Artículos de revistas:

1

Wong, Yiu Chung y Jason K. H. Chan. "Civil disobedience movements in Hong Kong: a civil society perspective". Asian Education and Development Studies 6, n.º 4 (2 de octubre de 2017): 312–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aeds-11-2015-0056.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to explore the emergence of civil disobedience (CD) movements in Hong Kong in the context of the notion of civil society (CS). Design/methodology/approach The paper begins by rigorously defining the notion of CD, as well as the concept of CS and tracing its development in Hong Kong over the past several decades. By using a model of CS typology, which combines the variables of state control and a society’s quest for autonomy (SQA), the paper aims to outline the historical development of CD movements in Hong Kong. It also discusses the recent evolution of CS and its relationship with CD movements, particularly focusing on their development since Leung Chun-ying became the Chief Executive in 2012. Finally, by using five cases of CD witnessed in the past several decades, the relationship between the development of CS and the emergence of CD in Hong Kong has been outlined. Findings Four implications can be concluded: first, CD cannot emerge when the state and society are isolated. Second, the level of SC and the scale of CD are positively related. Third, as an historical trend, the development of SQA is generally in linear progress; SQA starts from a low level (e.g. interest-based and welfare-based aims) and moves upwards to campaign for higher goals of civil and political autonomy. If the lower level of SQA is not satisfied, it can lead to larger scale CD in future. Fourth, the CD movement would be largest in scale when the state-society relationship confrontational and when major cleavages can be found within CS itself. Originality/value This paper serves to enrich knowledge in the fields of politics and sociology.

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2

Zamęcki, Łukasz. "Hongkong AD 2019. Przyczyny i kierunki rozwoju protestów w Specjalnym Regionie Administracyjnym ChRL". Sprawy Międzynarodowe 72, n.º 3 (27 de septiembre de 2019): 133–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/sm.2019.72.3.12.

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Civil disobedience flooded Hong Kong in 2019. However, protests have changed its character since the last massive demonstrations in 2014. This article outlines direct and contextual reasons for the outbreak of protests in Hong Kong in 2019 from the perspective of Bert Klandermans’s model. The aim of the research is also to indicate the directions of protests in this Special Administrative Region of the People’s Republic of China. The findings presented are the result of the author’s field work carried out since 2012. It should be emphasised that the protests in Hong Kong are the result of the progressive mainlandisation of the region, and in the deeper layer – of the socio-economic problems of citizens. The protests in 2019 brought a change in the tactics of manifesting civil disobedience.

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3

Ho, Christopher J. H. "Civil Disobedience in the Era of Videogames: Digital Ethnographic Evidence of the Gamification of the 2019-20 Extradition Protests in Hong Kong". British Journal of Chinese Studies 12, n.º 2 (6 de agosto de 2022): 101–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.51661/bjocs.v12i2.187.

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This paper demonstrates that the ‘gamification’ of the 2019-220 Hong Kong extradition protests was instrumental to the longevity of the protests and their success in repealing the Extradition Bill. Two elements of the protests are identified to be both crucial and game-like: the ‘play’ and the ‘meta-game’ elements of the protest. The play element is best exemplified by the mobile application colloquially known as ‘Popomon Go’, where ‘players’ are incentivized to go on ‘missions’ to seek and geotag police officers to form a heat-map of police officers throughout Hong Kong, as well as gather their personal data. The meta-game element, on the other hand, looks at every other aspect of those games except the gameplay. The combination of these two elements helped an apparently leaderless civil disobedience movement evade mass arrest, reduce anxiety, and increase efficiency, but also led to a long period of civil disobedience, thus placing more pressure on policy decision makers.

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4

Perl, Jeffrey M. "Hong Kong: Wake-Up Call". Common Knowledge 26, n.º 2 (1 de abril de 2020): 197–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/0961754x-8188820.

