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Kempten, Willett, Paul P. Craig y Craig R. Kuennen. "Global Climate Change: European Policy Makers' Views of How Science Enters the Political Process". Energy & Environment 6, n.º 2 (junio de 1995): 87–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0958305x9500600201.
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This paper examines the process of establishing scientific consensus in the global climate change debate, as reported in interviews with policy makers, administrators and advisors in four European countries. We focus on three areas: 1) the European political community's deliberate organization of scientists to advise them on global climate change science policy; 2) European rationales for taking policy action in the presence of high scientific uncertainty, and 3) European interpretations of United States policy in terms of United States culture and public opinion. We find that consensus on global climate change is seemingly being reached - or at least publicly stated - more readily in Europe than in the United States. This appears to result from several deliberately-created European consensus building processes by representatives from the scientific community and government. In contrast, in the United States both the science of global climate change and the implications for public policy have been much more contested and debated. Extreme ends of the range of scientific opinion appear to be given more weight in the United States than in Europe, in part because of the contrasting fora available. Finally, our European interviewees attributed United States timidity on climate change remediation to American culture and voter unwillingness to forgo energy use.
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Urpelainen, Johannes. "Explaining the Schwarzenegger Phenomenon: Local Frontrunners in Climate Policy". Global Environmental Politics 9, n.º 3 (agosto de 2009): 82–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/glep.2009.9.3.82.
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The surge of local climate policy is a puzzling political-economic phenomenon. Why have local policy-makers, incapable of mitigating global warming through individual emissions reductions, adopted ambitious policies while national governments refrain from action? I construct a game-theoretic model of two-level climate policy with incomplete information over political benefits. In equilibrium, the government selects a lax national regulation, and local policy-makers with private information on high local benefits choose more ambitious policies despite incentives to free ride. The analysis also suggests that even though local policy-makers prefer not to reveal information to the government, they must do so to pursue short-term political gains. Counterintuitively, new information can lead to more ambitious national regulation even if the government learns that the local political benefits are likely lower than expected. As an empirical application, I study the evolution of climate policies in the United States.
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Trachtman, Samuel. "Building Climate Policy in the States". ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 685, n.º 1 (septiembre de 2019): 96–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716219865173.
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Large-scale carbon emissions reductions in the United States likely require national-level policy, but political and institutional constraints restrict the scope of policy that can be enacted in Washington. State governments, on the other hand, have demonstrated a remarkable willingness to enact climate policies, despite the global nature of the problem. Although it is limited in directly reducing carbon emissions, state policy has the potential to make the terrain of U.S. climate politics more fertile for future policy. I discuss mechanisms by which climate policies enacted at the state level can influence climate politics across the states and at the national level. Finally, I make policy and political strategy recommendations that take these multilevel policy feedback dynamics into account.
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Tobin, Paul. "Leaders and Laggards: Climate Policy Ambition in Developed States". Global Environmental Politics 17, n.º 4 (noviembre de 2017): 28–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/glep_a_00433.
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In 1992 the United Nations identified twenty-four “Annex II” states as being “developed” and holding the greatest responsibility for reducing emissions. Since then, the ambitions of these states toward mitigating climate change have varied significantly. This article is the first to employ fuzzy-set qualitative comparative analysis (fsQCA) to analyze climate policy variation among the Annex II developed states. The presence of a left-wing government is shown to be sufficient for ambitious climate policy, as is having high GDP per capita in conjunction with close links to the EU and few political constraints. The analysis highlights Austria’s surprisingly unambitious climate policy, which is explained, following elite interviews, by the state’s unique social partnership governance model and unusual fuel tourism industry. Overall, fsQCA proves a useful method for examining variables in combination and for case study selection, although limited by the number of variables it can assess.
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Mazmanian, Daniel A., John L. Jurewitz y Hal T. Nelson. "State Leadership in U.S. Climate Change and Energy Policy: The California Experience". Journal of Environment & Development 29, n.º 1 (14 de noviembre de 2019): 51–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1070496519887484.
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It is a long-held belief among scholars and practitioners that the State of California is a notable subnational leader in environmental and climate change policy. This article focuses primarily on four essential contextual factors that explain why and how within the United States’ federal system of government California has become such an important leader, performing far in excess of the national government and most other states. These essential factors are preferences, authority, capacity, and effectiveness. The article then moves to the multifaceted implementation strategy California policy makers have employed to realize their environmental goals. Finally, despite the history of strong leadership, the state continues to face a host of significant challenges in realizing its ambitious climate change goals for the coming decades.
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Yoss, Will y Benjamin L. Reust. "Climate change and security narratives in Colombia". Global Policy 15, S3 (junio de 2024): 93–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1758-5899.13332.
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AbstractIn September of 2022, Gustavo Petro presented an alternative vision of the future of Colombia from that which Colombian administrations have pursued for the past two decades. In his speech to the United Nations, Petro called for an end to the irrational war on drugs and described the drug epidemic as a symptom of significant societal failures. Petro directed his criticism at Plan Colombia, a counternarcotics security strategy, speaking directly about vital elements such as the aerial eradication program. Although Plan Colombia has ended, the United States continues to provide significant financial support to the Colombian government to fund its counter narcotics mission. Is Petro serious about ending the counternarcotics mission in Colombia? Given the political climate, should the United States change its policy approach in Colombia? This article argues that despite an increased use of narratives about climate change and a declining relevance of security narratives, US funding for security has remained constant. Our findings suggest that the United States uses aid as a hard power tool to ensure that certain strategic interests are met irrespective of the political climate.
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Karapin, Roger. "Federalism as a Double-Edged Sword: The Slow Energy Transition in the United States". Journal of Environment & Development 29, n.º 1 (12 de noviembre de 2019): 26–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1070496519886001.
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Much literature on federalism and multilevel governance argues that federalist institutional arrangements promote renewable energy policies. However, the U.S. case supports a different view that federalism has ambivalent effects. Policy innovation has occurred at the state level and to some extent has led to policy adoption by other states and the federal government, but the extent is limited by the veto power of fossil fuel interests that are rooted in many state governments and in Congress, buttressed by increasing Republican Party hostility to environmental and climate policy. This argument is supported by a detailed analysis of five periods of federal and state renewable energy policy-making, from the Carter to the Trump administrations. The negative effects of federalism on national renewable energy policy in the United States, in contrast to the West European cases in this special issue, are mainly due to the interaction of its federalist institutions with party polarization and a strong domestic fossil fuel industry.
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Golub, Y. y S. Shenin. "The Biden Administration’s Climate Policy toward China". International Trends / Mezhdunarodnye protsessy 20, n.º 2 (2022): 79–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.17994/it.2022.20.2.69.2.
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The article is devoted to the analysis of the contemporary US-Chinese relations in the climate sphere and forecasting the prospects for their development in the near future. In the context of the evolution of the problem in the past, as well as taking into account the differences in approaches to the problem in the United States from the two leading parties and the most influential political and ideological groups, the authors investigate the causes of the aggravation of climate relations between Washington and Beijing. It is noted that having occupied the White House, the Democratic administration of J. Biden began to increase pressure on the Chinese government in order to force it to accelerate the passage of "green transit", i.e. the transition from the use of fossil fuels in the economy to renewable energy sources. It is assumed that such a strategy should slow down China's economic development, thus giving America time for internal reforms aimed at achieving its global "green" leadership, which, in turn, should ensure economic dominance in the post-crisis period. Tactically, the administration uses a "separate" methodology, i.e. declares the need to isolate from each other the climate and all other components of the Chinese policy of the United States. This approach is not supported by most political and ideological groups. Thus, the progressive wing of the Democratic Party insists on close climate cooperation with China, which implies a possibility of geopolitical concessions. Moderate Republicans ("realists") consider "constructive competition" with Beijing in the climate sphere possible. Conservatives are confident that China will not fulfill its promises, and therefore they advocate "climate realism", which means carrying out internal reforms in the United States only taking into account what has been done by other countries, primarily China. The neoconservative group demands to abandon climate pressure and rely on tough geopolitical steps against Beijing. It is concluded that disagreement within the ruling elite with Biden's Chinese policy will greatly complicate the approval of the climate reform program in Congress, therefore the "containment" of the PRC will be primarily economic and geopolitical in nature.
