Bibliografías temáticas / Civil supremacy over the military – United States

Literatura académica sobre el tema "Civil supremacy over the military – United States"

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Publicado: 25 de julio de 2024

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Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Civil supremacy over the military – United States"

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Waters, Christopher. "Beyond Lawfare: Juridical Oversight of Western Militaries". Alberta Law Review 46, n.º 4 (1 de agosto de 2009): 885. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/alr209.

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While civilian supremacy over the armed forces is accepted as a matter of faith in Western countries, this supremacy often means little more than supremacy of the executive branch of government over top generals. Indeed, efforts to regulate armed forces through broader domestic or international legal frameworks, including international criminal law, have been resisted in some military quarters (particularly in the United Kingdom and the United States) with the military and its backers raising concerns of “legal encirclement” or “lawfare.” The author argues for broad civilian and democratic oversight of armed forces, including through increased judicial and quasi-judicial scrutiny of overseas military actions at the domestic and international levels. The author concludes that broad democratic oversight not only promotes compliance with international legal norms but supports operational effectiveness as well.
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Tindigarukayo, Jimmy K. "Uganda, 1979–85: Leadership in Transition". Journal of Modern African Studies 26, n.º 4 (diciembre de 1988): 607–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00015408.

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After a period of preoccupation with the study of the military in post-colonial states, some scholars have begun to turn their attention to the analysis of politics in post-military states in the Third World.1 This shift, however, has had a considerable impact on perceptions of the traditional rigid dichotomy between military and civilian régimes. In particular, there is increasing scepticism about the ability of the latter to restore political order, to establish the supremacy of civil institutions over the armed forces, and to acquire popular legitimacy. There seems little doubt that the pre-eminence of the soldiers, and their ability to dictate the degree of participation in politics, has continued to persist in a number of African countries, thereby producing systems of government that are a mixture rather than a clear manifestation of either a military or a civilian régime.
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Sarapin, Susan, Richard Ledet, Pamela Morris y Sharon Emeigh. "Living Among Confederate Icons: Perpetuating White Supremacist Beliefs and Blindness to Black Suffering". Studies in Social Justice 17, n.º 3 (3 de octubre de 2023): 384–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.26522/ssj.v17i3.3909.

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Almost 160 years after the American Civil War, where the Union defeated the Confederacy and ended slavery in the United States, approximately 1,910 tributes remain to Confederate military leaders located on public property in the 11 original Confederate states, particularly in cities with an exceptionally high density of Black residents. To Blacks, this iconography delivers a clear message of White supremacy. Six states have enacted laws to protect and preserve these memorials, making it almost impossible to use the court system to move them to private property. This paper explores connections between support for a myth called the Lost Cause, which is a revisionist history intended to spread misinformation about the true cause of the American Civil War, and attitudes toward placement of Confederate symbols on public land. We show that there is significant belief in the Lost-Cause myth among many White U.S. Southerners. Furthermore, we find those who believe most in the myth are the least likely to want to move the monuments or end taxpayer support for their maintenance.
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4

Hrynkiv, Olga. "Export Controls and Securitization of Economic Policy: Comparative Analysis of the Practice of the United States, the European Union, China, and Russia". Journal of World Trade 56, Issue 4 (1 de junio de 2022): 633–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2022026.

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National security rhetoric has gained prominence due to increasingly pervasive digitalization, the emergence of cutting-edge technologies, and developments in artificial intelligence and machine learning. Increased reliance on these areas fuels industrial development but also renders national economies vulnerable to foreign interference. Ultimately, the current wave of technological development with its potential threats intensifies competition between states and redefines their economic and military advantages over potential global rivals. Against this background, certain states have expanded the scope of their export control regimes by extending the lists of controlled items and/or imposing ‘catch-all’ control. Used in conjunction with economic sanctions, weaponized tariffs, and extensive investment screening mechanisms aimed to protect national security interests, such measures go beyond conventional non-proliferation purposes to address economic security, technological supremacy, and human rights concerns for which those states are willing to sacrifice the economic efficiency that accompanies trade liberalization. Using the United States, the European Union, China, and Russia as case studies, this article discusses to which extent different export control objectives of these international actors have been securitized. Securitization of certain states’ interests is inevitable, even if not desirable. Yet, this article argues that international law can be managed to control and limit the level of securitization of domestic policies in order to strengthen the international legal system as a whole. export controls, national security, economic security, securitization, emerging technologies, technological supremacy
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Buzan, Barry y Gautam Sen. "The impact of military research and development priorities on the evolution of the civil economy in capitalist states". Review of International Studies 16, n.º 4 (octubre de 1990): 321–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500112392.

