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Wiggins, Dana C. "From Countrypolitan to Neotraditional: Gender, Race, Class, and Region in Female Country Music, 1980-1989". Digital Archive @ GSU, 2009. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/history_diss/21.
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During the 1980s, women in country music enjoyed unprecedented success in record sales, television, film, and on pop and country charts. For female performers, many of their achievements were due to their abilities to mold their images to mirror American norms and values, namely increasing political conservatism, the backlashes against feminism and the civil rights movement, celebrations of working and middle class life, and the rise of the South. This dissertation divides the 1980s into three distinct periods and then discusses the changing uses of gender, race, class, and region in female country music and links each to larger historical themes. It concludes that political and social conservatism influenced women’s country performances and personas. In this way, female country music is a social text that can be used to examine 1980s America.
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Hirschman, Edward. "Optimal class scheduling subject to professors' preferences". Thesis, Virginia Tech, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/44649.
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This new form of multiattribute utility optimization is
based on ordinal as opposed to cardinal utility and is
defined from a corresponding integer programming model in
operations research which (1) is solved for ordinal cost
factors and (2) serves as the problem's theoretical starting
point.
It is suggested herein that one start with a mathematical formulation that if solved in an acceptable or -- preferably -- best manner would yield a satisfactory or possibly best solution to the problem. Then, that mathematical formulation and its solution technique defines the multiattribute utility problem and its solution at issue. This is the reverse of what is usually done; and as will be shown, doing this can be quite fruitful.
The illustrative example concerns a mathematical 1 formulation based on operation research's assignment problem. As will be argued, the cost factors must be ordinal, which essentially corresponds to using ordinal utility; hence the technique will be framed in the realm of ordinal utility.
The technique for solving the illustrative example's
mathematical formulation is to achieve a premium mix of
operations research solution properties. From this
perspective, some sticky issues in multiattribute utility
theory when the attributes involve the preferences of
distinct persons are not included in the philosophical base
for the multiattribute utility problem and its solution
thusly defined.
Master of Arts
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Fotheringham, Steven Craig. "L.D.S. seminary dropouts in Arizona, an analysis of the class of 1989". Diss., The University of Arizona, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/184967.
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This study explored the relationship between L.D.S. seminary discontinuation and the characteristics of individual dropouts. It also sought to identify distinguishing characteristics of students who continue enrollment in seminary. The seminary teachers and the program itself were considered for their impact on a student's decision to continue attendance. Major factors such as peer associations, Priesthood involvement, parental influence and recruitment practices were considered. The roll of public school academic requirements in connection with premature seminary dissociation were also investigated. Initially a sample of dropout and continuing students form Southern Arizona were interviewed using an open-ended, semi-structured format. This process elicited data in four major domains: (1) discriminating personal characteristics; (2) external factors; (3) structural factors; and (4) church related factors. The responses were analyzed and used to develop a second questionnaire. This second survey was then administered to a larger sample of dropout and continuing students throughout Arizona.
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Leung, Wing-yue Trini. "The politics of labour rebellions in China, 1989-1994 /". Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 1998. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B19235367.
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Crowley, Matthew. "The left behind : representations of working-class masculinities in British culture, 1945-1989". Thesis, University of Brighton, 2018. https://research.brighton.ac.uk/en/studentTheses/24d2ed79-bb94-4599-8044-41552c68bd61.
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This study offers an analysis of representations of white, heterosexual, working-class masculinities in British culture between 1945 and 1989. As the period that saw the establishment of the Welfare State, and the construction and breakdown of the post-war consensus in British politics, this is a period of great significance in the formation and maintenance of working-class masculinities and their correspondent representations. The study aims to reinstate class as a central precept in the study of British cultural representations and uses Pierre Bourdieu’s concept of ‘habitus’ and Judith Butler’s concept of ‘performativity’ to demonstrate that the categories of class and gender are discursively constructed (Bourdieu, 2008: 170, Butler, 2008: 206). In doing so the research is able to draw from Michel Foucault’s archaeological methodology to engage with the discursive formations that constitute these categories and thus engage with both the historical continuities and the historical discontinuities, or ruptures, that constitute the category of ‘working-class masculinity’ in any given period. Within this process Raymond Williams’s concept of ‘structures of feeling’ is employed as a practical means of charting these discursive shifts within cultural representations (1977: 132). The texts studied here clearly demonstrate the extent to which the historical shifts, which become apparent as ‘structures of feeling’ and are loosely aligned with decades here, created a different, often divergent, set of demands within the category of ‘workingclass man’. These demands were both novel, in that the desires, expectations and aspirations of working-class men altered over time, and familiar, as for much of the latetwentieth century these demands remain rooted in the performative practices of what I term a ‘traditional’ working-class masculinity. The study charts the loss of these ‘traditional’ working-class masculinities as postmodern culture, ‘disorganized capitalism’ and the ‘crisis of the knowable community’ eroded or irrevocably altered the precepts upon which they were founded (Lash and Urry, 1993: 229, Williams, 1974: 14). The study shows the ideological nature of the categories of ‘working-class masculinities’ and demonstrates that what was, would, and could be said about workingclass men profoundly altered between 1945 and 1989. Ultimately the study demonstrates how this shift in discourse effected what it meant to be a working-class man in Britain.
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梁詠雩 y Wing-yue Trini Leung. "The politics of labour rebellions in China, 1989-1994". Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1998. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31237320.
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Chan, U. Wai. "An autonomous and unautonomous body : the making of Macau's female working class, 1957-1989". Thesis, University of Macau, 2012. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2590567.
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Wen, Liqiu. "Cong jie ji dou zheng dao jing ji gai ge : Zhongguo hun yin lun li de bian qian, 1949-1989 = From class struggle to economic reform : changes in the Chinese ethics of marriage, 1949-1989 /". click here to view the abstract and table of contents, 2003. http://net3.hkbu.edu.hk/~libres/cgi-bin/thesisab.pl?pdf=b17563434a.pdf.
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Tostes, Suzane Conceição Pantolfi. "Revista Veja e a luta de classes dos anos 1980: FIESP e CNI contra CUT e o PT pelo olhar de Veja durante os anos 1985-1989". Universidade Estadual do Oeste do Paraná, 2012. http://tede.unioeste.br:8080/tede/handle/tede/1791.
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The objective of this research is to investigate and analyze how Veja magazine made the cover over the role of class organizations (CUT, PT, FIESP e CNI) between the years 1985-1989. We assume that Veja magazine acts as a private apparatus of hegemony, since it proposes referrals, organize, create consensus and shares its world view with a certain fraction of the bourgeois class, in this period studied we concluded that Veja get closer of the fractions of the bourgeois class industrial business of the Brazil. The time frame of the research included the years 1985-1989, it was a remarkable period in Brazilian history, due to "end the military dictatorship" (but not the end of the rubble of authoritarian military dictatorship, once that, Constitution remained in force for the period of dictatorship until August 1988, the repression to the social movements and forms of mobilization and organization of the working class, the illegality of the strike, the permanence of the Ministry of Armed Forces and National Security all coordinated by the military), the promulgation of the New Constitution and with it the legality of the strike for some categories and the intensification of class struggle. Due to these factors the dissertation sought to discuss, analyze, investigate from the materials of the Veja magazine how it made the cover of the economic plans implemented during the years 1985 -1989 and the consequences for the working class. So as well as investigate the coverage that the magazine Veja made about the acting of the class organizations (CUT, PT, FIESP e CNI) in the period 1985-1989 and the clashes between these organizations
O objetivo desta pesquisa é investigar e analisar de que forma a revista Veja fez a cobertura sobre a atuação das organizações de classe (CUT, PT, FIESP e CNI) entre os anos de 1985-1989. Partimos do pressuposto que a revista Veja age enquanto um aparelho privado de hegemonia, já que propõe encaminhamentos, organiza, cria consenso e compartilha sua visão de mundo com uma determinada fração da classe burguesa, nesse período estudado concluímos que Veja se aproxima das frações da classe burguesa empresarial industrial do Brasil. O recorte temporal da pesquisa compreendeu os anos de 1985-1989, pois foi um período marcante na história brasileira, devido ao fim da ditadura militar (mas não o fim do entulho autoritário da ditadura militar, uma vez que, permaneceu vigente a Constituição do período da ditadura até agosto de 1988, a repressão aos movimentos sociais e formas de mobilização e organização da classe trabalhadora, ilegalidade da greve, permanência do Ministério das Forças Armadas e da Segurança Nacional todas coordenadas por militares), a promulgação da Nova Constituição e com ela a legalidade da greve para algumas categorias e a intensificação da luta de classes. Devido a esses elementos a pesquisa procurou discutir, analisar, investigar a partir das matérias da revista Veja, como a mesma fez a cobertura dos planos econômicos implantados durante os anos de 1985-1989 e as consequências para a classe trabalhadora, bem como investigar a cobertura que a revista Veja fez sobre a atuação das organizações de classe (CUT, PT, FIESP e CNI) no período de 1985-1989 e os embates entre essas organizações
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Brito, Alba Fernanda Oliveira. "O diário de classe e a cultura material escolar do curso técnico regular em mecânica da Escola Técnica Federal de São Paulo (1986-1989)". Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2016. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/19362.