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Du Boff, Richard B. "A Slippery Slope: Economists and Social Insurance in the United States". International Journal of Health Services 27, n.º 3 (julio de 1997): 397–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/1uf9-t8qc-3g3x-9ku0.
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Since the 1980s welfare state protections have been blamed for a host of economic problems. In the United States, conservatives have always disliked Social Security but could not effectively attack this popular program until the 1980s, when they devised a new tactic—warning young people that they would never get their “money's worth” from Social Security, which is on the brink of “bankruptcy.” The political climate, dominated by a drive to cut back “big government,” also became favorable for attempts to destabilize Social Security politically. Thus, negative images of Social Security have been forced onto the public agenda, and economists who consider themselves “liberal” have uncritically accepted this new set of political “givens.” It is an example of how they address “crises” as separable issues tied to no particular social context.
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Jiahan, Cao. "Recalibrating China-U.S. Climate Cooperation Under the Trump Administration". China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies 04, n.º 01 (enero de 2018): 77–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2377740018500033.
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Based on the analytical framework of securitization, this article argues that cooperation between China and the United States on climate change will not lose momentum despite President Trump’s seemingly passive stance. A securitization process on the climate issue has been ongoing in China since President Xi Jinping took office and proposed the Overall National Security Outlook (ONSO). Climate security was thus integrated into China’s political discourse as a key component of ecological and common security, leading to a period of China-U.S. cooperation during the Obama administration. Similarly, in the United States, climate policy has been cemented in security planning and assessment of various federal agencies. The U.S. security sector seems to be largely unaffected by the White House decision to withdraw from the Paris Agreement. A growing number of Americans treat climate change as a security threat and many U.S. states and cities, in collaboration with business leaders, have taken on a role in international climate diplomacy. Combined with existing intergovernmental collaborative projects, robust market forces and innovative local initiatives will continue to push China-U.S. climate cooperation forward. As a necessary step to sustain its ties with the United States on climate issues, the Chinese government needs to propose a renewed bilateral framework on energy and environment cooperation under the China-U.S. Comprehensive Economic Dialogue.
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Poyar, Kyle Andrew y Nancy Beller-Simms. "Early Responses to Climate Change: An Analysis of Seven U.S. State and Local Climate Adaptation Planning Initiatives". Weather, Climate, and Society 2, n.º 3 (1 de julio de 2010): 237–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1175/2010wcas1047.1.
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Abstract State and local governments in the United States manage a wide array of natural and human resources that are particularly sensitive to climate variability and change. Recent revelations of the extent of the current and potential climate impact in this realm such as with the quality of water, the structure of the coasts, and the potential and witnessed impact on the built infrastructure give these political authorities impetus to minimize their vulnerability and plan for the future. In fact, a growing number of subnational government bodies in the United States have initiated climate adaptation planning efforts; these initiatives emphasize an array of climate impacts, but at different scales, scopes, and levels of sophistication. Meanwhile, the current body of climate adaptation literature has not taken a comprehensive look at these plans nor have they questioned what prompts local adaptation planning, at what scope and scale action is being taken, or what prioritizes certain policy responses over others. This paper presents a case-based analysis of seven urban climate adaptation planning initiatives, drawing from a review of publicly available planning documents and interviews with stakeholders directly involved in the planning process to provide a preliminary understanding of these issues. The paper also offers insight into the state of implementation of adaptation strategies, highlighting the role of low upfront costs and cobenefits with issues already on the local agenda in prompting anticipatory adaptation.
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Moser, Susanne C. "In the Long Shadows of Inaction: The Quiet Building of a Climate Protection Movement in the United States". Global Environmental Politics 7, n.º 2 (mayo de 2007): 124–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/glep.2007.7.2.124.
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Many observers perceive the US as an obstructionist force in global efforts to address greenhouse gas emissions. Federal leadership—despite rhetoric—remains absent even as the scientific consensus about the urgency of climate change and public acceptance of the reality of the problem are growing. This situation has created fertile ground for bottom-up political mobilization and action to reduce emissions of heat-trapping greenhouse gases. Using an actor-centered model of social movement evolution, this paper surveys the signs in civic society, the private sector, and at local and state government levels for the emergence of a climate protection movement in the United States. Diverse initiatives are networked and expanding, thus creating pressure for more federal action. This paper paints a more optimistic and realistic picture of actual efforts in climate protection in the United States, the immensity of the challenges remaining notwithstanding.
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Eriksson, Martin. "Regional Development, Transport Infrastructure and Government Policy". Journal of Northern Studies 4, n.º 1 (1 de julio de 2010): 97–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.36368/jns.v4i1.632.
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Due to the cold climate, navigation along the coast lines of the northern regions in Sweden, Finland, Canada, Russia and the United States must negotiate winter conditions which cause ports to freeze over. In order to avoid the negative economic effects of such interruptions, ice-breaking and other measures to facilitate winter navigation have been introduced. This article deals with the introduction of ice-breaking along the coast line of the five northernmost counties in Sweden, the Norrland region, from a perspective that examines and analyzes the underlying decision-making processes. It is concluded that the ability of regional interest groups to link their demands for an improved ice-breaker service to important aims within macro policy such as trade policy, growth policy and regional development policy contributed to the outcome of the decision-making processes. The international competitiveness of the export industries in Norrland was therefore regarded as a national concern during the decision-making processes. Another factor that contributed to the outcome of the decision-making processes was the sectoral organization within the government maritime bodies. Large-scale planning and operational experimentation was allowed to take place within the ice-breaker service, which convinced the government that ice-breaking and winter navigation were a feasible transport alternative.
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Shearer, Christine. "The political ecology of climate adaptation assistance: Alaska Natives, displacement, and relocation". Journal of Political Ecology 19, n.º 1 (1 de diciembre de 2012): 174. http://dx.doi.org/10.2458/v19i1.21725.
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Although much research on climate change has focused on its disproportionate effects on the Global South, communities—particularly indigenous populations—within "developed" nations in the Global North can also face significant effects and inadequate assistance. One example is the native village and city of Kivalina in northwest Alaska. Through a case study of Kivalina, this article explores the gaps in U.S. policy for relocating Alaska Natives due to the effects of climate change. There is currently no policy in place—within the United States or internationally—for the resettlement of communities displaced by climate change. And in the United States there is no lead agency in charge of relocating displaced communities, despite several U.S. government reports stating that at least four Alaska Native villages, including Kivalina, must be resettled due to warming Arctic temperatures and erosion. This leaves government agencies in charge of assisting villages like Kivalina, such as the Federal Emergency Management Agency and the Army Corps of Engineers, who are responsible for helping ensure Kivalina's safety but are not empowered to innovate new procedures and holistically address what is an unprecedented problem: climate change. This has left Kivalina in what is termed here an administrative orbit, with residents made to work their way through a patchwork of various government programs and procedures that are time-consuming and often insufficient. In exploring these intra-national inequities, this article examines how a protocol specifically designed for those displaced by climate change, such as "climigration," could be merged with existing government efforts around emergency management to help prevent disasters before they occur, and to protect at-risk communities like Kivalina.Keywords: Disaster management; Alaska: environmentally induced migration; indigenous studies; resilience; displacement; relocation.
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Munachi Chikodili Ugwu y Adefolake Olachi Adewusi. "NAVIGATING LEGAL AND POLICY CHALLENGES IN THE ENERGY TRANSITION: CASE STUDIES FROM THE UNITED STATES AND NIGERIA". International Journal of Applied Research in Social Sciences 6, n.º 4 (7 de abril de 2024): 506–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.51594/ijarss.v6i4.988.
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The energy transition is a critical global imperative, necessitating a shift towards sustainable energy sources to mitigate climate change and ensure energy security. However, navigating the legal and policy landscape presents significant challenges. This paper examines the legal and policy frameworks in the United States and Nigeria, two countries with distinct energy landscapes, to identify common challenges and best practices. In the United States, a complex interplay of federal and state regulations impacts the transition to renewable energy. Case studies highlight the role of federal policies, state-level initiatives, and legal battles over energy infrastructure projects in shaping the transition.