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In this piece, the editor of Common Knowledge offers excerpts from his two-year correspondence with a reader in Hong Kong, who was drawn to arguments made in the journal about maintaining “quietism and resistance in the face of vile behavior.” In the summer and fall of 2019, during the insurrection in Hong Kong, his correspondent shifts rapidly from taking comfort in CK’s defense of quietism to a full embrace of “uncivil disobedience.” She implies that the solidarity the editor expresses with Hong Kong is merely rhetorical, and he responds by writing this article and quoting in it the entire text of the 1984 Joint Declaration of the Chinese and British governments on the question of Hong Kong. The declaration’s guarantees of autonomy and civil rights appear in bold italics. The editor concludes by suggesting that it falls to the United Nations Security Council to enforce the terms of the treaty.

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5

Wihl, Gary. "Civil Disobedience in Democratic Regimes". Israel Law Review 51, n.º 2 (7 de junio de 2018): 301–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021223718000043.

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This article provides a fresh interpretation of John Rawls's discussion of civil disobedience in A Theory of Justice (Harvard University Press 1971). It focuses on an original feature in Rawls's analysis: civil disobedience as a form of speech deployed by a well-defined minority in an effort to correct an injustice perpetrated by a majority. For Rawls, civil disobedience as a speech function departs from the principle of protected free speech. Only certain expressions of civil disobedience are capable of producing genuine legal reform. Rawls gains new importance as part of a larger effort to understand and evaluate the outbreak of recent movements of mass dissent and protest from the Arab Spring to Ukraine to Hong Kong to the United States. A reconsideration of Rawls may be used to assess the likely success of these various expressions of dissent and protest.Rawls's discussion of civil disobedience circumvents arguments in the legal literature that attempt to justify certain types of illegal activity with reference to moral conscience or natural law. Nevertheless, the focus on civil disobedience as speech encounters forms of coercive, resistant public opinion in the public sphere. Detailed, exemplary narratives by Martin Luther King and Norman Mailer on acts of civil disobedience illuminate forms of coercion that must be considered in extending and re-evaluating Rawls's original contributions.

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6

LOUIE, KIN YIP. "Theological Controversies in the Anti-Extradition Movement in Hong Kong". Unio Cum Christo 6, n.º 2 (1 de octubre de 2020): 203. http://dx.doi.org/10.35285/ucc6.2.2020.art11.

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From June to December of 2019, the normally peaceful streets of Hong Kong were filled with demonstrators and on many occasions with violent clashes between protesters and police. Hong Kong society was rocked by the Anti-Extradition Movement. We will give a brief description of the movement. Then we will describe the ways in which churches and Christians have participated in this movement. Thirdly, we will go into various controversies generated within the churches of Hong Kong. We do not intend to provide practical solutions to those controversies. Our main concern is to demonstrate that the social background of Christians often intertwines with theological convictions and these controversies which create a challenge to the unity of the local churches. KEYWORDS: Hong Kong, China, blue and yellow Christians, Anti-Extradition Movement, church and state, civil disobedience, protest, Christians and violence, police

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7

Richards, Jane. "‘It was you who taught me that peaceful marches did not work’, Uncivil Disobedience and the Hong Kong Protests". Asia-Pacific Journal on Human Rights and the Law 21, n.º 1 (29 de mayo de 2020): 63–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718158-02101004.

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Hong Kong’s one country, two systems model denies meaningful political equality for citizens. Instead citizens have engaged government in dialogue and have been granted a foothold in politics through protest. However, this equilibrium was upset in 2019 to 2020. Protests took place that were unprecedented in their scale, duration, widespread support and participation. And yet, government refused to engage in any kind of dialogue or deliberative action. This refusal, along with the use of excessive force by police, provoked an unprecedented escalation from civil disobedience to principled uncivil disobedience. This article argues that the escalation of principled uncivil disobedience was not only justified, but satisfied a duty that citizens have to resist injustice. It relies on the legal and political theory of Candice Delmas, arguing that while citizens have a prima facie obligation to obey the law, where law or policy becomes unjust, citizens may have a duty to resist that injustice, even if it means breaking the law. To illustrate this point, one type of principled uncivil disobedience that has become prevalent – graffiti – is used as an analytical lens. Graffiti communicates protestors’ grievances and subverts authority by reclaiming the space. It is allegorical of both the movement and the city; just as the cityscape has been permanently altered by the protests, so too has Hong Kong been changed by this period of unrest.