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Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo
This research presents an analysis on the use of the class record book at Escola Técnica Federal de São Paulo (São Paulo Technical School - ETFSP), an Autonomous Entity Education Establishment, originally arising from the Escola de Aprendizes Artífices (School of Apprentices and Artifices - EAA) which, for almost forty years (1959-1998), formed Secondary Education technicians in the Capital City of São Paulo, in order to meet the Brazilian Industrial Market at that period. After several renewals and names, it is currently called Instituto Federal de Educação, Ciência e Tecnologia de São Paulo (São Paulo Federal Institute of Education, Science and Technology - IFSP). The main document sources are sets of class record books filled out by professors who ministered technical (specific) and general culture (propedeutics) classes at the Mechanics Regular Course of ETFSP between 1986 and 1989. Aiming at investigating the relationship between the class record books and the school material culture and its ordinary writing with reflections and development of the teaching practice, a qualitative research is made, centered in the analysis methodology of the contents registered. The theories in which the research are based on have support from teaching practice studies, documents and school archives inserted in the school material culture field. In that direction, the investigation relevance is also related to the fact that it historically discusses not only the document itself by also its uses and needs. The results obtained in the research indicate that the class record book it is not seen by the individuals involved as a support, reflection and teaching practice development tool, but as a procedural document for the description of tasks undertaken in the classroom, solidifying the culture of bureaucratic documents and inspection of the teaching work, even though ETFSP considers it a support tool for pedagogical activities
Esta pesquisa apresenta uma análise sobre uso do diário de classe na Escola Técnica Federal de São Paulo (ETFSP), estabelecimento de ensino autárquico, oriunda da Escola de Aprendizes Artífices (EAA) que, durante quase quarenta anos (1959-1998) de existência, formou técnicos de nível de 2º grau na capital paulista para atender ao mercado industrial brasileiro. Após várias transformações, com diferentes nomenclaturas, atualmente é denominado de Instituto Federal de Educação, Ciência e Tecnologia de São Paulo (IFSP). As fontes documentais principais são os conjuntos de diários de classes produzidos pelos professores que ministraram aulas em disciplinas técnicas (específicas) e de cultura geral (propedêuticas) no Curso Técnico Regular em Mecânica da ETFSP, especificamente entre os anos de 1986 e 1989. Tendo como objetivo investigar a relação do diário de classe com a cultura material escolar e da sua escrita ordinária com uma reflexão e desenvolvimento da prática docente, realiza-se uma pesquisa de cunho qualitativo, centrada na metodologia de análise dos conteúdos ali registrados. As teorias que fundamentam a pesquisa estão apoiadas em estudos sobre a prática docente, documentos e arquivos escolares que se inserem no campo da cultura material escolar. Nesse sentido, a pertinência da investigação se coloca também por problematizar historicamente não apenas o documento em si, mas também seus usos e necessidades. Os resultados obtidos na pesquisa indicam que o diário de classe não é visto pelos sujeitos envolvidos como uma ferramenta de apoio, reflexão e desenvolvimento da prática pedagógica docente, mas como um documento procedimental para a descrição das tarefas realizadas no interior da sala de aula, solidificando a cultura de documento burocrático e de controle e fiscalização do trabalho docente, ainda que a ETFSP o tenha como ferramenta de apoio para subsidiar as ações pedagógicas
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文麗逑. "從階級鬥爭到經濟改革 : 中國婚姻倫理的變遷, 1949-1989 = From class struggle to economic reform : changes in the Chinese ethics of marriage, 1949-1989". HKBU Institutional Repository, 2003. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/467.
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Klein, José Alfonso. "Poder político e lutas de classes na Venezuela: 1989 2009". Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2010. http://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/2163.
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This José Alfonso Klein s research presents a theoretical reflection on Political Power and Classes Struggles in Venezuela: 1989 2009. Initially, it was considered whether the deployment of neoliberal policies as determinative for configuring economic, political and social history of that period, in Latin America. In parallel movement, it can be observed developments of the imposition of this new mode of capitalist development: economic crisis, political instability, popular insurgencies. In the region of Latin America and the Caribbean, Venezuela has presented as main field of proliferation of popular movements to combat the deterioration of life general conditions of the working class, produced by inconsequentional economical opening, since 1989. The economic crisis caused social conflicts, which awaken political arguing. In Venezuela, the first and crucial moment of contestation of the masses against neoliberalism and imperialism (Caracazo), defined the history direction. The political organization for social movements follow Practical and theoretical, according to the reflection of historical agents at the time, can lead to a struggle for the revolutionary field or conciliatory. In the Venezuelan issue, the actions and ideas was designed by the so called the Bolivarian Revolution , led by President Hugo Chávez, which signals policies related to structural socioeconomic reforms. Consequently, the reaction of the former politically hegemonic classes has faded in an obvious class struggle, which culminated in a strike against Chavez -and counter-attack of the masses and part of the army in their favor (2002). In addition to the consideration of the political purposes of protests from "Street policy (governists or opposition), the evaluation of this process requires observation of socio-economic results of Government "revolutionary Bolivarian", presented in statistical surveys (until 2009). However, a simple review of the current economic situation of Venezuela certainly will not answer questions such as: the dimension of the correlation of forces; the degree of revolutionary forces accumulated; the ability to action or reaction of the classes in defense of their interests; the deepening of classes s struggle in the country depends on the capacity of reforms that are suggested as being "revolutionary", caused by a more violent reactions that may occur.The perception of the entire process will depend on the capacity of the social forces in concreting and operating transformations necessary for setting up a new Venezuelan reality. For both, not just a passive observer, but the active participation of this historic moment which is the major purpose of this work
Este trabalho de José Alfonso Klein tem como título: Poder político e lutas de classes na Venezuela: 1989 2009. Através da dialética das relações sociais, políticas e econômicas na Venezuela, com amplo referencial bibliográfico em estudo exploratório, analisou-se os resultados das medidas neoliberais e imperialistas, como determinantes conjunturais e históricas do período, com abrangência latino-americana e caribenha. Observam-se, inicialmente, os desdobramentos da imposição dessa modalidade de desenvolvimento capitalista: crise econômica, instabilidade política e insurgências populares. Na região latino-americana e caribenha, a Venezuela apresentou-se como principal campo de proliferação dos movimentos populares de luta contra o agravamento das condições gerais de vida da classe trabalhadora, produzido pela inconseqüente abertura econômica, a partir de 1989. A crise econômica suscitou os conflitos sociais, que despertou o embate político. O primeiro e crucial momento venezuelano de contestação das massas contra o neoliberalismo e o imperialismo (Caracazo), definiu os rumos históricos das décadas seguintes. A organização política dos movimentos sociais segue orientações prático-teóricas, de acordo com a reflexão dos agentes históricos do momento, podendo conduzir a luta para o campo revolucionário ou conciliatório. No caso venezuelano, o conjunto das práticas e idéias definiu-se pela chamada Revolução Bolivariana, liderada pelo presidente Hugo Chávez, que sinaliza políticas de reformas sócio-econômicas estruturais. Conseqüentemente, a reação das antigas classes politicamente hegemônicas degenerou numa evidente luta de classes, que culminou no golpe contra o presidente da República - e no contra-golpe das massas e parte das forças armadas a seu favor (2002). Além da consideração sobre os propósitos políticos dos protestos da política de rua (de governistas ou de oposição), a avaliação desse processo requer a observação dos resultados sócio-econômicos do governo revolucionário bolivariano apresentados em levantamentos estatísticos (até 2009). Porém, um simples balanço da atual situação econômica do país certamente não responderá questões como: a dimensão dessa correlação de forças; o grau de forças revolucionárias acumuladas; a capacidade de ação ou reação das classes em defesa de seus interesses; o aprofundamento da luta de classes no país depende da continuidade das reformas que sugerem ser pró-revolucionárias devido às reações burguesas mais violentas que poderão ocorrer. A percepção da totalidade desse processo dependerá da capacidade das forças sociais em operar as transformações concretas e necessárias para a configuração de uma nova realidade venezuelana. Para tanto, não basta uma observação passiva, mas a participação ativa desse momento histórico que é a finalidade maior deste trabalho
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Bourdé, Guy Mauro Frédéric. "La classe ouvrière argentine, 1929-1969". Paris : l'Harmattan, 1987. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb353501764.