Similarly, in Nigeria, regulatory hurdles and socio-economic factors impede progress towards sustainable energy. Government initiatives to promote renewable energy face challenges, including energy access disparities and financing constraints. A comparative analysis reveals both similarities and differences between the two countries' approaches to the energy transition. Lessons learned underscore the importance of regulatory clarity, stakeholder engagement, and policy coherence in facilitating the transition. Drawing on these insights, this paper offers recommendations for policymakers and stakeholders to overcome legal and policy challenges in the energy transition. By adopting best practices and learning from case studies, both the United States and Nigeria can accelerate progress towards a sustainable energy future.
Keywords: Legal, Policy, Challenges, Energy Transition, Case Studies, United States, Nigeria.
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Rovinskaya, T. "New Shape of Environmental Policy amid COVID-19 Pandemic". World Economy and International Relations 66, n.º 7 (2022): 66–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2022-66-7-66-80.
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The article examines the connection between the environmental processes during the COVID‑19 pandemic (2019–2022) and the “greening” of the political sphere. A specific feature of environmental policy is its close linkage with the economy, since economic activity is the direct cause of anthropogenic pollution of natural environments. The environmental changes that have arisen in response to economic realities of the pandemic period have led to transformation of socio-political attitudes towards strengthening the “green” direction in the policies of the world’s leading states – the European Union member countries, the United States, Russia, China and other. The global “green agenda” was substantiated at the World Economic Forum in Davos in 2020 and 2021, as well as at the following 26th UN Climate Change Conference 2021 (COP26) in Glasgow, actually shaping a new world order based on the environmental goals and obligations. In West European countries, with prominent green parties’ political positions, the environmental policy is formed largely from grassroots. In the United States, it depends entirely on the political situation (mostly on the sitting president’s party affiliation). Whereas the European Union and the EU states (primarily Germany and France) have seized the initiative of directing the world environmental policy, striving to take the lead in this sphere (particularly, in climate protection), the new U.S. government is now seriously challenging the European leadership. Noteworthy is that the COVID‑19 crisis has updated the green political and economic agenda globally, regardless of differences between the states, which verifies the importance and necessity of agreeing a conceptually new common approach to interaction with the environment in the short and long term.
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Chapman, Stephen J. "The Dark Side of Policy Responsiveness: State Action on Climate Change". Forum 18, n.º 2 (29 de septiembre de 2020): 207–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/for-2020-2001.
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AbstractClimate change is an ever-growing problem that requires a network of policy solutions. There exists variation in state-level responses to climate change, firmly placing it within the context of state-level representation. There are various explanations for policy outcomes at the state level, including public opinion, institutional control, interest group activity, among others. With respect to climate change, another potential explanation provided by scholars for the variation in policy responses is the degree of risk posed by climate change to a particular state. However, climate change serves as a somewhat unique policy position as it is highly visible and has been a polarizing issue in American political discourse. This paper analyzes how risk, political control, and opinion affect policy responses to climate change. Employing multiple measures for state-level action on climate change as well as state-level opinion on the existence and perceived threat of climate change, this analysis theorizes that given the polarized nature of the climate change debate in the United States, public opinion on the realities of climate change and partisan control of state government influences policy outcomes more so than any level of quantified threat from climate change. The causal reasoning for this dual effect is the impact of citizen demands and overarching party ideologies. Even when controlling for wealth, energy industry activity, and political lobbying within states, findings indicate a strong relationship between citizen opinion and partisan control on state-level action on climate change, posing a challenge for combatting long-term impacts of climate change.
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Huang, Yee, Robert L. Glicksman, Catherine O’Neill, William L. Andreen, Victor Flatt, William Funk, Robin Kundis Craig, Alice Kaswan y Robert R. M. Verchick. "Climate change and the Puget Sound: Building the legal framework for adaptation". Climate Law 2, n.º 3 (2011): 299–344. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/cl-2011-039.
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Regardless of the efforts governments may take to mitigate the impacts of greenhouse gas emissions and other human activities on climate change, the need for society to adapt to climate change is unavoidable. Adapting to the myriad impacts of climate change will require actions at all levels of government. This article focuses on the anticipated impacts of climate change on the Puget Sound region in the northwestern United States as an example of the range of problems climate change will present and of the solutions available to governments and others interested in avoiding or minimizing the adverse impacts of climate change. As a guide for policy-makers, the article offers general principles for formulating climate change adaptation policies, suggestions for changes in decision-making processes that make them more suitable for addressing the unpredictable impacts of climate change, and strategies for adapting to three specific categories of climate change effects: impacts on the hydrologic cycle, sea-level rise, and altered meteorological conditions. The strategies and recommendations analysed in the article can provide a model for climate change adaptation policies, both in the Puget Sound region and more broadly, that are both environmentally protective and socially equitable.
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Porterfield, Matthew, Kevin Gallagher y Judith Schachter. "Assessing the Climate Impacts of U.S. Trade Agreements". Michigan Journal of Environmental & Administrative Law, n.º 7.1 (2017): 51. http://dx.doi.org/10.36640/mjeal.7.1.assessing.
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Meeting the ambitious goals of the Paris Agreement will require the United States and other major greenhouse gas (GHG) emitters to integrate climate change considerations into all relevant areas of economic policy. The United States, however, has conspicuously failed to do so with regard to international trade negotiations. International trade agreements tend to increase GHG emissions due to the economic effects of trade liberalization, including increases in the scale of economic activity and changes in the composition of the affected economies. Trade agreements can also affect climate change in less quantifiable but potentially more significant ways by restricting the ability of governments to implement measures designed to mitigate climate change. Trade and investment rules in U.S. trade agreements have already been invoked to challenge a number of policies relevant to climate change, ranging from renewable energy programs to the Obama administration’s decision to reject the Keystone XL pipeline. Yet despite the growing evidence of the relevance of trade policy to climate change, the Office of the United States Trade Representative (USTR) largely ignores potential climate impacts when preparing environmental reviews of proposed trade agreements as required under Executive Order 13141. This Article explores how the USTR could address climate change within the environmental review process to both assess the potential economically driven and regulatory impacts of proposed trade agreements for climate change and identify options for mitigating those impacts.
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Buzan, Barry. "China and Climate Change Governance: A Golden Opportunity". China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies 07, n.º 01 (enero de 2021): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2377740021500019.
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Climate change is a threat to all of humankind, yet there is still a leadership vacuum on climate governance. At the same time, the deepening climate crisis also presents a golden opportunity for Beijing to assume the role of a global leader. China has the capacity to do it in a way that the United States, Russia, India, and the European Union do not. Taking swift climate action is in Beijing’s interest. Greater contributions to climate governance will certainly help advance China’s long-term political interest in both raising its political status and demonstrating the claimed superiority of its system of government. Positive rhetoric and robust action by China are likely to have a disproportionate effect on the rest of the world. Policy adjustment and implementation by Beijing will bring benefits to the rest of the world. Climate policy options that Beijing may take in the future are not mutually exclusive. The policy shift on climate change could also be attached more firmly to the idea of sustainable development as a defining factor of China’s approach to tackling the climate change threat.
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Narine, Marcia. "Climate Change and Business Law in the United States: Using Procurement, Pay, and Policy Changes to Influence Corporate Behaviour". European Company Law 11, Issue 2 (1 de abril de 2014): 141–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eucl2014029.
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This article proposes that the US President bypass Congress, which has failed to implement climate change legislation, and enact executive orders to (1) use its power as the largest buyer of goods and services to strengthen green procurement standards and (2) add requirements of audited executive attestations and clawbacks of executive and board compensation for failure to adhere to certain sustainability standards for government contractors
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Morozov, Yuri V. y Natalia Y. Panchenko. "Climate Agenda in Bilateral Relations between China and the United States". Problemy Dalnego Vostoka, n.º 2 (15 de diciembre de 2024): 21–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0131281224020025.