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The objective of this paper is to identify the process by which military research and development (R&D) priorities affect the evolution of major sectors of the civil economy in capitalist states. Military priorities channel a significant proportion of the resources that capitalist societies devote to R&D: for the United States in the period 1982–4, military R&D amounted to 28.9 per cent of gross domestic expenditure on R&D. The nature of military priorities favours some areas of technological development over others, and when these favoured areas are opened up for military purposes, it is often possible to build a major civil industry on the resultant technology. Examples of this process include nuclear power, civil aviation, space satellites and computers. Some, though by no means all, of the commanding heights of civil economies are thus powerfully shaped by the opportunities created by specifically military R&D.
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Coletta, Damon y Thomas Crosbie. "The Virtues of Military Politics". Armed Forces & Society 47, n.º 1 (12 de septiembre de 2019): 3–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095327x19871605.

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Sociologists and political scientists have long fretted over the dangers that a politicized military poses to democracy. In recent times, however, civil–military relations experts in the United States accepted retired or indeed still serving generals and admirals in high-ranking political posts. Despite customary revulsion from scholars, the sudden waivers are an indicator that military participation in momentous national security decisions is inherently political without necessarily being partisan, including when civilian authority defers to a largely autonomous sphere for objective military expertise. Military politics is actually critical for healthy civil–military collaboration, when done prudently and moderately. Janowitz and Huntington, founders of the modern study of civil–military relations, understood the U.S. military’s inevitable invitation to political influence. Here, we elaborate on two neglected dimensions, implicit in their projects, of military politics under objective civilian control based on classical virtues of civic republicanism: Aristotle’s practical wisdom and Machiavelli’s virtú.
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7

Lai, Symbol. "Cooperative Militarization". Pacific Historical Review 91, n.º 1 (2022): 33–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2022.91.1.33.

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In 1951, six years after the United States defeated Japan and commenced the Occupation of Okinawa, the U.S. Civil Administration of the Ryukyus (USCAR) issued an ordinance in support of agricultural cooperatives. Despite the appearance of altruism, the move marked the emergence of the U.S. anticolonial empire, a form that advocated racial and ethnic self-determination even as it expanded the U.S. military presence. This article shows how U.S. policymakers in Okinawa borrowed from modernization theory to implement models to foster ethnic identification through economic development. Their plans sought to render the United States an ally to Okinawa freedom despite the devastating effects militarism had on the local landscape. Specifically, military plans posited frameworks like the Okinawan economy, which strategically turned the military into a partner without whom Okinawa could not modernize. The article further focuses on agriculture, an arena where the contradictions of the U.S. Occupation was most acute. It argues that rehabilitating the local cooperative network drew Okinawans into the military project, not only to paper over the U.S. colonial presence, but also to further the reach of military discipline.
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Bandera, Joaquin Bardallo. "Mexico’s Political Militarization Returns". Agora: Political Science Undergraduate Journal 2, n.º 2 (13 de mayo de 2012): 150–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/agora17240.

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This paper discusses the unprecedented militarization of the Mexican government under the current presidency of Felipe Calderón Hinojosa. This paper presents an overview of the military infringement upon civil control that has existed since 2006 in Mexico and continues to exist due to various factors that will be discussed in this essay, such as: The United States’ strong military influence over the Mexican Armed Forces, the use of the military as a substitute for a failing presidential legitimacy, the use of ‘fuero militar’ to abuse civilians’ human rights and lastly, the Mexican government’s decision to use the military as the only possible solution to intervene and eliminate the drug cartels.
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Lin, David. "The Hippie and the Snake-Eater". Cornell Internation Affairs Review 2, n.º 1 (1 de noviembre de 2008): 22–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.37513/ciar.v2i1.338.