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Bourdé, Guy. "La classe ouvrière argentine, 1929-1969". Paris : Ed. l'Harmattan, 1987. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb35566481j.
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Quenson, Emmanuel. "L'école d'apprentissage Renault (1919-1989)". Paris 10, 1999. http://www.theses.fr/1999PA100123.
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Cette thèse étudie la participation du patronat à la formation des ouvriers en France en traitant de l'école Renault de Boulogne (1919-1989). Elle examine l'inscription d'un enseignement professionnel dans la production en posant la question de son autonomie et de la promotion sociale des jeunes formés. La vision d'un enseignement professionnel dépendant essentiellement de l'Etat est refutée par cette recherche insistant au contraire sur l'implication de divers acteurs. Ainsi, la situation de la ville de Boulogne illustre les enjeux de la formation : aide a la mobilité sociale d'enfants des classes populaires du côté de la municipalité de gauche ; constitution d'agents acquis à la rationalisation du côté de la direction de l'enseignement technique et des industriels. Paradoxalement pour une telle école, son évolution s'est pourtant faite selon une séparation du travail. La participation du patronat à la formation s'est d'abord déroulée sur des bases issues du travail (1920-1950). Puis au terme de l'appropriation par les acteurs de l'entreprise d'une hiérarchie des savoirs reléguant les savoirs de métier derrière les savoirs scientifiques et techniques, la formation est devenue peu différente de celle des écoles d'Etat (1950-1980). Cette évolution a conduit à la fermeture d'une école qui a contribué a la composition de l'encadrement de Renault : comme dans le modèle allemand, les jeunes débutaient dans des emplois d'atelier avant d'accéder à des emplois à responsabilités. Leurs carrières montrent que l'expérience a longtemps prévalu sur la possession d'un titre dans l'industrie.
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Bell, David. "Ardent propaganda : miner's novels and class conflict, 1929-1939". Doctoral thesis, Umeå universitet, Humanistiska fakulteten, 1995. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-66446.
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This study of the contribution of working-class fiction to the debate on class conflict in Britain is based on four novels written by two ex-miners between 1929 and 1939: The Gate of a Strange Field (1929) and Last Cage Down (1935), by Harold Heslop, and Cwmardy (1937) and We Live (1939), by Lewis Jones. These novels represent, in working-class fiction, a unique combination of an archetypal working-class occupation, mining, with central features of the 1930s cultural discourse, the role of political ideology in literature. This study takes as its starting point the perception of these novels as having a specifically communicative function in the social and cultural context of the 1930s. It recognises their role in articulating the radical voice of the miner in the conflict of interests between capital and labour as exemplified by the coal industry. I also argue that the novels are influenced by the polarised discourse of British social and cultural life in this period. Cultural context is not seen simply as a reflection of 1930s attitudes and ideas, but also in relation to a tradition of working-class and miners' fiction that appropriates accepted literary forms for specific needs, in this case, the articulation of miners' grievances in the 1930s, seen in terms of class conflict. This conjuncture of historical and contemporary cultural discourses acts as the organising principle of the first part of this study. The four novels are analysed in terms of a sub-genre classification of the realist novel: the roman à thèse. This approach facilitates an analysis focusing on the determining influence of ideology as a totalising concept affecting the structure, content and message of these novels. I argue that the prime purpose of these novels is to constrain interpretation to a desired outcome, as represented by the doctrine inherent in the text. Two types of roman à thèse are distinguished: the apprenticeship, which builds on the precepts of the Bildungsroman, and the confrontational, which is non-transformational, depicting scenes of class conflict. The apprenticeship model consists of two types of exemplary narrative: positive and negative. This study demonstrates that, by applying the analytical model of a positive apprenticeship to Cwmardy, the narrative structures of the novel limit the potential for interpretation to the doctrinal assumptions underlying the text. The reader is expected to identify with the class-conscious insights gained by the hero. The Gate of a Strange Field, in contrast, acts as a cautionary tale, illustrating the consequences of embracing a false doctrine. Both We Live and Last Cage Down are considered as novels of confrontation in which the primary conflict between capital and labour is modified by a secondary conflict within labour on the question of ways and means of achieving a socialist society. The conclusion reached is that these novels can only be understood in relation to the polarised social and cultural attitudes of the 1930s, and in relation to their place in a history of miners' literature that appropriates literary forms to engage in a debate on the class nature of British society.digitalisering@umu
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Bell, David. "Ardent propaganda : miners' novels and class conflict 1929-1939 /". Umeå (Sweden) : Umeå university, 1995. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37042088w.
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Parker, Terrance U. "A Descriptive Analysis of the Election of a Black Male Elite Middle Class to Public Office and its Role in Improving the Quality of Black Life in the City of Atlanta, Georgia, 1989-1996". DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 1998. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/dissertations/2912.
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The purpose of this case study is to conduct a descriptive analysis of the election of Black males to public office and the role they played in improving the quality of Black life in the city of Atlanta, Georgia. The study has analyzed and examined the impact that education, housing, income, and health care demographic factors have contributed to the election of these males to various committees, boards and commissions in the city of Atlanta and Fulton County Georgia. The study has also examined the political activity of college fraternities, urban voluntary associations, and community based organizations that played a role in the city council race of 1992 in electing a Black as mayor and member of the city council. To measure how effective these males were in improving the quality of Black life the following indicators will be utilized in this study, namely: (a) the improvement of the neighborhoods in Atlanta's Black community, (b) the distribution of goods and services to the Black community, (c) the sponsorship of bills and neighborhood economic development related projects through its candidates, in an attempt to exercise political influence, within the state legislature and the city council in Atlanta, Georgia, (d) the improvement of the quality of health care, housing, income, and(e) education.
The principal method of analysis employed for explaining Black male political activity in the city of Atlanta, Georgia has been through the use of a research study conducted by the Clark Atlanta University Political Science Department in Atlanta, Georgia. The study was conducted by undergraduate and graduate students and several members of the faculty. The survey comprises telephone interviews with 100 respondents in the city of Atlanta, Georgia. The data are a unique resource that now makes possible an in-depth investigation of the urban issues, attitudes, and political beliefs and activity of a representative local sample of adult Black Atlanta residents.