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The relevance of the article is due to the ongoing climate changes on the planet, the negative consequences of which threaten the international community. In this regard, the purpose of this article is to conduct a comprehensive analysis: the efforts of the United Nations, China and the United States in combating climate change on the planet; the evolution of relations on the climate agenda between China and the United States; and the prospects for the development of climate policy by Beijing and Washington. To achieve these goals, the authors used the following research methods: observations, generalizations, abstractions, induction and deduction, formalization and concretization, structural deductive and comparative analyses of published materials on the topic of the article. These research methods allowed the authors of the article to come to the following conclusions. China and the United States have established a comprehensive regulatory framework to combat the negative effects of climate change, which constantly improved. Thanks to its economic power of the United States, as well as its initiatives in the IMF, the Arctic Council and the G-20 and G-7 aimed at the use of clean energy by economically developed countries in various fields of their application, Washington is an informal leader among developed powers. Beijing actively cooperates with developing countries, which it helps to neutralize the threats associated with climate change. Therefore, he informally heads them. In the field of cooperation between China and the United States on the climate agenda its cooperation constant difficulties, mainly related to the violation of the "red lines" in the political and economic areas of its rivalry in the international arena. However, the governments of both States still finding a common platform to maintain cooperation on climate change issues. At the same time, the Chinese side links cooperation in this area with the improvement of general relations between Washington and Beijing.
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Chayes, Antonia. "How American Treaty Behavior Threatens National Security". International Security 33, n.º 1 (julio de 2008): 45–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec.2008.33.1.45.
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In recent years, American treaty behavior has produced growing concern among both allies and less friendly nations. On such fundamental issues as nuclear proliferation, terrorism, human rights, civil liberties, environmental disasters, and commerce, the United States has generated confusion and anger abroad. Such a climate is not conducive to needed cooperation in the conduct of foreign and security policy. Among U.S. actions that have caused concern are the failure to ratify several treaties; the attachment of reservations, understandings, and declarations before ratification; the failure to support a treaty regime once ratified; and treaty withdrawal. The structural and historical reasons for American treaty behavior are deeply rooted in the United States' system of government and do not merely reflect superpower arrogance.
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MENDRAS, MARIE. "The French Connection: An Uncertain Factor in Soviet Relations with Western Europe". ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 481, n.º 1 (septiembre de 1985): 29–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716285481001003.
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France's long relationship with the Soviet Union has varied according to the political climate. The crucial factors in the French-Soviet relationship are the state of U.S.-Soviet affairs and Moscow's objectives in Western Europe. Mendras reviews the history of French-Soviet relations from the de Gaulle years. By the early 1970s, she argues, détente with the United States and the recognition of postwar borders in central Europe reduced the instrumentality and priority of France in Soviet policy. In the 1980s, as their relations with the United States deteriorated, the Soviets took a renewed interest in France. But the Socialist government in Paris, more critical of the USSR than were its predecessors, has developed a policy that the Soviets denigrate as “Europeanist” and “Atlantist” and no longer truly independent. Although recent events have made the French leadership more receptive to the Soviet Union, bilateral relations will remain essentially a diplomatic ritual.
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Burgess, Matthew. "Five Considerations For Twenty-First Century Climate Policy". FIU Law Review 18, n.º 2 (2024): 283–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.25148/lawrev.18.2.6.
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As the twenty-first century advances, society is entering a new phase regarding climate change. Impacts of climate change are becoming more salient in the present, rather than being only far-off in the future. Progress on flattening—and in many affluent countries, reducing—greenhouse gas emissions is also becoming salient, though the progress underperforms international targets. Slowing economic growth and major technological and geopolitical disruptions are creating new challenges and uncertainties. One of these challenges is a political climate of deep divisions and rising distrust in fact-finding institutions—a climate that is ripe for demagoguery. In the United States and some other countries, the issue of climate change has become divisive and has been wielded rhetorically by demagogic political figures and movements on both extremes of the political spectrum. This Article outlines five important considerations for climate policy in this new phase of the twenty-first century, focusing on both the global and the U.S. contexts. (1) Mid-range emissions and warming scenarios are most plausible. In contrast, the science and public discourse of climate change has often focused on extremes. Focusing instead on plausible scenarios offers opportunities to consider important nuances and tradeoffs, and to de-polarize the discourse. (2) Economic growth and income convergence will continue but will probably be slower than previously expected. Continuing economic growth and income convergence would portend continuing improvements throughout the century, in many—if not most—measures of human well-being broadly across the world. However, growth and convergence underperforming expectations could create challenges for climate finance, climate politics, and adaptation to climate change impacts. (3) Major investments are needed in mitigation, adaptation, and carbon removal. The public discourse of climate change has often been hyper-focused on reducing greenhouse-gas emissions (i.e., mitigation). Mitigation is important and requires major investments, but realistic paths to carbon neutrality and minimizing climate risks to society also require major investments in adaptation and carbon removal. (4) The United States needs a bipartisan approach. Becoming carbon neutral will require changes to every aspect of society, implemented and sustained over decades, and supported by all levels of government. There is simply no realistic path to achieving such changes without cooperation of both parties. Recent research suggests there are opportunities for bipartisanship and common ground. (5) Catastrophism and utopianism carry underappreciated risks. The risks of complacency and inaction on climate change are becoming better understood, but policymakers and the public should also understand the risks to utopianism and catastrophism, which are responsible for some of history’s worst atrocities. As climate consciousness increases and political divisions harden, the risks of climate catastrophism and utopianism could increase.
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Hughes, Sara. "The Politics of Urban Climate Change Policy". Urban Affairs Review 53, n.º 2 (3 de agosto de 2016): 362–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1078087416649756.
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Urban politics research has not kept pace—empirically or theoretically—with city governments’ engagement with climate change policy. Thousands of cities globally have made commitments to reduce their greenhouse gas emissions and are taking steps toward these goals. In the United States, research has examined the motivations for such actions and has described some of the implementation challenges cities are encountering, but we lack a theoretically informed understanding of how these actions intersect politically with existing interests, institutions, and fiscal realities in cities. This article identifies five political entry points that are specific to urban climate change policy and can provide a foundation for empirically and theoretically valuable research. The pursuit of such an interdisciplinary urban research agenda for climate change would enhance our understanding of when and how cities are successful in addressing climate change and would provide new answers to long-standing questions in urban politics.
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Jones-Jamtgaard, Kellyann N. y Connie M. Lee. "A quick guide to effective grassroots advocacy for scientists". Molecular Biology of the Cell 28, n.º 16 (agosto de 2017): 2155–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1091/mbc.e17-03-0170.
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The current political climate in the United States has mobilized scientists to become more cognizant of the need to advocate for sustainable science funding from the federal government and for acceptance of evidence-based policy making that relies on the best available scientific data. Many scientists, however, do not learn about science policy or how to advocate in Washington, D.C., or at the local level as part of their scientific training. Here we explain why science advocacy is important and provide steps on how to get involved by communicating with elected officials and engaging in the local community.
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Panova, Elena. "Place and Role of Environmental Communication in Modern Environmental Policy". Theoretical and Practical Issues of Journalism 12, n.º 4 (18 de diciembre de 2023): 763–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/2308-6203.2023.12(4).763-783.
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The issue of climate change and its impact on the sustainable development of countries and entire continents has become a key "agenda" in recent years. At the site of the United Nations (UN), international documents have been adopted, which are supported by the majority of states. They rely on them in the preparation and implementation of the national environmental policy, paying considerable attention to communication with the key subjects of the relationship. The purpose of this study is to analyze the place and role of environmental communications in the formation and implementation of environmental policies of states. To do this, the author uses the method of comparative analysis of the environmental policies of countries included in the implementation of the modern climate agenda (USA, EU, China, Russia). Results: in the practical part of the study, the author studies government strategies and laws on climate change issues, considering environmental policy from the point of view of the communication process. The key message, the main subjects of communication, mechanisms for achieving goals, tools and management structures are explored. Conclusions: Consideration of government strategies shows that climate change is at the forefront of environmental policy. And its model is formed as a reaction to the pressure of various social groups and is a consequence of eco-competitive struggle. Environmental policy is the object of environmental communication. The latter, in turn, contains two key components: regulatory and strategic, which are reflected in official documents. Achieving the strategic goals of environmental policy is possible if there are three components: economic resources, social organization and political power. The result of communication goals is to legitimize environmental policy through its approval by society. A high capacity for public participation is essential for the acceptance, credibility and sustainability of environmental programs.