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An early-2008 Foreign Policy index found that 88% of active and retired American servicemen and women agree that the war in Iraq has stretched the United States military dangerously thin. Another 60% think that the US military today is weaker than it was five years ago. 74% of those surveyed hold low regards for the civilian leadership expressing that civilian policymakers set unreasonable goals for the US military to accomplish. With current military operations in Iraq and Afghanistan serving as backdrops, these inflections serve as the basis of a much-needed conversation on the evolving roles and responsibilities of civilian and military agencies in the post-conflict environment. The immediate solutions to the military’s frustrations have been logical if not only reactionary or temporary stopgaps. If the military is stretched too thin, then expand it. Over the next five years there will be substantial increases in the Army and Marine Corps by as much as over 90,000 troops. If the military is weakening, then strengthen it. The President’s 2008 defense budget pushes defense spending to levels not seen since the Reagan Administration, bringing with it a slew of new military hardware meant to keep the US military on the cutting edge of technology and flexible in the face of emerging threats. If the military is lacking comprehensive training and doctrine to combat insurgencies, then revise doctrine. In December 2007, the US Army and Marine Corps revamped their Counterinsurgency Field Manual, the first time in over two decades either service had published a field manual devoted to counterinsurgency.3 The next President of the United States will face a dynamic range of transnational threats that will likely make us rethink the way modern wars are fought. From terrorism and counterinsurgency to combating the spread of weapons of mass destruction, from illicit trafficking of drugs, people, and guns back to traditional conventional warfare with rising superpowers such as China and Russia, the United States must maintain a variety of diplomatic and military responses at its disposal. As emerging threats in the twenty-first century appear to be rooted at the nexus of security and development, a single-sided military solution cannot fully resolve a multi-dimensional problem. There is a need to develop a more comprehensive civil-military approach to combating terrorism, insurgency, and asymmetric warfare, something that has not fully materialized on the strategic or on the operational level. In order to do this, there is a need to tear down the stereotypes and reintroduce the hippie (statesmen) to the snake-eater (soldier).
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10

Vázquez, Carlos M. "Argentine Republic v. Amerada Hess Shipping Corp." American Journal of International Law 83, n.º 3 (julio de 1989): 565–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2203318.

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Plaintiffs and respondents, Amerada Hess Shipping Corp. and United Carriers, Inc., were respectively the charterer and owner of the Hercules, a crude oil tanker that was bombed in international waters by Argentine military aircraft during the war over the Malvinas or Falkland Islands. The ship was severely damaged and had to be scuttled off the coast of Brazil. After unsuccessfully seeking relief in Argentina, the companies filed suit against defendant and appellant, the Argentine Republic, in the Southern District of New York. Plaintiffs argued that the federal courts had jurisdiction under the Alien Tort Statute (28 U.S.C. §1350 (1982)), which confers federal jurisdiction over “any civil action by an alien for a tort only, committed in violation of the law of nations or a treaty of the United States.” The district court dismissed the suit for lack of subject matter jurisdiction, holding that the Foreign Sovereign Immunities Act of 1976 (28 U.S.C. §§1330, 1602-1611 (1982)) (FSIA) is by its terms the sole basis of federal jurisdiction over cases against foreign states. A divided panel of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit reversed. The Supreme Court (per Rehnquist, C.J.) unanimously reversed the Second Circuit and held that the FSIA provides the exclusive basis of federal jurisdiction over suits against foreign states.
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Tesis sobre el tema "Civil supremacy over the military – United States"

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Frank, Peter. "Comparison of the U.S. and German approaches to democratic civil-military relations". Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2003. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/03Jun%5FFrank.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2003.
Thesis advisor(s): Donald Abenheim, Hans Eberhard Peters. Includes bibliographical references (p. 121-126). Also available online.
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Libros sobre el tema "Civil supremacy over the military – United States"

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Feaver, Peter. Guarding the guardians: Civilian control of nuclear weapons in the United States. Ithaca, N.Y: Cornell University Press, 1992.