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8

Cheang, Kai Hang. "Forms of Solidarity and the Self: A Postcolonial Reading of Yuli Riswati's Hong Kong Writing". Feminist Formations 35, n.º 2 (junio de 2023): 29–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ff.2023.a907920.

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Abstract: This article puts together the seemingly disparate topics of transnational domestic labor and the Hong Kong protests to discuss inter-ethnic and cross-class solidarity. It does so by examining the writing of Yuli Riswati, an Indonesian migrant worker and civic journalist who was deported from Hong Kong in 2019. City-wide civil disobedience in Hong Kong has historically been predicated upon the liberal ideal of suffrage (as in 2014) and an essentialized and Han-centric identity of Hongkonger (as in 2019), both of which have overlooked the needs of ethnic minorities, especially those who are ineligible for citizenship. Building on scholarship in decolonial and intersectional feminism, this essay focuses on Riswati's two short stories, namely "Violet Testimony" (2016) and " 那個傷口依然在我體內 " ("The Wound Is Still Inside Me" 2019) as well as her personal essay, "Some Notes about Hong Kong as My Second Home" (2020), which was featured by the exhibition afterbefore at the Chinatown Soup gallery in New York. This essay argues that Riswati's writing embodies what Gayatri Spivak would call an oppositional transformative: Riswati's stories about political involvement and gender-based domestic violence challenge the traditional history of the international labor movement that has a distinctive masculinist ethos and the typical narrative of Hong Kong protests focused exclusively on the citizenry, a rhetorical move underpinned by the homogenizing assumption that all Hongkongers are Han Chinese. As a former Hong Kong domestic worker, Riswati's textual performatives throw into relief the shared precarity which makes herself and her community relatable to a global audience; thereby, her writing brokers a type of intersubjectivity of the human or a postcolonial humanism that does not rely on a preconceived notion of humanity which shows up in the definition of a nation or a region's citizenry but rather on audience engagement that speaks to her publications' distinctive context and culture.

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9

Ku, Agnes S. "Negotiating the Space of Civil Autonomy in Hong Kong: Power, Discourses and Dramaturgical Representations". China Quarterly 179 (septiembre de 2004): 647–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741004000529.

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This article delineates the negotiated space of civil autonomy in post-handover Hong Kong through the contingent interplay of law, discourse, dramaturgy and politics. It takes the Public Order Ordinance dispute in 2000 as the first major test case of civil conflicts in the shadow of the right of abode struggle. As it unfolded, the event demonstrated both the power and limits of resistance by the people, and the government's increasing will, as well as the strategies it used, to rule within the “law and order” framework under continual challenges. In the event, civil autonomy had been a contested issue involving considerations of rule of law, rights, civic propriety, state legitimacy and the construction of particular identity (such as student-hood). Given the multiplicity of discourses and sub-discourses, citizenship practices and public criticisms opened up a contested space for resistance and negotiation. A campaign of civil disobedience was at first successfully mounted through an ensemble of political and symbolic mechanisms. A turning point was configured when, mediated by a meaning reconstruction process, the government made a series of political and performative acts to re-script the drama, which turned out to be an ironic success for itself that put state–society relations on an increasingly tenuous course. Ultimately ideological differences were at stake: respect for a rights-based discourse of rule of law versus the assertion of political and legal authoritarianism.

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10

Chan, Jason Kwun‐hong y Rami Hin‐yeung Chan. "Learn to disobey: Evolution of “civil disobedience” and the transforming sociopolitical context of Hong Kong". Asian Politics & Policy 12, n.º 4 (octubre de 2020): 516–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/aspp.12556.

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11

Jung, Pan Yi. "The Eucharist as Transformable Spirituality: Reflections on Protestant Spirituality and A Recent Civil Disobedience Movement in Hong Kong". Spiritus: A Journal of Christian Spirituality 16, n.º 2A (2016): 14–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/scs.2016.0049.

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12

Snell, Robin S. "Obedience to Authority and Ethical Dilemmas in Hong Kong Companies". Business Ethics Quarterly 9, n.º 3 (julio de 1999): 507–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3857514.