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Bromley-Trujillo, Rebecca y Mirya R. Holman. "Climate Change Policymaking in the States: A View at 2020". Publius: The Journal of Federalism 50, n.º 3 (2020): 446–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/publius/pjaa008.
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Abstract Climate change policymaking has stalled at the federal level in the United States, especially since Donald Trump’s election as president. Concurrently, extreme weather, rising sea levels, and other climatic effects have increased the salience of climate change in the mass public and among elected officials. In response, legislators in state governments increasingly introduce and adopt policies associated with climate change. In this article, we evaluate the state of climate change policymaking in state legislatures, with a focus on overall trends in climate mitigation and adaptation innovation and cases of policy retrenchment. We document an increased level of climate legislation introduced in U.S. states since President Trump’s election, particularly in states under Democratic Party control. We evaluate patterns of introduced legislation across the states between 2011 and 2019 and consider the factors associated with bill sponsorship. Our results demonstrate the increased partisan nature of climate change policymaking in U.S. states.
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JACKSON, ANTHONY, BARBARA ILLSLEY y WILLIAM LYNCH. "FISHING FROM THE SAME POOL: THE INFLUENCE OF ENVIRONMENTAL GOVERNANCE ON LOCAL CLIMATE CHANGE ACTIONS IN SCOTLAND AND THE US PACIFIC NORTHWEST". Journal of Environmental Assessment Policy and Management 14, n.º 02 (junio de 2012): 1250011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1464333212500111.
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The impact of environmental governance on the delivery of local climate change plans is examined by comparing two transatlantic sub-national jurisdictions which have adopted stringent targets for reducing greenhouse gas emissions: Scotland and the Pacific Northwest region of the United States of America. The former relies on dirigiste top-down environmental governance, through which central government sets targets and imposes statutory duties that apply equally to all local councils. In the latter, a bottom-up multi-level form of environmental governance has emerged to compensate for the absence of a federal mandate. Specific action plans from a climate change pioneer in each location are assessed to test the strengths and limitations of these alternative modes of environmental governance: Portland in Oregon and Fife in Scotland. The Scottish dirigiste approach offers its local councils a consistent policy framework, allowing them to focus on specific measures to reduce greenhouse gas emissions, while avoiding concerns about free-rider effects from non-participating councils. The asymmetrical uptake of climate change measures by United States municipalities exposes their domestic market to the risks of carbon leakage that America sought to avoid in global markets during negotiations over the Kyoto Protocol.
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Ptaszynska, Zuzanna. "CHALLENGES TO THE SPECIAL RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN THE UNITED STATES AND THE UNITED KINGDOM THROUGH THE PRISM OF THE ACTIONS OF PRESIDENT JOE BIDEN AND PRIME MINISTER BORIS JOHNSON". Politika nacionalne bezbednosti 21, n.º 2/2021 (27 de diciembre de 2021): 159–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.22182/pnb.2122021.8.
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The United States and the United Kingdom have special political, economic, military and cultural relations. The new American administration is restoring priority to multilateralism and old alliances, and the British authorities have announced an expansion of international engagement. The effects of the COVID-19 pandemic, the fight against climate change, the growth of China’s influence, and threats to cybersecurity are the biggest international challenges in the view of both states. The US and the UK urge other states to jointly take responsibility and work out solutions to the world’s most crucial problems. The United Kingdom left the European Union in January 2020 and, in line with the rhetoric of the government, it regained a sovereign foreign policy. US-UK relations could deepen but new troubles appeared, for example the need to negotiate a new trade deal. However, the differences between Joe Biden and Boris Johnson are less important in the face of common interests, as evidenced by the signing of a new Atlantic Charter by both leaders in June 2021 or increasing joint engagement in the Indo-Pacific region.
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Castillo Esparcia, Antonio y Sara López Gómez. "Public Opinion about Climate Change in United States, Partisan View and Media Coverage of the 2019 United Nations Climate Change Conference (COP 25) in Madrid". Sustainability 13, n.º 7 (1 de abril de 2021): 3926. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su13073926.
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The research examines the news on climate change in different media, through the analysis of agenda setting and framing, in the context of a construction of media discourse. The role of the media has been relevant in the symbolic struggle of climate change images. The polarized public opinion on climate change in the USA, which has led the Trump government to withdraw from the Paris Agreement, as well as the revocation of environmental policies, is analyzed by the coverage that media with Republican and Democratic political tendencies gave to the climate crisis during the 12 days of the 2019 Climate Summit. The 189 news articles broadcast by Fox News, Breitbart, CNN, and the New York Times were identified, analyzed, and contrasted. The results reveal that media with a Republican political tendency were the only ones that broadcast denial news of climate change. Breitbart reported the largest number of news items throughout the sample, mostly denialists, at 71%, using tactics related to the spectacularization of the climate phenomenon, ad hominem attacks on ecologists and politicians, the connection between environmental initiatives and “eco-fascism” or the “radical left”, as well as use of the half-truth fallacy and questionable sources associated with the fossil fuel industry. Fox News practically did not address the issue during the summit. The Democratic political tendency media did not report any kind of denial news; their information and opinions communicated environmental initiatives and climate change consequences.
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Jung, Seok-ho, Seong-ho Lee, Jihee Min, Mee-hye Lee y Ji Whan Ahn. "Analysis of the State of the Art of International Policies and Projects on CCU for Climate Change Mitigation with a Focus on the Cases in Korea". Sustainability 13, n.º 1 (22 de diciembre de 2020): 19. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su13010019.
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In 2016, the Korean government selected carbon capture and utilization (CCU) as one of the national strategic projects and presented a detailed roadmap to reduce greenhouse gas emissions and to create new climate industries through early demonstration of CCU technology. The Korean government also established the 2030 Greenhouse Gas Reduction Roadmap in 2016 and included carbon capture, utilization, and storage (CCUS) technology in the new energy industry sector as a CCU technology. The Korean government recognizes the importance of CCUS technology as a mid- to long-term measure to reduce greenhouse gas emissions and implements policies related to technological development. The United States (U.S.), Germany, and China also expect CCUS technology to play a major role in reducing greenhouse gases in the industrial sector in terms of climate and energy policy. This study analyzed the CCU-related policies and technological trends in the U.S., Germany, and China, including major climate and energy plans, driving roadmaps, some government-led projects, and institutional support systems. This work also statistically analyzed 447 CCU and CCUS projects in Korea between 2010 and 2017. It is expected to contribute to responding to climate change, promoting domestic greenhouse gas reduction, and creating future growth engines, as well as to be used as basic data for establishing CCU-related policies in Korea.
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Cooke, S. J., J. Vermey, J. J. Taylor, T. Rytwinski, W. M. Twardek, G. Auld, R. Van Bogaert y A. L. MacDonald. "A policy scan related to assisted migration as a climate change adaptation tactic in Canada reveals major policy gaps". FACETS 9 (1 de enero de 2024): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1139/facets-2023-0012.
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Assisted migration is increasingly being considered as a potential climate change adaptation tactic even though it also comes with potential risk to ecosystems and society. When implementing conservation actions that involve risk, it is prudent to have policies and guidelines to ensure that such actions are conducted in ways that conform to regional standards and consider risks. Here, we report on a policy scan focused on assisted migration in the context of climate change adaptation originally as a protected areas tactic only, but then broadened to ecosystems in Canada beyond those boundaries. Policy scans are a useful strategy for understanding the evolving policy and regulatory landscape for a given topic and can guide the development of such policies in other jurisdictions. Our scan focused on Canada, where multi-scalar governance systems exist relevant to biodiversity and environmental management. Our comprehensive policy scan (involving scans of legislation, policies, and guidelines found online and through direct inquiries with government bodies) revealed major gaps in the assisted migration policy landscape with very few provincial/territorial or federal policies in Canada. A more rudimentary scan in the United States revealed a similar pattern. There was evidence that some jurisdictions anticipated need for such policies and even a few examples of very specific policies (e.g., seeds) that had already been developed, but there were not comprehensive policies or frameworks. Governments and other relevant bodies/organizations may wish to consider working collaboratively toward the development of robust, evidence-based policies for assisted migration given that we anticipate this conservation intervention becoming more popular as climate change impacts on ecosystems become more evident and dire.