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2

Previdi, Robert. Civilian control versus military rule. New York: Hippocrene Books, 1988.

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3

Previdi, Robert. Civilian control versus military rule. New York: Hippocrene Books, 1988.

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4

Stuart, Reginald C. Civil-military relations during the War of 1812. Santa Barbara, Calif: Praeger Security International, 2009.

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5

Waddell, Brian. Toward the national security state: Civil-military relations during World War II. Westport, CT: Praeger Security International, 2008.

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6

Ekirch, Arthur Alphonse. The civilian and the military: A history of the American antimilitarist tradition. Oakland, Calif: Independent Institute, 2010.

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U.S. DEPT. OF THE ARMY. Army implementation of Title V, DOD Reorganization Act of 1986. Washington: Headquarters, Dept. of the Army, 1987.

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Tap, Bruce. Over Lincoln's shoulder: The Committee on the Conduct of the War. Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1998.

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9

Office, General Accounting. Military airlift: Information on Gander crash and improved controls over military charters : briefing report to congressional requesters. [Washington, D.C.]: The Office, 1990.

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Coombe, Jack D. Gunsmoke over the Atlantic: First naval actions of the Civil War. New York: Bantam Books, 2002.

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Capítulos de libros sobre el tema "Civil supremacy over the military – United States"

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Lentz-Smith, Adriane. "The Unbearable Whiteness of Grand Strategy". En Rethinking American Grand Strategy, 329–45. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190695668.003.0017.

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This chapter explores grand strategy as an intellectual and cultural project by considering its willful unseeing of race as a political project. To ignore race is to misapprehend how power works in the United States and how domestic formulations of subjectivity, difference, and racialized power imbue American foreign relations. The chapter focuses on African Americans in the era of Cold War civil rights. For Carl Rowan and Sam Greenlee, the two African American veterans who provide concrete cases for thinking about the United States and the world, their blackness and ambitions for their people would color how they interpreted America's role in political and military struggles in the Third World and beyond. As with other people of color, their encounters with white supremacy shaped their understandings of liberation, violence, and the United States security project. Their perspectives challenge scholars’ conceptions of the Cold War as a period of “defined clear national interests” and “public consensus.” Centering the stories of Rowan and Greenlee highlights not simply ongoing contestation over the myth and history of the Cold War, but, more fundamentally, the unthinking whiteness of grand strategy itself.
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Lind, Michael. "Why the United States Fought in World War I". En The American Way of Strategy, 79–94. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195308372.003.0005.

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Abstract On April 9, 1865, General Robert E. Lee, commander of the Army of the Confederate States of America, surrendered to General Ulysses S. Grant of the United States Army at the courthouse in Appomattox, Virginia. The U.S. Civil War, which had cost more than six hundred thousand lives, was over. The defeat of the South’s attempt to secede had left the United States intact as a continental nation-state with enormous industrial and military potential.
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3

Tama, Jordan. "Military intervention in Syria". En Bipartisanship and US Foreign Policy, 69—C4P65. Oxford University PressNew York, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197745663.003.0004.

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Abstract “Military intervention in Syria” analyzes factors that shaped the positions of Democrats and Republicans on US military involvement in the Syrian civil war that began in 2011. Across the presidencies of Barack Obama and Donald Trump, the Democratic and Republican Parties were both internally divided over whether the United States should intervene in the Syrian conflict. These intra-party divisions were facilitated by the ideological and advocacy landscapes on the issue. The positions of US voters and elites on intervention in Syria lacked a left-right ideological fault line. At the same time, advocacy activity on the issue was largely limited to groups that lacked a partisan orientation. These conditions gave Democratic and Republican elected officials considerable discretion to cooperate across the aisle in competing pro-intervention and anti-intervention bipartisan coalitions, while making it difficult to forge consensus in support of any particular policy option.
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Löfflmann, Georg. "Competing Visions for America – Popular Discourses of Grand Strategy on the New York Times Best-Sellers List". En American Grand Strategy under Obama. Edinburgh University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474419765.003.0004.