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Abstract:This paper reports a phenomenological sub-study of a larger project investigating the way Hong Kong Chinese staff tackled their own ethical dilemmas at work. A special analysis was conducted of eight dilemma cases arising from a request by a boss or superior authority to do something regarded as ethically wrong. In reports of most such cases, staff expressed feelings of contractual or interpersonally based obligation to obey. They sought to save face and preserve harmony in their relationship with authority by choosing between “little potato” obedience, token obedience, and undercover disobedience. Only where no such obligation existed was face in relation to authority unimportant, and open disobedience chosen. In Kohlbergian terms, ethical reasoning at the conventional stages (three and four) predominated in dilemmas of obedience. Findings imply that if corruption were to originate at the top, codes of conduct recently introduced into Hong Kong may be of limited effect in stalling it.

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13

Chuang, Richard. "Hong Kong: Raymond Wacks, ed., Civil Liberties in Hong Kong". Asian Affairs: An American Review 17, n.º 3 (septiembre de 1990): 157. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00927678.1990.10553576.

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14

Baker, Philip. "Civil liberties in Hong Kong". International Affairs 65, n.º 4 (1989): 763–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2622666.

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15

Ming, Ma Kwok. "Civil Society and Hong Kong". Chinese Sociology & Anthropology 30, n.º 3 (abril de 1998): 25–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/csa0009-4625300325.

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16

Sánchez César, Miriam Laura. "Hong Kong 2018". Anuario Asia Pacífico el Colegio de México, n.º 18 (1 de enero de 2019): 190–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.24201/aap.2019.288.

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Desde que Hong Kong pasó a dominio colonial británico como resultado del Tratado de Nanjing de 1842, la brecha entre China continental y la isla se hizo muy amplia, política y económicamente. En primer lugar, gran parte de la población de Hong Kong estaba constituida por chinos que huían de los conflictos en continente (Segunda Guerra Mundial y Guerra Civil China) y de la inestabilidad política y económica de las primeras décadas del régimen maoísta. En segundo lugar, aunque el gobierno colonial de Hong Kong no fue de ninguna manera democrático, garantizaba un respetable nivel de libertades civiles y de derechos humanos; no se puede decir lo mismo del sistema político en China (Wong, 2017). Además, Hong Kong ha practicado una economía de mercado con un alto nivel de internacionalización comparable con el de otros países desarrollados en términos de PIB per cápita. Todas estas diferencias han contribuido a la “crisis de confianza” surgida durante el periodo de transición que se intensificó después de 1989.

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17

Lee, Eunsoo. "Space of disobedience: a visual document of the Umbrella Movement in Hong Kong". Inter-Asia Cultural Studies 16, n.º 3 (3 de julio de 2015): 367–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14649373.2015.1069009.

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18

PLANT, G. W. y D. E. OAKERVEE. "HONG KONG INTERNATIONAL AIRPORT- CIVIL ENGINEERING DESIGN." Proceedings of the Institution of Civil Engineers - Civil Engineering 126, n.º 5 (mayo de 1998): 15–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1680/icien.1998.126.5.15.

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19

Burns, John P. "The Hong Kong civil service in transition". Journal of Contemporary China 8, n.º 20 (marzo de 1999): 67–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10670569908724336.

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20

Laikwan Pang. "Civil Disobedience and the Rule of Law: Hong Kong's Umbrella Movement". Verge: Studies in Global Asias 2, n.º 1 (2016): 170. http://dx.doi.org/10.5749/vergstudglobasia.2.1.0170.

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THOMSON, A. I. y D. E. OAKERVEE. "HONG KONG INTERNATIONAL AIRPORTS - CONSTRUCTION." Proceedings of the Institution of Civil Engineers - Civil Engineering 126, n.º 5 (mayo de 1998): 35–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1680/icien.1998.126.5.35.

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22

CRIGHTON, G. y A. BUDGE REID. "HONG KONG INTERNATIONAL AIRPORT RAILWAY." Proceedings of the Institution of Civil Engineers - Civil Engineering 126, n.º 6 (noviembre de 1998): 35–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1680/icien.1998.126.6.35.

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23

Hansen Edwards, Jette G. "Borders and bridges". Journal of Asian Pacific Communication 30, n.º 1-2 (30 de junio de 2020): 115–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/japc.00047.han.