Each respondent was of voting age, but was not necessarily registered to vote. The sample for the Atlanta survey was drawn using a random-digit-dial design that selected participants disproportionately from different geographic areas within the city of Atlanta representing varying densities of Black population. The survey was inclusive of only those residents living within the (404) area code listing. The racial composition of the household was determined by including a direct question about race in the screening instrument. Members of eligible households found in the screening were eligible for the study if they were Black Americans and were at least 18 years of age.
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Bamford, Kenton. "Conflicting images : film, class and society in Britain 1919-1939". Thesis, Lancaster University, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.386467.
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North, David L. "Middle-class suburban lifestyles and culture in England, 1919-1939". Thesis, University of Oxford, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.302935.
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Nuttall, Timothy Andrew. "Class, race and nation : African politics in Durban, 1929-1949". Thesis, University of Oxford, 1991. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:876d79f4-db97-4efc-8751-18ac01fc38ef.
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The 1930s and 1940s in Durban have been relatively under-researched, and yet these two decades constituted a crucial phase in the city's growth. This thesis concentrates on the political experiences of Africans during the period. The beer hall riots of 1929 and the 'African-Indian' riots of 1949 serve as significant points at which to start and end the thesis. These two flashpoints were very different in nature, and their differences signalled the changes that took place in Durban between the late 1920s and the late 1940s. Yet the riots can also be linked: they both reflected extreme frustration amongst Africans at their exclusion from the resources of the city. The two riots illuminate key issues in African politics, in municipal and state policy, and in the changing structures of Durban society. These comparative findings are based on a detailed study of the period between the two riots. A wide variety of African political experiences in Durban is examined. These fall into four broad categories of political ideology and practice: populism, nationalism, ethnicity and 'workerism'. The narrative begins with the radical anti-municipal populism of 1929-30 and then attempts to explain the politically 'quiet' 1930s. The Second World War brought significant changes, giving rise to a range of important new ideologies and political strategies. The most important developments were in worker organisation and nationalist politics. The struggle for the city was heightened even further in the post-war period. Wide-ranging expressions of urban populism and racial ethnicity set the scene for the 1949 riots. Due to the nature of the evidence collected, much of the thesis concentrates on the roles played by the (largely middle class) political leadership. The analysis portrays African politics as a complex process of 'negotiation', and the historical narrative is informed by theoretical perspectives which integrate 'class' and 'race'.
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Cicero, Pedro Henrique de Moraes 1984. "Revolução Bolivariana e lutas sociais = o confronto político nos primeiros anos do governo Hugo Chávez Frías". [s.n.], 2010. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/281656.
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Orientador: Andréia GalvãoDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
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Resumo: A presente dissertação objetiva analisar as principais lutas sociais na Venezuela durante os dois primeiros mandatos do governo comandado por Hugo Chávez Frías (1999-2006). Para tanto, três eixos conceituais permearão o trabalho: as idéias de neoliberalismo, de lutas sociais e a de confronto político. A partir delas serão expostas as conexões entre a vitória conquistada por Hugo Chávez nas eleições de 1998 e duas variáveis: o aumento na quantidade e intensidade dos conflitos sociais durante a década de 1990 (não obstante a debilidade dos movimentos sociais venezuelanos) e os desastrosos resultados obtidos pela investida neoliberal no país. Uma vez eleito, porém, o governo bolivariano pouco avançou no sentido de enfrentar o principal entrave para o contínuo e sustentável desenvolvimento da referida nação: a estrutural dependência de sua economia frente aos proventos advindos do comércio petroleiro. As relações de produção na Venezuela mantiveram-se, pois, eminentemente capitalistas. Houve, entretanto, a partir das transformações impostas pela administração bolivariana, a solidificação um novo "bloco no poder". A atual correlação de forças sociais é reflexo direto do embate entre duas estratégias bastante distintas no seio do chavismo: de um lado a perspectiva hegemônica que estrutura suas ações políticas em práticas partidaristas, hierarquizadas e orientadas "de cima para baixo"; de outro, uma vertente de oposição pautada por esforços no sentido de incentivar a construção de um cenário político no qual os movimentos sociais atuem como forças políticas capazes de comandar a Revolução Bolivariana "de baixo para cima". A alternância entre estas estratégias são uma constante no desenrolar do processo político liderado por Hugo Chávez. Tal dinâmica mostra-se extremamente importante para as análises que buscam entendê-lo em sua totalidade
Abstract: This dissertation aims to explore the major political actions and popular struggles waged in Venezuela during the first two terms of the administration led by Hugo Chávez Frías (1999-2006). To this end, three central bases permeate the debate: the concepts of neoliberalism, social struggles and political confrontation. They all are necessary to express the clear interface between the victory by Hugo Chávez in the 1998 election and two variables: despite the weakness of the Venezuelan social movements, the increase in the quantity and intensity of social conflicts and, also, the disastrous results obtained by the neoliberal onslaught during the 1990s. However, once elected, the Chávez government has advanced little in order to confront the main obstacle to the continued and sustainable development of the country: its economy structurally depends on the proceeds from the oil market. In this sense, it is clear that the relations of production in Venezuela remained essentially capitalists. Yet, there was, since the transformations imposed by the Bolivarian administration, the solidification of a new "bloc in power". The current power correlation of social forces is a direct reflection of the clash between two very different strategies within the chavismo: in one side, the hegemonic perspective "top down", whose actions are structured in partisan and hierarchically oriented orders from the political party; on the another side, the view "bottom up": a strand of opposition guided by efforts to encourage the construction of a reality on which social movements end up acting as political forces capable of commanding the Bolivarian revolution "from below". The alternations between these strategies are constant in the course of the experience led by Hugo Chávez and, for that mean, are extremely important to analyze its entirety
Mestrado
Mestre em Ciência Política
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Giles, Margaret Judith. "Something that bit better : working-class women, domesticity and 'respectability' 1919-1939". Thesis, University of York, 1989. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/4234/.
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Márquez, Berrocal Manuel. "Sant Adrià de Besòs Del món rural a l’urbà: indústria i immigració La formació de la classe obrera (1900-1939)". Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/665806.
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La tesi doctoral: Sant Adrià de Besòs del món rural a l'urbà. Indústria i immigració: la formació de la classe obrera (1900-1939), analitza el pas del món rural agrari al món urbà industrial i la formació de la classe obrera del municipi del Pla de Barcelona. Analitza com s'ha desenvolupat la colossal transformació econòmica, urbanística, social, política i cultural del municipi analitzant els factors geogràfics –riu Besòs i mar Mediterrània– i la influència que, sobre el procés d'urbanització, industrialització i creixement, va exercir la capital de Catalunya.
Explica com va produir-se la transformació del territori sota la direcció dels propietaris de les terres, els industrials i l'arquitecte municipal –responsable de la planificació urbanística–, i segons els interessos dels grans propietaris barcelonins, que van vendre les terres a indústries o urbanitzacions. El control de l'Ajuntament i el suport de les elits locals, propietaris de terres, pagesos, comerciants i petits industrials; els va permetre dirigir tot el procés de creixement urbà i sotmetre a les classes populars i treballadores immigrants i adrianenques fins a l'arribada de la Segona República.
La tesi analitza exhaustivament la població adrianenca que va arribar al municipi entre el 1920-1935 atreta per la industrialització lligada a la Segona Revolució Industrial, que necessitava una gran quantitat de mà d'obra; contingents humans que arribaren de la Catalunya interior, de les regions veïnes (València i Aragó), de Múrcia i d'Andalusia (Almeria). L'estudi inclou les variables socials i demogràfiques dels adrianencs i dels immigrants i un estudi complet de totes les grans empreses: origen, producció, accionistes, directius, treballadors, evolució econòmica o col·lectivitzacions (1936-1939).