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This chapter focuses on the New York Times best sellers list as the preeminent account of best-selling books in the United States to engage in a wider mapping of grand strategy discourses in American popular culture, beyond the realm of movie entertainment. Analyzing non-fiction books that have achieved the status of national bestseller illustrates how debates over grand strategy, American identity and national security are products of both political and popular culture, constructed in the public sphere at the multi-medial intersection of entertainment, journalism, academia and political commentary. The chapter details how competing discourses of American grand strategy have defined the past, present and future role and position of the United States in the popular imagination, reflecting a fractured public consensus over the ‘big picture.’ In this chapter, the analytical focus is on the cultural construction of a geopolitical identity of American leadership, military supremacy and national exceptionalism in popular works of non-fiction, and how key representations have confirmed or contested this dominant social construction of the American ‘Self’.
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Löfflmann, Georg. "The ‘Obama Doctrine’ – Vision for Change?" En American Grand Strategy under Obama. Edinburgh University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474419765.003.0008.

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The chapter explores how as President of the United States, Barack Obama was in a constant exchange with both political opponents and diverging voices within his own administration over defining America’s world political role and the purpose behind American power. The chapter describes how Obama’s strategic vision not only informed the political debate and determined policy, but also represented the central hub in an intertextual network of grand strategy discourses, providing the focus for the policy advice and criticism of Washington think tanks, the reporting and commentary of the media, and the intellectual attention of academic researchers interested in the study of US foreign and security policy. The chapter examines how Obama reconfirmed a national and bipartisan consensus, -the ideational dimension of American exceptionalism, liberal hegemony, and military supremacy-, while linking this identity to a pragmatic policy course of cooperative engagement and military restraint that large segments of the Washington establishment rejected for challenging the elite consensus on liberal hegemony.
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Mandelbaum, Michael. "The Continental Republic, 1815–1865". En The Four Ages of American Foreign Policy, 74–112. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197621790.003.0004.

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In the four decades leading up to the Civil War the United States maintained peaceful relations with Great Britain, the European power of greatest importance to Americans because of its maritime supremacy. At the same time, it increased its power in three ways. Its population grew. It expanded its territory all the way to the Pacific Ocean, incorporating Florida, Texas, and Oregon. Under the leadership of President James K. Polk it waged a victorious war against Mexico that ended with the acquisition of the territories that became the American Southwest. Meanwhile, the country’s economy grew rapidly. The dispute between the Northern and Southern States over slavery, which had been building since independence, culminated in the Civil War of 1861 to 1865. Led by President Abraham Lincoln and General Ulysses S. Grant, the North won the war, thereby not only preserving the federal Union and abolishing slavery but also determining that the United States would be an industrial rather than an agrarian country and thus capable of becoming a great power.
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Fry, Joseph A. "Victory and the Death of the Partnership, 1863–1865". En Lincoln, Seward, and US Foreign Relations in the Civil War Era, 114–53. University Press of Kentucky, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5810/kentucky/9780813177120.003.0005.

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This chapter examines US foreign policy challenges over the final two years of the war. Those challenges included the repercussions arising from US efforts to restrict neutral trade with the South, Confederate shipbuilding efforts in Great Britain and France, Confederate attempts to provoke an Anglo-American crisis by attacking the United States from Canada, and Napoleon III’s military and political intervention in Mexico and attempt to install a European monarch in the Western Hemisphere. By continuing their policy of belligerent warnings and timely conciliation, Lincoln and Seward successfully resolved all of these issues. Finally, this chapter includes coverage of the military and imperial dimensions of Lincoln’s policies toward Native Americans.
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"The Korea Blues". En Third Worlds Within, 175–202. Duke University Press, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/9781478059158-006.