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Abstract This study examines the construction of linguistic identities at a time of significant political tension in Hong Kong, with a focus on Hong Kong’s three official languages: Cantonese, the most widely spoken variety of Chinese in Hong Kong; English, the longest serving official language of Hong Kong; and Putonghua, the official language of the People’s Republic of China (PRC), which became an official language in Hong Kong after the 1997 Handover of Hong Kong to PRC rule. Given the current political tensions between Hong Kong and the PRC, particularly in light of grassroots political movements such as the 2014 Umbrella Movement and the ongoing 2019 civil unrest due to the proposed introduction of an extradition treaty between Hong Kong and mainland China, the status of Hong Kong’s three languages is particularly interesting. Past research has primarily focused on the perceived value of these three languages in terms of instrumentality and integrativeness. The current study expands previous research by focusing on how the participants construct a linguistic identity of the self vs. a national language identity for Hong Kong, particularly within or in contrast to a national language identity of the PRC.

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24

Lo, Tommy Y., Ivan W. Fung y Karen C. Tung. "Construction Delays in Hong Kong Civil Engineering Projects". Journal of Construction Engineering and Management 132, n.º 6 (junio de 2006): 636–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1061/(asce)0733-9364(2006)132:6(636).

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25

Lee, Man Yee Karen. "Lawyers and Hong Kong’s democracy movement: from electoral politics to civil disobedience". Asian Journal of Political Science 25, n.º 1 (2 de enero de 2017): 89–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02185377.2017.1307121.

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26

Fu, Poshek. "Japanese Occupation, Shanghai Exiles, and Postwar Hong Kong Cinema". China Quarterly 194 (junio de 2008): 380–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s030574100800043x.

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AbstractThis article explores a little-explored subject in a critical period of the history of Hong Kong and China. Shortly after the surrender of Japan in 1945, China was in the throes of civil war between the Nationalists and Communists while British colonial rule was restored in Hong Kong, The communist victory in 1949 deepened the Cold War in Asia. In this chaotic and highly volatile context, the flows and linkages between Shanghai and Hong Kong intensified as many Chinese sought refuge in the British colony. This Shanghai–Hong Kong nexus played a significant role in the rebuilding of the post-war Hong Kong film industry and paved the way for its transformation into the capital of a global pan-Chinese cinema in the 1960s and 1970s. Focusing on a study of the cultural, political and business history of post-war Hong Kong cinema, this article aims to open up new avenues to understand 20th-century Chinese history and culture through the translocal and regional perspective of the Shanghai–Hong Kong nexus.

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27

Wilson, James M., Marissa Iannarone y Chunhui Wang. "Media Reporting of the Emergence of the 1968 Influenza Pandemic in Hong Kong: Implications for Modern-day Situational Awareness". Disaster Medicine and Public Health Preparedness 3, S2 (diciembre de 2009): S148—S153. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/dmp.0b013e3181abd603.

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ABSTRACTObjective: We investigated local media reporting during the emergence of influenza A/Hong Kong/68 in Hong Kong to understand how indolent social awareness contributed to delays in warning of the pandemic.Methods: Daily output from 1 English-language and 4 local Chinese-language newspapers published in Hong Kong between July 1 and August 31, 1968 were manually reviewed for all references to the presence of respiratory disease or influenza in southern China and Hong Kong. Public announcements from the World Health Organization Weekly Epidemiological Record were used to approximate international awareness.Results: Influenza A/Hong Kong/68 appeared abruptly in Hong Kong and within 1 week began to affect the functioning of the health care sector as well as civil infrastructure due to worker infection and absenteeism. Substantial delays in communication between Guangzhou, China, and Hong Kong officials contributed to delays in warning globally.Conclusions: The 1968 experience emphasizes the need to use the news media in the operational setting as a critical component in warning of a pandemic. (Disaster Med Public Health Preparedness. 2009;3(Suppl 2):S148–S153)

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Gentle, Paul. "Some Economic Issues concerning the Loss of the Special Status Relationship between the United States and Hong Kong". SocioEconomic Challenges 6, n.º 2 (2022): 67–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/sec.6(2).67-82.2022.