Finalment, analitza la vida social, política i cultural del municipi, amb un ampli estudi de les associacions, partits polítics i sindicats des de principis de segle fins a la derrota de la democràcia i de les classes populars i treballadores que van defensar la Segona República. El treball és l’estudi dels estatuts, juntes, llistats d'afiliats, activitats i tendències polítiques. Demostra com el món associatiu va ser un espai de vida democràtica en un poble sotmès a la dictadura de la burgesia local i barcelonina, per un sistema polític com el de la Restauració o el de la Dictadura de Primo de Ribera, que els deixava al marge del sistema o els reprimia sense contemplacions. L'estudi de la formació de la classe obrera adrianenca i la seva participació política demostra la forta influència del republicanisme federal –ERC i en molta menor mesura de l'EEF– i de l'anarcosindicalisme (CNT), en la formació de la consciència de classe dels treballadors i dels sectors populars i la seva incorporació decidida a la lluita de classes.
El treball finalitza amb una anàlisi del cost humà de la Guerra Civil, de la repressió franquista i del retorn al poder de la dreta adrianenca de sempre, ara amb un Ajuntament feixista imposat per la força de les armes de la Dictadura Franquista.La tesis doctoral: Sant Adrià de Besòs del mundo rural al urbano. Industria e inmigración: la formación de la clase obrera (1900-1939), analiza el paso del mundo rural agrario al mundo urbano industrial y la formación de la clase obrera del municipio del Pla de Barcelona. Analiza cómo se ha desarrollado la colosal transformación económica, urbanística, social, política y cultural del municipio analizando los factores geográficos –río Besòs y mar Mediterráneo– y la influencia que, sobre el proceso de urbanización, industrialización y crecimiento, ejerció la capital de Cataluña. Explica cómo se produjo la transformación del territorio bajo la dirección de los propietarios de las tierras, los industriales y el arquitecto municipal –responsable de la planificación urbanística–, y según los intereses de los grandes propietarios barceloneses, que vendieron las tierras a industrias o urbanizaciones. El control del Ayuntamiento y el apoyo de las élites locales, propietarios de tierras, labradores, comerciantes y pequeños industriales; les permitió dirigir todo el proceso de crecimiento urbano y someter en las clases populares y trabajadoras inmigrantes y adrianense hasta la llegada de la Segunda República. La tesis analiza exhaustivamente la población adrianense que llegó al municipio entre el 1920-1935 atraída por la industrialización ligada a la Segunda Revolución Industrial, que necesitaba una gran cantidad de mano de obra; contingentes humanos que llegaron de la Cataluña interior, de las regiones vecinas (Valencia y Aragón), de Murcia y de Andalucía (Almería). El estudio incluye las variables sociales y demográficas de los adrianense y de los inmigrantes y un estudio completo de todas las grandes empresas: origen, producción, accionistas, directivos, trabajadores, evolución económica o colectivizaciones (1936-1939). Finalmente, analiza la vida social, política y cultural del municipio, con un amplio estudio de las asociaciones, partidos políticos y sindicatos desde principios de siglo hasta la derrota de la democracia y de las clases populares y trabajadoras que defendieron la Segunda República. El trabajo estudia los estatutos, juntas, listados de afiliados, actividades y tendencias políticas. Demuestra cómo el mundo asociativo fue un espacio de vida democrática en un pueblo sometido a la dictadura de la burguesía local y barcelonesa, por un sistema político como el de la Restauración o el de la Dictadura de Primo de Ribera, que los dejaba al margen del sistema o los reprimía sin contemplaciones. El estudio de la formación de la clase obrera adrianense y su participación política demuestra la fuerte influencia del republicanismo federal –ERC y en mucha menor medida de la EEF– y del anarcosindicalismo (CNT), en la formación de la conciencia de clase de los trabajadores y de los sectores populares y su incorporación decidida a la lucha de clases. El trabajo finaliza con un análisis del coste humano de la Guerra Civil, de la represión franquista y del regreso al poder de la derecha adrianense de siempre, ahora con un Ayuntamiento fascista impuesto por la fuerza de las armas de la Dictadura Franquista.
The doctoral thesis: Sant Adrià de Besòs from the rural to the urban world. Industry and immigration: the formation of the working class (1900-1939), analyzes the passage from the rural agrarian world to the urban industrial world and the formation of the working class in the municipality of the Pla de Barcelona. It analyzes how the colossal economic, urban, social, political and cultural transformation of the municipality has been developed through the analysis the geographical factors –Besòs River and the Mediterranean Sea– and the influence exerted by the capital of Catalonia on the process of urbanization, industrialization and growth. Its explains how the transformation of the territory under the leadership of landowners, industrialists and the municipal architect, responsible for urban planning, took place according to the interests of the great Barcelona owners, who sold land to industries or urbanizations. The control of the City Council and the support of the local elites, landowners, farmers, traders and small industrialists allowed them to control the entire process of urban growth and subjugate the immigrant and working classes and workers from St. Adrià until the arrival of the Second Republic. The thesis thoroughly analyzes the population from St. Adrià that reached the municipality between 1920-1935 attracted by industrialization related to the Second Industrial Revolution, which needed a large amount of labour; human contingents that arrived from the inner Catalonia, the neighbouring regions (Valencia and Aragon), from Murcia and Andalusia (Almeria). The study includes the social and demographic variables of locals and immigrants and a complete study of all the major companies: origin, production, shareholders, executives, workers, economic evolution or collectivization (1936-1939). Finally, the social, political and cultural life of the municipality is analyzed by means of a broad study of associations, political parties and unions since the beginning of the century until the defeat of democracy and the popular and working classes that defended the Second Republic. The work is the study of the statutes, boards, affiliated lists, activities and political tendencies. Proving demonstrating how the associative world was a place of democratic life in a town subject to the dictatorship of the local and Barcelona bourgeoisie, by a political system similar to that of the Restoration or of the Primo de Ribera Dictatorship that left them outside the system or repressed them without contemplations. The study of the formation of the working class in St. Adrià and its political participation shows the strong influence of federal republicanism –ERC and much to a lesser extent the EEF– and of anarcho-syndicalism (CNT), in the formation of class awareness among the workers and the popular sectors and their determined incorporation to the fight of classes. The work ends with an analysis of the human cost of the Civil War, the Franco repression and the return to power of the traditional right wing, now with a fascist city council imposed by the force of the arms of the Franco dictatorship.
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Quirke, Linda. "Social class, finances and changes in attendance at the University of Guelph, 1987-1998". Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape8/PQDD_0002/MQ43205.pdf.
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Jeppie, Shamil. "Aspects of popular culture and class expression in inner Cape Town, circa 1939-1959". Thesis, University of Cape Town, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/24109.
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Massipe, Alexandre. "S'engager aux côtés de la classe ouvrière pour "changer la vie" : 1919-1939". Paris 1, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010PA010519.
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Conscients des difficultés rencontrées par une classe ouvrière acculée à une mécanisation accélérée, ils sont quelques-uns, intellectuels et artistes, à porter une attention accrue aux conditions de vie des ouvriers. Les surréalistes et la philosophe Simone Weil sont de ceux-la. Sans illusion sur l'engagement politique, leurs rapports respectifs avec les partis et les syndicats demeurent distants même si la mise en place d'un gouvernement de Front populaire en mai 1936 fait souffler, l'espace de quelques mois, un vent d'espoir. Tous convergent vers l'idée que Ie prolétariat ne peut s'affranchir que s'il parvient à se réapproprier ce qui constitue la police de la pensée : Ie langage. C'est pourtant par la résurgence du sentiment de beauté, et les surréalistes comme Simone Weil n'auront de cesse de le répéter, que la libération de l' ouvrier pourra être considérée comme achevée. Sentiment seul capable de donner corps à une esthétique résistante, partant à une révolution a venir.