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The Korean War often occupies a marginal position within African American history, told as part of a broader tale of military integration and Cold War civil rights. This chapter traces the evolution of Black opposition to the war in Korea. For Black leftists like Claudia Jones and W. E. B. Du Bois, dissent meant open opposition, in print, at rallies, and through a variety of organizations. For others, opposed to white supremacy but aware of the cost of open resistance, dissent was publicly questioning the aims and conduct of the American war effort. For the millions who wondered quietly if the conflict would bring a new world war, dissent was expressed in surveys and songs, from the pulpit and on the shop floor. A focus on dissent centers those who saw the struggle for racial justice inside the United States as bound up in the self-determination of people abroad.
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Holmes, Amy Austin. "Revolutions and Coups". En Coups and Revolutions, 12–45. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190071455.003.0002.

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Because the revolution in Egypt was directed at the state, it is important to properly conceptualize the state apparatus and the regime that ruled it. Thus, chapter 2 provides an overview of the literature on authoritarian regimes and explains why it is important to distinguish between states and regimes. Hosni Mubarak’s powerful presidency did not preclude the development of a diverse and unruly civil society, including tens of thousands of nongovernmental organizations. A new framework is employed in order to understand which parts of the state apparatus are most crucial during a period of revolutionary upheaval. It is important to distinguish between tools of the regime and pillars of support for the regime; the latter have the ability to either prop up or potentially withdraw their support. Mubarak relied on four pillars of regime support: the military, the business elite, the United States, and the acquiescence of the people. The chapter then turns to an overview of the literature on revolutions and military coups, which have usually been studied separately, as well as the literature on how establishing civilian control over the military constitutes the neuralgic point of democratic consolidation.
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Adkison, Danny M. y Lisa McNair Palmer. "Suffrage". En The Oklahoma State Constitution, 67–70. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197514818.003.0006.

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This chapter focuses on Article III of the Oklahoma constitution, which concerns suffrage. Section 1 provides that “all citizens of the United States, over the age of eighteen (18) years, who are bona fide residents of this state, are qualified electors of this state.” Added in 1978, Section 2 provides for the creation and membership of a State Election Board. Section 3 concerns mandatory primary system and nomination of candidates. Section 4 provides for the manner of holding and conducting elections. This provision gives the legislature a great deal of authority in regulating elections. Lastly, Section 5 states that “all elections shall be free and equal.” It also provides that “no power, civil or military, shall ever interfere to prevent the free exercise of the right of suffrage, and electors shall, in all cases, except for treason, felony, and breach of peace, be privileged from arrest during their attendance on elections and while going to and from the same.”
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Actas de conferencias sobre el tema "Civil supremacy over the military – United States"

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NGUYEN, HAI D., SHENGYI WANG, REBEKAH WILSON, BRIAN EICK y NATALIE BECERRA-STASIEWICZ. "ACCELERATING CORROSION SURFACE-AREA MEASUREMENTS WITH COMPUTER VISION AND DEEP LEARNING: AN ENSEMBLE APPROACH". En Structural Health Monitoring 2023. Destech Publications, Inc., 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.12783/shm2023/36878.

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The corrosion of infrastructure and facilities poses a significant challenge for the United States Department of Defense (DoD) in terms of cost and military readiness. To tackle this challenge, our research introduces a data-driven corrosion segmentation method that combines three deep learning-based models and an ensemble learning approach for the automatic identification and segmentation of corroded regions within high-resolution images. The method involves several stages, such as data annotation, preprocessing, augmentation, model implementation, and performance evaluation. The deep learning models used include Feature Pyramid Network (FPN) with Residual Network (ResNet)-34 encoder, UNet with ResNet-34 encoder, and UNet++ with Visual Geometry Group (VGG)-19 encoder. Ensemble learning, a technique that integrates these deep learning models, was employed to improve prediction accuracy and overall performance. The proposed method is evaluated using both the Dice score and the Intersection over Union (IoU) score metrics. Experimental results demonstrate that the ensemble learning approach outperforms individual models, achieving a Dice score of 90.1% and an IoU score of 83.9%. The approach shows promise to automatically detect and measure corrosion, which can reduce inspection costs and identify major issues to aid in prevention of structural failure. The tool developed in this study will be expanded to provide similar capabilities for large-scale civil infrastructure.
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