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The demonstrations in 2019, 2020 and thereabouts for the preservation of certain civil rights in Hong Kong, led to some suppression by the Chinese National central government. As a result, some of the special trade advantages between Hong Kong and the U.S. were lost. The economics and cultural special traits helped Hong Kong thrive. Having a judicial system separate from that of Mainland China, allowed for a more commerce producing judiciary. A key requirement for Hong Kong to be treated differently than Mainland China was for Hong Kong to have some independent autonomy, sufficient for the U.S. to see Hong Kong as a separate area politically from Mainland China. In July 2020, the U.S. made the formal decision to take away Hong Kong’s special status, because a sufficiently independent Hong Kong no longer exists. This article examines the history of this phenomena and the results of having that special trade policy changed. Data from recent years show how the economy with Hong Kong and trade with Hong Kong has changed. Unfortunately, some cultural ties and exchanges between the United States and Hong Kong have also been curtailed. These changes regarding cultural ties are beyond the scope of this article. In regard to Chinese support for the United States, Ukraine and NATO, Ukraine in the war between Ukraine and Russia, this should be pointed out. China should support Ukraine, since it is in China’s best interest, and it is the right action to take.

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Cai, Wen Juan, Mark Loon y Peter Hoi Kin Wong. "Leadership, trust in management and acceptance of change in Hong Kong’s Civil Service Bureau". Journal of Organizational Change Management 31, n.º 5 (13 de agosto de 2018): 1054–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jocm-10-2016-0215.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to examine whether trust in management mediates the relationships between two types of leadership (transactional and transformational) and acceptance of change in the Hong Kong public sector. Design/methodology/approach Data from 68 civil servants in the Hong Kong SAR Government were used in the partial least squares analysis. Findings The findings from civil servants show that although trust in management mediates the relationship between both types of leadership and acceptance of change, transformational leadership is more effective in increasing both trust and acceptance of change. Research limitations/implications The strong support for the mediation hypotheses highlights the need for leaders to be trusted by their followers if followers are to accept and support the change process. Trust in management is what ultimately reduces resistance to change. Practical implications The findings from this study have demonstrated that one strategy available to leaders in the Hong Kong public sector is to concentrate on developing perceptions of trustworthiness by utilising both transactional leadership and transformational leadership but especially transformational leadership. Originality/value This paper provides a unique and nuanced view of leadership and trust, and their effect on the acceptance of change in Hong Kong’s civil service bureau that operates in a turbulent environment. Public sector organisations in Hong Kong are unique in that they contend with pressures from Hong Kong nationals and also with pressures from the Government of Mainland China.

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30

Bergermann, Rudolf y Michael Schlaich. "Ting Kau Bridge, Hong Kong". Structural Engineering International 6, n.º 3 (agosto de 1996): 152–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.2749/101686696780495563.

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31

Lo, Ming-Cheng Miriam y Christopher P. Bettinger. "Civic Solidarity in Hong Kong and Taiwan". China Quarterly 197 (marzo de 2009): 183–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741009000101.

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AbstractThis study examines civic solidarity in Hong Kong and Taiwan at key democratic moments. Using political cartoons published during the 1995 LegCo election campaign in Hong Kong and the 2000 presidential election campaign in Taiwan, our findings indicate that the cultural codes of liberty, though not typically considered part of traditional Chinese values, have become the dominant cultural source for discourse in civil society. Values of caring and state paternalism, which resemble subsets of Confucian values, exist as competing, alternate cultural codes. In Taiwan, politically-divided members of civil society appear to share the same cultural language, thereby fostering a basis for mutual engagement. Nevertheless, little mutual engagement is actually found among politically divergent discourses. In Hong Kong, even a shared cultural language cannot be documented. The conclusion discusses the broader implications of these findings for the inclusive potential of civic discourses, amidst competing identity claims, in Hong Kong and Taiwan.

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Chou, Kee-Lee, Nelson W. S. Chow y Iris Chi. "Economic status of the elderly in Hong Kong". International Social Work 49, n.º 2 (marzo de 2006): 218–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020872806061236.