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Mart, Jacqueline Susan. "Class voting in Britain in 1979". W&M ScholarWorks, 1987. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625400.
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Souza, Roberio Santos 1978. "Experiencias de trabalhadores nos caminhos de ferro da Bahia : trabalho, solidariedade e conflitos (1892-1909)". [s.n.], 2007. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/281969.
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Orientador: Fernando Teixeira da SilvaDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
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Resumo: A história da estrada de ferro da Bahia ao Francisco, desde a segunda metade do século, foi marcada por diversas experiências de trabalhadores. Naquele período, imigrantes, nacionais e escravos estiveram presentes no mundo de trabalho ferroviário. Enquanto alguns desses homens lutaram para garantir direitos, segundo suas tradições culturais, outros enfrentaram os domínios senhoriais em busca da liberdade de ¿viver por si¿. Nos anos que se seguiram à abolição, outros personagens, diante da experiência da exploração, também se organizaram, desenvolveram práticas associativas e formas de auxílio mútuo, criaram espaços de sociabilidades e construíram mobilizações grevistas na Bahia. Assim, além de buscar compreender as relações de trabalho, esse estudo procura reconstituir algumas dessas experiências de trabalhadores da estrada de ferro da Bahia ao São Francisco, entre o final do século XIX e início do XX
Abstract: The history of the railway from Bahia to Francisco, since the second half of the century, was marked with several workers¿ experiences. Immigrants, nationals, slaves were present in the universe of railway work at that time. While same of these workers struggled to guarantee their rights according to their cultural traditions, others faced the power of owners in search of liberty of ¿self-living¿. The following years after abolition, others, in the face of exploration experience, also organized, developed associate practices and ways of mutual help, creating places of solidarity, struggled for rights and justice in Bahia. Therefore, this study search to understand work¿s relationship, search to rebuild same of these experiences of railway workers, between the end of XIX century and beginning of XX century
Mestrado
Historia Social
Mestre em História
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Matos, Vanessa Cristina Santos. "Gênero e trabalho: um olhar sobre as greves operárias de junho e setembro de 1919 (Bahia - Salvador)". reponame:Repositório Institucional da UFBA, 2008. http://www.repositorio.ufba.br/ri/handle/ri/11129.
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O presente trabalho analisa sob a perspectiva de gênero, o processo de constituição da classe operária baiana, identificando o lugar das mulheres no mercado de trabalho, as relações, experiências e conflitos entre os “sexos” e as especificidades do trabalho feminino, focalizando os ramos de maior eminência ou visibilidade das mulheres. Através da articulação teórica entre o conceito de classe e a categoria gênero e das relações entre os processos de produção e reprodução social formulamos análises sobre os mecanismos históricos de legitimação das desigualdades entre os “sexos”. O contexto da crise internacional pós Primeira Guerra Mundial e seus desdobramentos na conjuntura nacional – flutuações econômicas, crise interoligárquica, carestia e tensão social; os dilemas de um processo de industrialização face uma política econômica pautada no modelo agroexportador são aqui investigados através de pesquisa bibliográfica e da análise de documentos e jornais. Daí a necessidade de entender o processo de constituição e o perfil da classe operária baiana; o regime de trabalho; o sistema de moralização e controle social, com a consolidação do sistema de fábrica-vila (sob a égide de uma estrutura paternalista que estrategicamente confundia os espaços: público e privado). Além de lançar mão sobre as origens, o processo, a dinâmica e os desdobramentos da greve geral, seus mecanismos de organização, tática de ação e pauta de reivindicação: geral e específica e sua relação com a greve das tecelãs(ões). As particularidades de um movimento que tem como vanguarda a União Sociedade dos Tecelões (as lutas para garantir a sua consolidação, as pressões (industriais), a coação (periódicos) e os meios de resistência encontrados através dos laços de solidariedade. Após o processo de ascendência, evidenciamos as dissidências no interior do movimento operário, a repactuação entre os grupos políticos e as elites (indústrias e os grandes comerciantes).
Salvador
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Gilra, Deepak. "A class of non-binary LDPC codes". Texas A&M University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/1969/67.
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Badaro, Samer A. "The Islamic revolution of Syria (1979-1982) : class relations, sectarianism, and socio-political culture in a national progressive state". Connect to resource, 1987. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1144850076.
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Isom, Margaret Smith. "Radical career changes of middle-aged professional, technical, and managerial workers in the New River Valley area of Virginia". Diss., Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/54202.
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The specific problem of this study was to determine common characteristics of midlife professional, technical, and managerial workers who have made voluntary radical career changes, to identify positive and negative experiences faced by these individuals, and to identify coping strategies used by the career changer and families of the career changers.
Data were gathered by the participant observation method of qualitative research. Twenty purposively selected career changers were interviewed using semi- structured interview questions. Questions were categorized as follows: personal background, schooling, career history, the career change, and after the career change. The interview sessions were tape recorded. Responses to the interview questions were assembled, codified, and examined for similarities. A profile of a middle-aged professional who has made a radical career change was developed. Excerpts from the profile follow. This individual: (a) is about 43 years old, (b) has worked in the same career for about 13 years prior to the change, (c) experienced no major traumatic event before the change, (d) received no assistance from a "help" agency during the time of change, (e) had few barriers to overcome in making the transition, (f) adjusted to the change with a minimum of effort, and (g) remained financially stable after the change. A major finding of the study was that 17 of the 20 subjects said they were better off psychologically after making the career change.Ed. D.
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CALIXTO, Francisco José Silva. "Memória e narrativa: a história da educação da Administração Popular de Fortaleza (1986 – 1988)". www.teses.ufc.br, 2002. http://www.repositorio.ufc.br/handle/riufc/7268.
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CALIXTO, Francisco José Silva. Memória e narrativa: a história da educação da Administração Popular de Fortaleza (1986 – 1988). 2002. 116f. – Dissertação (Mestrado) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Programa de Pós-graduação em Educação Brasileira, Fortaleza (CE), 2002.Submitted by Márcia Araújo (marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2014-02-13T19:46:47Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2002-DIS-FJSCALIXTO.pdf: 3898857 bytes, checksum: 6d86a607ef259eb97adb12985e669ac3 (MD5)
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The People’s Administration of Fortaleza (1986–1988) is one of the first experiences of the brazilian left in the sphere of public administration, after military governments in Brazil. The goal of this research about the history of the APF educational policy. In other words sought to understand and analyze the meanings of that administrative experience in the field of education in Fortaleza. The theoretical research on outbreaks used this Education lie on the field of history and history education in the perspective of authors such as Paul Ricouer, Friedrich Nietzsche, Michel Foucault, Paul Giles Deleuze and Michel Weyne, Pollak, who are used as plot concepts/notions, narrative, games, memory disputed and segmented. The methodological tools were the documentary and oral sources, the result of interviews with political figures and consultations with the newspapers of the period. The dissertation is evidence for finding that the APF memory is disputed forces standing left in Fortaleza and to demonstrate that, despite numerous misconceptions, administrative-political educational policy was inspired in the popular and democratic education, being understood in education concept observed by the brazilian educator Paulo Freire, in the direction of increasing political awareness of the popular classes.