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Harrison, Kathryn. "Political Institutions and Supply-Side Climate Politics: Lessons from Coal Ports in Canada and the United States". Global Environmental Politics 20, n.º 4 (noviembre de 2020): 51–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/glep_a_00579.
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In recent years, a new “supply-side” climate politics has emerged as activists have turned their attention from fossil fuel combustion to fossil fuel extraction and transport. This article investigates conditions for success of anti–fossil-fuel activism by comparing the fate of two proposed coal terminals on either side of the Canada–United States border. Both cases highlight that fossil fuel transport infrastructure is especially vulnerable to opposition as a result of concentrated costs and limited economic benefits in transit jurisdictions that did not produce the fossil fuels in question. Still, not all contexts are equally amenable to supply-side contestation. Institutional differences explain approval of a new coal port in Canada, while a similar US facility was rejected: a weaker environmental assessment regime and more limited opportunities for local government and Indigenous vetoes. However, the regulator’s subsequent withdrawal of the still-pending Canadian terminal’s permit five years later reveals that delay can be as good as victory for opponents when markets for fossil fuels decline.
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Bolson, Jessica y Kenneth Broad. "Early Adoption of Climate Information: Lessons Learned from South Florida Water Resource Management". Weather, Climate, and Society 5, n.º 3 (1 de julio de 2013): 266–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1175/wcas-d-12-00002.1.
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Abstract Seasonal climate forecasting skill has improved over the past decades, accompanied by expectations that these forecasts, along with other climate information, will be increasingly used by water managers in certain regions of the United States. Most research efforts focus on why adoption does not occur; however, the important question of why adoption does occur has received little attention. Barriers to the use of climate information by this sector frequently identified include risk aversion, institutional constraints, and low forecast reliability. Relatively fewer researchers have focused on the identification and analysis of cases of adoption of climate information in the water management sector. Relying upon the results from observations and semistructured interviews conducted between 2006 and 2010 in South Florida, this research identifies the characteristics that enabled the early adoption of climate information by the South Florida Water Management District, one of the largest water management organizations in the United States. The findings herein are analyzed in relation to existing theories on technology transfer and innovation diffusion. Lessons from this specific case are situated in the context of the broader U.S. water management landscape. The research finds that the existence of in-house climate expertise, innovative agency culture, social networks linking water and climate science researchers, and serendipitous policy windows were critical factors enabling adoption. Additionally, models and information, including a long-range hydrologic model and a national government–issued seasonal climate forecast were readily available and could be incorporated into preexisting and trusted decision-support tools. Implications for climate services in the U.S. water sector are discussed.
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Shukla, P. K. y Monica P. Shukla. "Small Business Policy Index Traction And Movement In Rankings Of States Update: 2000 To 2016". International Business & Economics Research Journal (IBER) 15, n.º 5 (1 de septiembre de 2016): 259–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.19030/iber.v15i5.9783.
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Given the volatile economic climate faced in the United States and globally since 2015, there is a desire by politicians in 2016 to increase state economic and business growth. As small businesses are the main driver of business growth in state economies, focus is placed upon the policy environment of a state to encourage state level growth in entrepreneurial activities aimed at small business creation and survival.The Small Business and Entrepreneurship Council an advocacy and research organization dedicated to protecting small business and promoting entrepreneurship has annually prepared a “Small Business Policy Index” that ranks states according to some of the major government-imposed or government-related costs affecting investment, entrepreneurship and business. This study presents updated results to 2016 from an original 2013 analysis of the rankings of states on the Small Business Policy Index (SBPI) from 2000 to 2016 that focuses upon three categories of states: overall ranking gainer states, those states that are stable in ranking, and overall ranking decliner states, the percentage in each category, and conclusions. The paper also includes a rank correlation analysis of periods of time to measure the extent of traction and mobility in the SBPI state rankings. As states vary by governor length of years in their governor term and also by term limits or not on governor terms allowed there is an analysis of impact of governor years of term on changes in SBPI ranking and an analysis of impact of governor term limits on changes in SBPI ranking.
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Farber, Daniel A. "Climate Policy and the United States System of Divided Powers: Dealing with Carbon Leakage and Regulatory Linkage". Transnational Environmental Law 3, n.º 1 (23 de septiembre de 2013): 31–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2047102513000186.
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AbstractClimate change has pushed governmental authorities within the United States (US) into new routes of national and transnational policy-making. The normal route for national policy-making runs from Congress in setting policy, to the President in agency implementation, to judicial oversight and enforcement. When that route is blocked, however, federalism and the separation of powers provide some byways and detours that may still be used to make progress. State governments and the executive branch have moved into the breach left by congressional deadlock. In the absence of federal climate legislation or a formal treaty, however, constitutional challenges will predictably meet efforts to limit carbon leakage or to establish linkages between regulatory systems.These constitutional issues often involve corners of constitutional law such as foreign affairs, where doctrines are particularly murky. Solid arguments can be made in favour of state efforts to avoid leakage and create linkage, despite claims of discrimination against interstate commerce, extraterritoriality, and foreign affairs pre-emption. The Environmental Protection Agency has some statutory authority to deal with leakage, and the President seems to have authority to pursue linkage through executive agreement. Thus, both states and the executive branch should have room to deal with transboundary implications of climate policies. Although the deadlock in Congress regarding climate change may be unusually severe, these modes of response may also be important for other kinds of transnational activity by US state governments and the national executive.
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Kim, Youn-Suk y Yongseung Jung. "Innovation with imported technology in a dynamic global economy: the case of Korean industry". Human Systems Management 17, n.º 4 (13 de noviembre de 1998): 257–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.3233/hsm-1998-17405.
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With more international trade, business, and technology, the World Trade Organization will promote the world economy toward globalized markets, more consolidation and greater efficiency in production. That is, national boundaries signify much less than they used to in terms of the flow of technology. Having the changing position of technology policy in Japan and the United States, Korea has to comply with the new situation of global economy, reformulate its technology policy, and promote its technological collaboration with the United States. In the era of global competition, Korea can no longer rely on technology and R&D imports. It has to evolve its own R&D institutions, reformulate its technology policy and re-engineer its corporations. In Korea, the government has deliberately and directly undertaken a very active policy towards creating a climate conducive to enhancing science and technology for catching-up high technology. This paper examines the ways in which Korea’s industrial innovation has been undertaken from imported technology. Korea with a modern educational system and a strong internal scientific and engineering community, can promote its own technological innovation complemented by technological transfer. As a medium-level-tech country, Korea might actively involve US investment as a partner so as to facilitate joint ventures of R&D and production.
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Seiwert, Hubert. "Is Germany Different? A Comment on Hexham and Poewe's Interpretation of German Anticult Policy". Nova Religio 6, n.º 1 (1 de octubre de 2002): 119–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/nr.2002.6.1.119.
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The article comments on Irving Hexham and Karla Poewe's analysis of German anticult policy. It argues that the concept of verfassungsfeindlich (hostile to the constitution), which according to Hexham and Poewe is central in German anticult rhetoric, is used only against Scientology, and it does not play any significant role in other cases. The anticult climate in German public and government reactions to minority religions does not appear to be more intense than in many other European countries. It is not convincing, therefore, to explain them with specific German historical experiences. However, religion does hold a lower position on the scale of constitutional rights than in the United States. Freedom of religion may not impinge upon other constitutional rights. Government involvement in anticult activities does not seem to be due to shortcomings of the political or legal system. Rather it reflects deficiencies in actual policy-making and in particular lack of reliable information about new religious movements.
