd-century-B.C.E. mathematician who wrote a ninevolume work on conics. His works were important contributions to astronomy and geometry. He studied in Alexandria and later lived in Pergamum. After the defeat of the Seleucids by the Romans in 189 B.C.E. at the battle of Magnesia, Perga became a part of the Pergamene kingdom. Bequeathed to Rome in 133 B.C.E. by the last Pergamene king, Attalus III, the city came under Roman control four years later, as a part of the Roman province of Asia Minor.
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Ling, Roger y Lesley Ling. "Postscript to Volume I". En The Insula of the Menander at Pompeii. Oxford University Press, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199266951.003.0015.
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We take the opportunity of modifying ideas presented in Volume I, and responding to queries raised by reviewers and other commentators. 1. Street fountains. It was claimed in Volume I (p. 252) that the cutting back of the fac¸ade of I.10.1 to create space round the fountain was almost without parallel in the city: the only other places where we could point to similar sacrifices being made, either for fountains or for the distribution tanks and watertowers which were an integral part of the distribution system provided to feed them, were at the southern tip of Insula VI.1 and the south-east corner of VI.14. We suggested, therefore, that the owner or occupier of I.10.1, rather than being subject to an expropriation order, may have yielded the space voluntarily. It is certainly true that street fountains and water-towers were as far as possible sited to avoid impinging upon existing buildings, even though the installations in question almost invariably ended up both encroaching upon the sidewalk and projecting into the carriageway. In some cases, as at the northeast corner of VI.8, there was no great problem, because there was suficient space for pedestrians and wheeled trafic to get past without dificulty. In other places, the street was closed to vehicles, so the fountain could project freely into the carriageway or even stand wholly within it: such was the case at the north-west corner of VI.13, where the lack of ruts and a strategically placed bollard at the south end conform that the Vico del Labirinto was for pedestrians only. The western stretch of the Via dell’Abbondanza, between the forum and the Via Stabiana crossing, was at least partially closed to vehicles, but there was, in any case, no shortage of space for the fountains at the south-east corners of VII.9 and VII.14. At the north end of the Via delle Scuole, closed off by the forum colonnade, it was even possible to site a fountain in the middle of the road. In other cases, however, accommodating the fountain presented serious difficulties. At the south-east corner of VII.4, for instance, the fountain jutted into the street so far as to leave only a narrow gap for wheeled trafic to squeeze through, and ultimately the street was closed.
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Fant, Clyde E. y Mitchell G. Reddish. "Tarsus". En A Guide to Biblical Sites in Greece and Turkey. Oxford University Press, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195139174.003.0047.
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Tarsus, best known as the home of the Apostle Paul, was the principal city of the eastern Cilician plain. A city renowned in antiquity as a center of culture and learning, Tarsus was visited by such figures as Julius Caesar, Mark Antony, and Cleopatra. Recent excavations have uncovered more remains of the city from Hellenistic and Roman times, including a paved, colonnaded street. Tarsus, the capital of the ancient province of Cilicia, is located near the eastern Mediterranean coast of Turkey. Situated today 10 miles inland from the sea, Tarsus served as a port city because the Cydnus River (today the Tarsus Çayï) passed through Tarsus on its way to the sea. The river was navigable by ships from the Mediterranean coast to Tarsus. Lake Rhegma, a lagoon near the Mediterranean coast into which the river flowed, served as the harbor for Tarsus. During the 6th century C.E., Emperor Justinian moved the course of the Cydnus River to the east of Tarsus, while leaving several minor branches of the river to flow through the city. The city of Tarsus belonged to the region of Asia Minor known as Cilicia. Ancient Cilicia was composed of two parts, Cilicia Pedias (“flat” or “smooth” Cilicia) and Cilicia Trachaei (“rough” Cilicia). Cilicia Pedias was a fertile plain in the eastern part of the region, whereas Cilicia Trachaei was a rugged, heavily forested mountainous region in the western part, dominated by the Taurus Mountains. Tarsus, the major city of Cilicia Pedias, was located just south of the Cilician Gates, the main pass through the Taurus Mountains. Through this pass ran the major road connecting Syria to Asia Minor, thus providing Tarsus access to trade and travel over land as well as over the Mediterranean. The earliest settlement at Tarsus was likely at Gözlü Kule, a tumulus on the southeast side of modern Tarsus. Excavations under the direction of Hetty Goldman of Princeton University before and immediately after World War II at the tumulus discovered evidence that the site was occupied from Neolithic to Islamic times. At least as early as the 3rd millennium B.C.E., a fortified town existed at the site of Tarsus.
Actas de conferencias sobre el tema "Colonnaded streets"
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Marshall, Stephen y Yuerong Zhang. "Towards a ‘fractal’ typomorphology: integrating concepts of type, form and dimension". En 24th ISUF 2017 - City and Territory in the Globalization Age. Valencia: Universitat Politècnica València, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/isuf2017.2017.6151.
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While the urban fabric has both three and two dimensional aspects, we rarely if ever experience urban form as a fully three-dimensional object nor as a two-dimensional ground plan. Rather, the urban fabric is experienced more in terms of places with a fractal dimension lying between two and three. Hence we can (re)interpret urban form elements from colonnades to streets as ‘fractal’ types. This in turn suggests the possibility for a ‘fractal’ typo-morphology, addressing elements that occupy a typological space ‘in between’ 3D architectural modelling and 2D urban plan analysis. While Moudon could note that aspects of type were ‘vague and flawed with ambiguity’ (1994), it seems that there is still room for clarity; Dovey’s recent review of type (2016) invites further development and integration of the concept of type what may still be a disparate and ambiguous territory. Meanwhile, fractal approaches to morphology have been traditionally more concerned with larger scale urban patterns (e.g. Frankhauser, 2004) or measurement of architectural elements (e.g. Ostwald et al, 2015) with a fractal dimension less than two. This paper explores the possibilities for establishing a ‘fractal typo-morphology’ that recognises the ‘2.x’ dimensional aspect of the urban fabric and its component types. The paper generates a solution-space of types, illustrated with empirical examples, and organizes these into a typology for onward use, so that ideas of type, form and fractal dimension can contribute more fully as ‘conceptual tools’ both for understanding the urban fabric and for use as building blocks for urban design. References (100 words) Dovey, K. (2016) Urban Design Thinking. London: Bloomsbury Academic. Moudon, A. V. (1994) Getting to know the built landscape: typomorphology, in Franck, K. A and H. Schneekloth (eds) Ordering Space: Types in Architecture and Design. New York: VNR. Frankhauser, P. (2004) Comparing the morphology of urban patterns in Europe – a fractal approach, in Borsdorf, A. and Zembri, P. (eds) European Cities – Insights on outskirts. Brussels: COST. Ostwald, M., Vaughan, J. and Tucker, C. (2015) Characteristic visual complexity: Fractal dimensions in the architecture of Frank Lloyd wright and Le Corbusier, in Williams, K. and Ostwald, M. (eds) Architecture and Mathematics from Antiquity to the Future. Switzerland: Springer.