A Administração Popular de Fortaleza (1986–1988) constitui-se numa das primeiras experiências da esquerda brasileira na esfera da administração pública, depois dos governos militares no Brasil. O objetivo desta pesquisa foi uma investigação sobre a história da política educacional da APF. Em outras palavras buscou compreender e analisar os sentidos daquela experiência administrativa, no âmbito da Educação em Fortaleza. Os focos teóricos utilizados nesta pesquisa em Educação situam-se no campo da História e Historia da Educação, na perspectiva de pensadores como Paul Ricouer, Friedrich Nietzsche, Michel Foucault, Paul Veyne, Giles Deleuze e Michel Pollak, de quem são utilizados os conceitos/noções como narrativa, trama, jogos de força, disputabilidade da memória e segmentariedade. Os instrumentos metodológicos foram as fontes documentais orais e escritas, resultado de entrevistas com personalidades políticas e de consultas aos jornais do período. A dissertação evidencia para constatação de que a memória da APF encontra-se em disputabilidade permanente pelas forças políticas de esquerda em Fortaleza e para a demonstração de que, apesar de inúmeros equívocos político-administrativos, a política educacional inspirou-se na educação democrática e popular, sendo compreendida a educação na noção observada pelo educador brasileiro Paulo Freire, no sentido da elevação da consciência política das classes populares
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Cabral, Valdenisio Alves. "Comerciários de João Pessoa: novo sindicalismo, conflitos de classes e cultura política (1986-1993)". Universidade Federal da Paraíba, 2015. http://tede.biblioteca.ufpb.br:8080/handle/tede/6014.
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Previous issue date: 2015-08-30Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES
This study aims to present an approach of how the new unionism contributed to the change in the political culture of the leaders in commerce unionism João Pessoa, between 1986 and 1993. Historical context in which the authentic unionism emerged provided significant changes in the relationship between capital and work from the disruption to the ancient practice of making unionism during the military dictatorship. We believe that this movement was primarily responsible for the change in behavior of the new union leaders that category of workers where there was a prevailing culture of harmony between antagonistic classes. This new unionism will bring out a union opposition to fight what became known as pelegas practices. From an analysis of the political practices of the "old unionism" and change the political culture in commerce unionism João Pessoa. Understand how political culture not only the practices and attitudes of social agents, but these agents have relationships with symbolic elements, whether the acceptance or rejection and certain power projects in the political structure. As theoretical foundation, we will use the concepts of political culture and class identity in order to understand the behavior of union leaders Category shopkeeper. The sources used were built on research papers, oral reports, official documents and works of Brazilian historiography.
Este estudo tem por finalidade fazer uma abordagem de como o novo sindicalismo contribuiu para a mudança de cultura política das lideranças do sindicalismo comerciário de João Pessoa, entre 1986 e 1993. O contexto histórico em que surgiu o sindicalismo autêntico proporcionou mudanças significativas nas relações entre capital e trabalho a partir das rupturas com as antigas práticas de se fazer sindicalismo durante a ditadura militar. Acreditamos que este movimento foi o principal responsável pela mudança de comportamento dos novos dirigentes sindicais daquela categoria de trabalhadores onde predominava uma cultura de harmonia entre as classes antagônicas. Esse novo sindicalismo vai fazer emergir uma oposição sindical no combate ao que ficou conhecido como práticas pelegas. A partir de uma análise entre as práticas políticas do chamado velho sindicalismo e, mudança de cultura política no sindicalismo comerciário de João Pessoa. Entendemos como cultura política não só as práticas e atitudes dos agentes sociais, mas as relações que esses agentes têm com os elementos simbólicos, sejam pela aceitação e ou pela rejeição a determinados projetos de poder na estrutura política. Como fundamentação teórica, utilizaremos os conceitos de cultura política e identidade de classe visando entender o comportamento dos dirigentes sindicais da categoria comerciária. As fontes utilizadas foram construídas em pesquisa em jornais, relatos orais, documentos oficiais e obras da historiografia brasileira.
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Meredith, Anne M. "Middle-class women and horticultural education, 1890-1939". Thesis, University of Sussex, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.390831.
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Grocott, Christopher Alan. "The moneyed class of Gibraltar, c.1880-1939". Thesis, Lancaster University, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.441828.
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Kumbhat, Christine Pushpa. "Working class adult education in Yorkshire, 1918-1939". Thesis, University of Leeds, 2017. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/19923/.
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This thesis considers the place of workers’ adult education in the world of the British labour movement, and what impact it may have had on worker-students as citizens. It concentrates on three voluntary working class adult education organisations – the Workers’ Educational Association (WEA), The National Council of Labour Colleges (NCLC), and the Co-operative. The WEA delivered an impartial, non sectarian, non-political programme of education in the liberal arts and humanities with the support of universities and Local Education Authorities. The NCLC promoted a programme of Marxist education, and accepted support only from working class organisations, predominantly trade unions. The Co-operative wished to develop ‘Co operative character’ through education as a means to building a ‘Co-operative Commonwealth.’ This thesis explores the extent to which each organisation made an impact in Yorkshire between the wars. It does this in a variety of ways; by analysing the diversity of thought on socialism and democracy in the intellectual world of the labour movement during the inter-war era; presenting a historiographical context of workers’ adult education in Yorkshire from the nineteenth to the twentieth century; evaluating the Co operative’s success at establishing a Co-operative Commonwealth through education; exploring the relationship between the trades councils of Yorkshire and the three adult education organisations; researching the biographies of municipal public students known to have been worker-students; analysing the value of workers’ adult education from the perspective of the regional press; and studying the lived experience of workers’ adult education from the perspective of worker-students, tutors and administrators. The resounding theme that emerges by the end of the thesis is how working class adult education was connected consistently with democracy – that workers’ adult education, whatever form it took, supported a democratic model of active participatory citizenship based on idealism, as well as ethical and moral interpretations of social democracy.
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Tam, Chen Hee. "Intergenerational class reproduction and dissolution of the Chinese socialist industrial working class, 1979 to 2005". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.611469.
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Conley, James Robert Carleton University Dissertation Sociology. "Class conflict and collective action in the working class of Vancouver, British Columbia, 1900-1919". Ottawa, 1986.
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Amos, Denise M. "Working-class diet and health in Nottingham, 1850-1939". Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2000. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/12755/.
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The rise in population together with industrialisation in the first half of the nineteenth century presented central government and local authorities with new challenges. Large numbers of people crowded together in poorly constructed homes with very limited sanitation facilities and created the perfect breeding ground for infectious diseases. The endemic nature of many of these diseases affected the most vulnerable members of society and the reduction in the high death-rates was an important consideration for the authorities. The Public Health Act 1848 was the first serious attempt by Westminster to tackle the problems of urban health which had been identified in several reports published in the 1840s. During the second half of the century public health policy was hesitantly developed and concentrated on cleaning up the environment in the expectation of bringing about a reduction in deaths. At the same time, rising living standards and improved food supplies to the towns brought about slight improvements in the dietary levels of the urban poor. A combination of factors brought about a rapid decline in death-rates by the end of the nineteenth century, and a further fall mainly attributable to changes in the pattern of infant mortality in the early period of the twentieth century. This thesis tests the general pattern of change in the context of Nottingham, one of Britain's largest provincial cities. It assesses the relative roles played by improvements in the areas of public health and housing and their contribution to the reduction in deaths. It then examines the issue of the improvements in food and nutrition, particularly at the beginning of the twentieth century, by assessing how accessible a more balanced and nutritional diet was available to the working-classes. It then assesses the changes in health during the period 1850-1939 and concludes that the improvements in the environment were minimal until 1920 and had little to do with the reduction in the death rate. The suggestion is that a better diet together with gradual improvements in the environment brought about the decline in deaths from certain diseases.
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Horwood, Catherine Natalia Clotilde. "'Keeping up appearances' : clothes, class and culture 1918-1939". Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.408039.
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Pope, Robert Philip. "Nonconformity, labour and the social question in Wales 1906-1939". Thesis, Bangor University, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.295281.
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Raychaudhury, Nairanjana. "Backward class and politics of reservation in India 1919-1947". Thesis, University of North Bengal, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/1208.
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Lima, Aruã Silva de. "Comunismo contra o racismo: autodeterminação e vieses de integação de classe no Brasil e nos Estados Unidos (1919-1939)". Universidade de São Paulo, 2015. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8138/tde-23112015-134031/.