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Biedenkopf, Katja. "Gubernatorial entrepreneurship and United States federal-state interaction: The case of subnational regional greenhouse gas emissions trading". Environment and Planning C: Politics and Space 35, n.º 8 (13 de julio de 2017): 1378–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2399654417719286.
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This article provides an explanation for the adoption and partial abandonment of subnational regional greenhouse gas emissions trading systems on the United States’ East and West Coasts as well as the country's Midwest by focusing on gubernatorial entrepreneurship. The analysis is twofold: On the one hand, the article explores the motivations of governors to act as entrepreneurs, pushing for the adoption of the policy innovation ‘greenhouse gas emissions trading systems’. On the other, it examines the interaction between contextual factors and gubernatorial entrepreneurship, arguing that this can explain the adoption and abandonment of subnational regional greenhouse gas emissions trading systems. The analysis suggests that strong gubernatorial entrepreneurs can seize windows of opportunity for ambitious climate policy that are opened by a federal-state context in which the federal government is inactive, creating a regulatory void. In doing so, they take a risk due to the uncertainty of whether the policy will be (politically) successful. Since politicians often are risk averse, trying to avoid blame for policy failure, such proactive gubernatorial entrepreneurship requires strong motivations. With the increasing likelihood of imminent federal policy, additional governors can become active but their entrepreneurship tends to be weaker since they react to a different window of opportunity in which they take a lower risk than the strong gubernatorial entrepreneurs. Also their motivations tend to differ from those of the proactive gubernatorial entrepreneurs.
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Hedden-Nicely, Dylan R. y Kendra E. Kaiser. "Water Governance in an Era of Climate Change: A Model to Assess the Shifting Irrigation Demand and Its Effect on Water Management in the Western United States". Water 16, n.º 14 (11 de julio de 2024): 1963. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/w16141963.
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Communities throughout the United States have come to rely upon agriculture as a pillar of their political integrity, economic security, and health and wellbeing. Climatic conditions in the western portion of the United States necessitate most lands be irrigated to be arable. As a result, a major portion of the economy of the United States, and by extension the world economy, is driven by the continued viability of western United States water law and policy. Furthermore, due to the strong interrelationship between anthropogenic consumptive uses, streamflows, and wetland/riparian area ecology, irrigation demand has a strong effect on stream morphology, quality, and biology for aquatic species. Western water management is a complex mosaic that is controlled by western state, federal, and tribal governments. Each of these systems of law have vulnerabilities to climate change, which is well understood to cause increasing water supply scarcity. This articledemonstrates the risks climate change poses to our management of irrigation water demand, as well as the interrelationship between water supply and demand. Due to the shared nature of the resource, this article addresses both tribal reserved rights and state-based rights using data from Indian reservations that either contain and/or are closely adjacent to non-tribal agricultural communities. Those data are used in a systems–dynamics model to integrate crop–water requirement estimation techniques with climate change estimates and a Monte Carlo analysis to assess how irrigation demand could change because of changing temperature, precipitation, incoming radiation, and wind speed caused by climate change. Results indicate that climate change will cause increases in irrigation requirements at most locations. Further, climate change is expected to significantly increase seasonal variability in many locations. The model provides a useful tool based upon publicly available data that will allow individual water users to make conservation decisions necessary to preserve their water rights as the climate changes.
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Balch, Jennifer K., Bethany A. Bradley, John T. Abatzoglou, R. Chelsea Nagy, Emily J. Fusco y Adam L. Mahood. "Human-started wildfires expand the fire niche across the United States". Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 114, n.º 11 (27 de febrero de 2017): 2946–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1617394114.
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The economic and ecological costs of wildfire in the United States have risen substantially in recent decades. Although climate change has likely enabled a portion of the increase in wildfire activity, the direct role of people in increasing wildfire activity has been largely overlooked. We evaluate over 1.5 million government records of wildfires that had to be extinguished or managed by state or federal agencies from 1992 to 2012, and examined geographic and seasonal extents of human-ignited wildfires relative to lightning-ignited wildfires. Humans have vastly expanded the spatial and seasonal “fire niche” in the coterminous United States, accounting for 84% of all wildfires and 44% of total area burned. During the 21-y time period, the human-caused fire season was three times longer than the lightning-caused fire season and added an average of 40,000 wildfires per year across the United States. Human-started wildfires disproportionally occurred where fuel moisture was higher than lightning-started fires, thereby helping expand the geographic and seasonal niche of wildfire. Human-started wildfires were dominant (>80% of ignitions) in over 5.1 million km2, the vast majority of the United States, whereas lightning-started fires were dominant in only 0.7 million km2, primarily in sparsely populated areas of the mountainous western United States. Ignitions caused by human activities are a substantial driver of overall fire risk to ecosystems and economies. Actions to raise awareness and increase management in regions prone to human-started wildfires should be a focus of United States policy to reduce fire risk and associated hazards.
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SÜLÜN, DİLARA. "IMPLEMENTING EUROPEAN ENVIRONMENTAL POLICY IN THE EUROPEAN UNION AND TURKEY: THE COST AND EXPENDITURES OF THE POLICY COMPLIANCE". “Küresel siyaset: Türkiye’den bakış”, Spring,2021 (30 de abril de 2021): 86–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.30546/2616-4418.bitd.2021.86.
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This paper examines the European environmental policy and the tools that the European Union (EU) uses for the aim of protecting the environment. Environmental policy is of crucial importance indeed as it has direct impact on human’s health, on the quality of environment, on the well-being of all living creatures and species and on the preservation of our natural resources around the world. The EU is quite active in environmental protection policy making and the scope of her environmental policy expanded with time, including nowadays many aspects such as air, water and soil pollution, waste management, protection of the environment, industrial pollution, chemicals, climate change and noise pollution. The methodology of the study consists of the review and analysis of primary and secondary sources regarding EU legislation on European environmental policy. The requirements of environmental policy are exposed and evaluated at the European level and other international engagements at the global level such as the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCC), Kyoto Protocol and Paris Agreement are also evaluated in our paper. European statistics and reports are evaluated to provide a good understanding and assessment of the relation between governments and corporations’ expenditures and the protection of environment in EU member states and in Turkey. Our paper also includes the implementation of the European environmental policy in Turkey, therefore Turkish oficial policy alignment and compliance is explained with data related to EU funded projects implemented by Turkish institutions. Regarding the relation between expenditures and environment, our indings indicate a reverse causality effect; the quality of the environment determines the level of public expenditures indeed, and not vice-versa. As analyzed in our paper, governments and corporations’ investments related to environmental protection are quite low and they are in decline, this share needs to be increased both at the EU level and in Turkey. Key Words: European Union Environmental Policy, Climate Change, Kyoto Protocol, Paris Agreement, Government Expenditures on Environmental Policy.
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Ivanov, N. A. y N. N. Poussenkova. "Dilemmas of U.S. Decarbonization". USA & Canada Economics – Politics – Culture, n.º 5 (15 de diciembre de 2024): 16–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s2686673024050021.
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This article investigates controversial relations between energy security and energy transition from fossil fuels to renewables that are observed in petroleum producing countries, since energy transition jeopardizes the long-term future of the oil and gas sector because it entails a gradual reduction in hydrocarbon production. This problem represents a serious challenge for all petroleum-producing countries, but this challenge is particularly serious in the United States, which recovered its former status of energy superpower due to the shale revolution. Simultaneously, it intends to become a global leader of energy transition under the presidency of Joe Biden. In general, the policy of oil companies’ decarbonization is influenced by a number of factors: government climate policy, activities of international organizations, attitudes of financial institutions, shareholders, investors, NGOs and consumers. While European oil companies feel quite a stable and consistent pressure from all these factors that force them to pursue a fairly radical decarbonization policy, the situation in the US is not that straightforward. On the one hand, government climate policy has recently sharply fluctuated, from Barak Obama to Donald Trump to Joe Biden, sending controversial messages to oil corporations. While currently decarbonization policy is a priority of Joe Biden’s administration, if Donald Trump wins the 2024 elections, the future of energy transition in the US might be challenged because he has always strongly focused on strengthening US energy security. On the other hand, the leading US oil companies through their lobbying efforts exert a significant influence on the government climate policy, seeking to ensure a long-term future of hydrocarbons and trying to find a balance between energy security and energy transition that would benefit them. They realize that it would be feasible for them to become leaders of the energy transition by adapting it to their strategic needs.