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English This article examines the economic status of elderly people in Hong Kong based on data collected by the government. The Hong Kong elderly population is not a homogeneous group, as their economic status is significantly related to their gender, age, marital status, education and employment status. French Se basant sur des données recueillies par le gouvernement, cet article examine le statut économique des personnes âgées à Hong Kong. La population âgée de Hong Kong ne constitue pas un groupe homogène. Les statuts économiques de ces personnes sont reliés de façon significative aux variables de genre, d'âge, de statut marital, d'éducation et de statut d'emploi. Spanish Se examina el estatus económico de las personas mayores en Hong Kong basándose en datos recogidos por el gobierno. La población de mayores en Hong Kong no es un grupo homogéneo, pues su estatus económico está relacionado con el género, la edad, el estado civil, la educación y su estado de empleo.

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33

Yap, Po Jen y Francis Chung. "Statutory rights and de facto constitutional supremacy in Hong Kong?" International Journal of Constitutional Law 17, n.º 3 (julio de 2019): 836–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/icon/moz063.

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Abstract Fundamental rights in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (Hong Kong) are protected in its Basic Law and the Hong Kong Bill of Rights Ordinance (BORO). The Hong Kong Basic Law enshrines most of the BORO rights, thereby expressly conferring constitutional status on these rights. But there are a number of BORO rights that are not protected in the Basic Law. This article analyzes the cases in which the Hong Kong judiciary has addressed disputes concerning three exclusive BORO rights: (i) the right to participate in public affairs; (ii) the right to a fair hearing in civil cases; and (iii) the prohibition against cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment or punishment. We will also explain how the courts have conferred de facto constitutional supremacy on all these statutory rights, while simultaneously providing significant leeway and decisional space for the government to craft a considered response in their remedial legislation, thereby promoting a constitutional dialogue between the judiciary and the government on rights-protection in Hong Kong.

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Ramanathan, Muthukaruppan. "Hong Kong – bastion of bamboo scaffolding". Proceedings of the Institution of Civil Engineers - Civil Engineering 161, n.º 4 (noviembre de 2008): 177–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1680/cien.2008.161.4.177.

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35

Ho, Ken, Tony Lau y Jonathan Lau. "Forensic landslide investigations in Hong Kong". Proceedings of the Institution of Civil Engineers - Civil Engineering 162, n.º 5 (mayo de 2009): 44–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1680/cien.2009.162.5.44.

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36

Hook, Brian. "Political Change in Hong Kong". China Quarterly 136 (diciembre de 1993): 840–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000032355.

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On 1 July 1997, Hong Kong, the only significant remaining part of the British Empire, will revert to China. In the same year India, once the jewel in that crown and whose emancipation marked the beginning of the end, will celebrate the 50th anniversary of its independence. History will record that for the latter part of these five decades the economic development of Hong Kong was, compared to other former British territories, spectacular. Once Hong Kong had overcome the challenge of the mass influx of refugees following the Chinese civil war, which endured for almost two of the five decades, its subsequent development, measured in material terms, was exemplary. No matter what the challenge, the Hong Kong population rose to it. Yet, compared to India and other parts of the former empire, its government until the eve of the reversion remained, judged by recognized criteria, “undemocratic” and unrepresentative, executive-led, and based on a colonial form of constitution.

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J.W. Pappin, R.C.H. Koo, M.W. Free y H.H. Tsang. "Evaluation of Site Effects in Hong Kong". Electronic Journal of Structural Engineering, n.º 01 (28 de marzo de 2008): 64–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.56748/ejse.8701.

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This paper describes an investigation into the potential seismic site response effects for the ground conditions in Hong Kong. A site classification map for the Hong Kong region has been produced using current IBC site classes. Published geological maps and detailed ground investigation information have been used for the classification. One-dimensional site response analyses have been carried out to determine how various representative types of site profiles of Hong Kong will potentially respond to earthquake ground motion. The response of soil profiles was investigated using three input earthquake ground-motion levels corresponding to bedrock motion with 50%, 10% and 2% probability of being exceeded in 50 years. The results are presented in terms of spectral ratios for the different Site Classes. A simplified manual procedure for rapid assessment of site response effects has been developed by the University of Hong Kong to produce displacement- based design response spectra. There are extensive areas of reclamation in Hong Kong and the potential for liquefaction in these areas, and other areas underlain by non-cohesive, saturated soils, was considered sufficiently high to warrant investigation. The methodology and results of a liquefaction assessment are presented in the final part of this paper

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Huque, Ahmed Shafiqul y Patamawadee Jongruck. "Civil service reforms in Hong Kong and Thailand: similar goals, different paths". Public Administration and Policy 23, n.º 2 (13 de agosto de 2020): 111–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/pap-03-2020-0015.