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O presente trabalho é resultado de uma investigação a respeito da relação estabelecida entre comunistas e organizações negras nos Estados Unidos e Brasil entre as décadas de 20 e 30 do século XX. Foi estudado o percurso duplo por onde trafegaram ideias comunistas no sentido das organizações negras e como estas mesmas organizações influenciaram a agenda política dos comunistas no que tange às questões raciais. Foi possível concluir que as mudanças nas políticas da Internacional Comunista em relação à questão negra obedeceram tanto a critérios internos dos Partidos Comunistas nacionais como às flutuações políticas da União Soviética.This work is result of an investigation about the relationship established between communists and black organizations in the United States and Brazil between 20s and 30s of the 20th century. It was studied the double path on which communists ideas transited towards black organizations and how these very organizations influenced the communist political agenda regarding racial issues. It was possible to conclude that the political shifts in the Communist International with regard to the black question obeyed to internal criterias within national Communist Parties as well as to the political fluctuations in the Soviet Union.
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Castilho, Eribelto Peres. "A classe trabalhadora in movimento um retrato das lutas dos trabalhadores no Jornal Movimento (1975-1981)". Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2016. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/19062.
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Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico
This study aims to provide a critical analysis of the image, of the opposition, defeats, struggles and victories usual in the working class life during the period of 1975 to 1981, pictured in the pages of Movimento newspaper. The timeline proposed in our study – that cover the period that Movimento was published (1975-1981) – can be considered one of the most significant in Brazil’s recent history. The 1970’s and beginning of the 1980’s represent a moment of intense and profound social contradictions, resulting in changes in the country’s cultural, political and economical panorama. This period is marked (acknowledged) by the vigorous and acute reemerging of the working class in the social scenario. And as a sign of resistance and struggle the targeted their actions against the cut down, exploration and autocracy, therefore demonstrating, to everyone’s surprise, that they were not asleep, as they never had been even during the terrible years of the dictatorship. These years of important social changes are an adequate and essencial period for the understanding of the working class unique and shared experiences
O objetivo deste trabalho consiste na análise imanente do retrato, corporificado nas páginas do jornal Movimento, das lutas, resistências, derrotas e vitórias cotidianas dos trabalhadores brasileiros, e demais movimentos populares, frente à superexploração de sua força de trabalho, frente à fome, desnutrição e criminalização de seus filhos, frente à miséria social infligida pela plataforma econômica da autocracia burguesa brasileira em sua forma bonapartista, especialmente entre os anos de 1975 e 1981. O recorte temporal proposto em nossa análise – que recobre os anos das datas-limites da publicação do semanário Movimento (1975-1981) – constitui um dos mais significativos períodos da recente história brasileira. A década de 1970 e início dos anos 1980 representam um momento de intensas e profundas contradições sociais, fecundo em transformações no metabolismo cultural, político e econômico do país. Época marcada, sobretudo, pela ação vigorosa e pujante da classe trabalhadora no cenário social, pautando sua atuação nos marcos da resistência e luta contra o arrocho, superexploração e autocracia, demonstrou, para a surpresa de muitos, que não estava dormindo, como nunca esteve nos terríveis anos de ditadura. Esses anos constituem, portanto, um período adequado de mudanças sociais, condição imprescindível a uma efetiva apreensão das experiências compartilhadas da classe trabalhadora, dessa “relação histórica” particular
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Kabler, Brent. "Class in context : the spatial dimensions of class consciousness evidence from the English elections, 1979-1992 /". free to MU campus, to others for purchase, 2000. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/mo/fullcit?p9974998.
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Silva, Pinochet Beatriz. "La clase media en Chile después de las transformaciones estructurales: una aproximación cualitativa a través del análisis de clase". Tesis, Universidad de Chile, 2005. http://www.repositorio.uchile.cl/handle/2250/106463.
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Es así como, el presente trabajo pretendemos realizar una investigación que permita acercarnos a la temática de la clase media desde una mirada amplia. Para eso presentamos primero las características de la investigación que guía este trabajo; más tarde nos abocaremos a definir el concepto de clase que se ha de utilizar durante el mismo, para después abordar el tema sobre los elementos que caracterizaron a la clase media chilena en el pasado. Se analizará también cómo la situación de esta clase se vio afectada por las transformaciones estructurales llevadas a cabo por el régimen militar, que fueron acompañadas de concepciones distintas que reestructuran el papel que le cabe a las diferentes instituciones, influyendo con esto los más diversos ámbitos de nuestra sociedad.
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Kishebuka, Oliver. "Class repetition : the experience of young people of repeating a class in primary school education in Tanzania". Thesis, University of Bristol, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1983/b8284c7d-df92-4872-8513-7a82d003a422.
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Education is one of the dimensional indices used to calculate Human development. In the last 10 years, the quality of education in Tanzania has rendered a large number of children finishing basic primary education unable to read or and in some cases being required to repeat a class. In Tanzania, class repetition is considered to be a strategy that assists literacy in children by availing them another opportunity to participate in lessons and re-sit examinations for the failed year. The concept is contested in other parts of the world where studies suggest that withholding children has negative consequences on children’s future academic and socio-emotional outcomes thus further affecting educational performance. This study looked at the experience of young people of repeating a class in a society where education is given great emphasis as means of social mobility. It looked at the experience of the young people in Tanzania, in the context of the various systems surrounding them and interacting with them (both directly and indirectly) such as their families, schools, neighbourhoods, communities, education policies and laws; and how such systems either fostered or hindered their resilience when repeating a class. Using responses from young people who were this study’s key informants and comparative approaches based on resilience and ecological framework, the study highlights how the process of decision making impacted and influenced the perception of young people of repeating a class as well as influenced these young people’s overall experience of repeating a class. Young people’s participation and consultation in the process of decision making was given great significance and as such, a model has been developed to emphasize children’s voices, approaches and interventions that are child-centred.
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Barya, John-Jean B. "Law, state and working class organisation in Uganda, 1962-1987". Thesis, University of Warwick, 1990. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/35613/.
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This thesis describes and interprets the historical development of the legal regulation of the Ugandan trade union movement and assesses the relative importance of law in the determination of the character of trade union organisation in the post-colonial period 1962-1987. Chapter I defines the scope of the thesis and identifies the theoretical framework and analytical themes on which the thesis is based. Chapter II deals with the colonial foundations of the post-colonial legislation with which the thesis is mainly concerned. Chapters III, IV and V cover the period 1962-1987 whereby we analyse, first, the class and political character of the legal changes that take place between 1963-1976. Secondly, we examine the practical operation and impact of the law vis-a-vis the role of state policy and behaviour, the ideological outlook adopted by the trade unions, union constitutional structures and leadership struggles in the formation of the character of contemporary trade unionism in Uganda. The thesis treats law as a historical category and takes as its starting point the Marxist conceptualisations which view law variously as an instrument of the dominant class, as ideology or which attempt a materialist analysis. From these perspectives we examine the processes of class struggle through which the specific legislation came into being and more crucially the importance of the balance of class forces in the practical utilisation of legal rights or restrictions. We conclude in Chapter VI that while the economic parameters in which trade unions exist and operate are important determinants of union character, within those parameters the character of the state has proved to be most crucial. But at the level of the unions themselves, the ideology they adopt, their constitutional structures and leadership struggles, together, have created the contemporary undemocratic, economistic-apolitical and technocratic aspects of trade unionism in Uganda. However law has been important for the unions to the extent that it has been mainly a source of legitimation for their autonomous existence, most of the time, in their chequered history. The analysis of the historical and class origins and nature of the law regulating trade union organisation and the assessment we make of the role of law vis-a-vis the role played by other factors in determining the character of trade union organisation in Uganda is, in our view, an original contribution to the knowledge of industrial relations law in Uganda. The construction and interpretation of the historical phases through which both trade union law and trade union organisation have passed is likewise an original contribution to the knowledge of trade unionism in Uganda.