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Zhu, Jianting, Mark C. Stone y William Forsee. "Analysis of potential impacts of climate change on intensity–duration–frequency (IDF) relationships for six regions in the United States". Journal of Water and Climate Change 3, n.º 3 (1 de septiembre de 2012): 185–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.2166/wcc.2012.045.
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Potential changes in climate are expected to lead to future changes in the characteristics of precipitation events, including extreme rainfall intensity in most regions. In order for government agencies and design engineers to incorporate these trends and future changes into assessment and design processes, tools for planning and design should be capable of considering nonstationary climate conditions. In this work, potential changes are investigated in intensity–duration–frequency (IDF) curves, which are often used for assessment of extreme rainfall events, using historic data and future climate projections. An approach is proposed for calculating IDF curves that incorporates projected changes in rainfall intensity at a range of locations in the United States. The results elucidate strong regional patterns in projected changes in rainfall intensity, which are influenced by the rainfall characteristics of the region. Therefore, impacts of climate change on extreme hydrologic events will be highly regional and thus such assessments should be performed for specific project locations.
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Newman, Jonathan, Sarah Mills y Sara Soderstrom. "Training Leaders to Facilitate an Energy Transition: Retrospective Evaluation of Course Design". Sustainability 15, n.º 13 (21 de junio de 2023): 9910. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su15139910.
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While there is a widely shared sense that policy action is required for the electricity system in the United States to decarbonize, most climate policy courses focus only on a handful of federal and state policies. In reality, however, there is a web of state- and local-government-level policy choices that can serve to facilitate or hinder an energy transition, which is less discussed and researched in higher education. A new graduate course, first taught in Winter 2019 at the University of Michigan in the Ford School of Public Policy, employs a range of unique course design elements to introduce the idea of a complex web of policies and actors in the energy transition, and to provide students with practical skills to prepare them to be leaders in the transition. By interviewing students 18 months after finishing the Winter 2019 iteration of the course, in addition to surveying students enrolled in the second interaction of the course in the Fall 2020 semester, this study finds that student experiential learning and applied projects, in tandem with the instructor’s focus on local, real-world implications, was found to be effective in preparing students to be climate leaders.
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Solano, Priscilla y Douglas S. Massey. "Migrating through the Corridor of Death: The Making of a Complex Humanitarian Crisis". Journal on Migration and Human Security 10, n.º 3 (septiembre de 2022): 147–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/23315024221119784.
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Drawing on the concept of a “complex humanitarian crisis,” this paper describes how outflows of migrants from Central America were transformed into such a crisis by intransigent immigration and border policies enacted in both Mexico and the United States. We describe the origins of the migration in U.S. Cold War interventions that created many thousands of displaced people fleeing violence and economic degradation in the region, leading to a sustained process of undocumented migration to the United States. Owing to rising levels of gang violence and weather events associated with climate change, the number of people seeking to escape threats in Central America has multiplied and unauthorized migration through Mexico toward the United States has increased. However, the securitization of migration in both Mexico and the United States has blocked these migrants from exercising their right to petition for asylum, creating a growing backlog of migrants who are subject to human rights violations and predations both by criminals and government authorities, leading migrants to label Mexican routes northward as a “corridor of death.” We draw on data from annual reports of Mexico's Red de Documentación de las Organizaciones Defensoras de Migrantes (Network for the Documentation of Migrant Defense Organizations) to construct a statistical profile of transit migrants and the threats they face as reported by humanitarian actors in Mexico. These reports allow us to better understand the practical realities of the “complex humanitarian crisis” facing undocumented migrants, both as unauthorized border crossers and as transit migrants moving between the southern frontiers of Mexico and the United States. Policy Recommendations Policy makers need to address: Governments must recognize that the humanitarian crisis facing migrants is not confined to border regions but unfolds at places of both origin and destination as well as within extended geographies of transit in-between. The current refugee protection regime and asylum system are ill-matched to the needs and vulnerabilities of today's migrants. In an era of rapid climate change, rising state failures, and escalating violence, people are not moving so much to advance economically as to escape a growing array of threats not covered by the 1951 Refugee Convention, which needs to be updated. Developed nations must honor rather than elide their obligations under international law to accept asylum applicants and fairly adjudicate their cases, Since a large fraction of the Central Americans arriving at the southern US border have relatives in the United States, creating a pathway to legal status for unauthorized US residents would relieve a lot of the pressure on the asylum system by enabling authorities to release applicants to the support and care of legally resident relatives rather than placing them in an overburdened detention system. Governments need to scale back the securitization and criminalization of migration, which have made human mobility an increasingly precarious and risk-filled activity that contributes to rather than forestalls the proliferation of crime and violence. Human rights and humanitarian agencies need to revisit their missions to derive new ways of working conjointly and in parallel with each other and with governments to better understand and meet the needs of migrants in the 21st century.
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Hickmann, Thomas, Christoph Bertram, Frank Biermann, Elina Brutschin, Elmar Kriegler, Jasmine E. Livingston, Silvia Pianta, Keywan Riahi, Bas Van Ruijven y Detlef Van Vuuren. "Exploring Global Climate Policy Futures and Their Representation in Integrated Assessment Models". Politics and Governance 10, n.º 3 (21 de septiembre de 2022): 171–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v10i3.5328.
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The Paris Agreement, adopted in 2015, paved the way for a new hybrid global climate governance architecture with both bottom-up and top-down elements. While governments can choose individual climate goals and actions, a global stocktake and a ratcheting-up mechanism have been put in place with the overall aim to ensure that collective efforts will prevent increasing adverse impacts of climate change. Integrated assessment models show that current combined climate commitments and policies of national governments fall short of keeping global warming to 1.5 °C or 2 °C above preindustrial levels. Although major greenhouse gas emitters, such as China, the European Union, India, the United States under the Biden administration, and several other countries, have made new pledges to take more ambitious climate action, it is highly uncertain where global climate policy is heading. Scenarios in line with long-term temperature targets typically assume a simplistic and hardly realistic level of harmonization of climate policies across countries. Against this backdrop, this article develops four archetypes for the further evolution of the global climate governance architecture and matches them with existing sets of scenarios developed by integrated assessment models. By these means, the article identifies knowledge gaps in the current scenario literature and discusses possible research avenues to explore the pre-conditions for successful coordination of national policies towards achieving the long-term target stipulated in the Paris Agreement.
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MAKUSHINA, Elena Yu, Dar'ya M. KARMANOVA y Aleksei S. KUCHER. "Tax reform initiated by D. Trump: Economic and social aspects". Finance and Credit 27, n.º 3 (30 de marzo de 2021): 693–720. http://dx.doi.org/10.24891/fc.27.3.693.
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Subject. The article addresses the tax reform of 2017, initiated by D. Trump. Objectives. The aim is to determine the relationship between the total volume of tax revenues to the budget of the U.S. Government and the growth of U.S. GDP in the long run. Methods. To identify the impact of the tax reform on the investment climate in the country and the subsequent GDP growth, we formulate a hypothesis and propose a regression model. The quarterly data from 04.01.1960 to 07.01.2019 serve as a statistical sampling, published by financial departments of the U.S. Office of Management and Budget and the U.S. Bureau of Economic Analysis. The study rests on the econometric analysis enabling to identify the impact of the volume of tax revenues from the corporate income tax and individual income taxes on the level of the GDP of the United States. Results. In the short term, we observe a decrease in tax revenues and a subsequent increase in the budget deficit, in the long term – an increase in business activity of the country, a growth in foreign direct investment, and, consequently, an increase in the GDP. The paper offers a model for assessing the economic growth of the GDP of the United States, in which tax predictors were used in combination with macroeconomic indicators. Conclusions. The experience of the United States and the results of this study may be used by the governments of developing countries and experts in the field of taxation for tax policy development.