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PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to examine the strategies of civil service reforms in Hong Kong and Thailand. It seeks to identify the drivers of reforms in the two cases and explain the divergence in processes that were intended to achieve similar ends.Design/methodology/approachThis paper adopts a case study approach along with a thorough review of the literature. It is based on secondary materials, including academic studies, government publications and websites, and media reports. It compares approaches, strategies and outcomes of civil service reforms in Hong Kong and Thailand.FindingsCivil service reforms in Hong Kong focused on improving management through the implementation of New Public Management (NPM) principles, while governance values were prominent in civil service reforms in Thailand.Originality/valueThis paper compares civil service reforms in two dissimilar Asian cases. It highlights the impact of global trends on traditional bureaucratic organizations and reform strategies, and recognizes the impacts of traditions, culture and capacity on civil service reforms.

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39

Chan, Johannes M. M. "Hong Kong's Bill of Rights: Its Reception of and Contribution to International and Comparative Jurisprudence". International and Comparative Law Quarterly 47, n.º 2 (abril de 1998): 306–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002058930006187x.

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The Hong Kong Bill of Rights Ordinance entered into force on 8 June 1991. Its purpose is to incorporate into the law of Hong Kong the provisions of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (“the ICCPR”) as applied to Hong Kong. Being one of the first occasions where the ICCPR has been given direct legal force in a common law jurisdiction, the Hong Kong experience will provide an interesting case study on how an international human rights instrument is received and interpreted in domestic law. Indeed, shortly after the coming into operation of the Hong Kong Bill of Rights Ordinance, the late Professor Opsahl predicted that it would give the ICCPR, and by implication the Human Rights Committee, a potential impact on the Hong Kong domestic legal system which could hardly be expected in other countries. He even suggested that, in dealing with matters which the Human Rights Committee has not yet considered, the interpretation of the Hong Kong courts in applying the Bill of Rights may provide a useful supplement to international human rights law. The Bill of Rights Ordinance is now seven years old. This article will address two issues: first, the impact international and comparative jurisprudence has had on the interpretation of the Hong Kong Bill of Rights and, second, the contribution the Hong Kong jurisprudence on the Bill of Rights has or could have made to the development of international and comparative human rights law.

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40

Manion, Melanie. "Government Capacity and the Hong Kong Civil Service. By John P. Burns. [Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 2004. xvi+468 pp. ISBN 0-19-590597-0.]". China Quarterly 182 (junio de 2005): 453–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741005350260.

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John Burns has written an exhaustively researched and highly important book for scholars with a particular interest in Chinese politics and, more broadly, for the fields of comparative politics and public management. Burns examines the contributions of the civil service to government capacity in Hong Kong. His focus is the crucial post-1997 period, which presents him with a number of interesting analytical issues. First, post-1997 Hong Kong continues to lack the political institutions linking citizen preferences to government policy outcomes. In this context, the civil service takes on enormous political importance: it identifies and proposes solutions to community problems, roles that would be performed by politicians and political parties in a liberal democracy. Secondly, although post-1997 Hong Kong has significant autonomy, it is a local government, essentially subject to the rule of Communist leaders in Beijing. This raises interesting problems of relations between centre and locality. Finally, and not least of all, the Hong Kong economy suffered a significant decline in the late 1990s. This challenged the performancebased legitimacy of the government and placed new pressures on it to reform the civil service to strengthen government capacity. Evaluation of these reforms is an important contribution of this volume.Burns examines the civil service from a public management perspective, both describing policies and analysing actual practices, the latter with the use of interviews, surveys and case studies. In the 1980s and 1990s, Hong Kong government capacity was high. Economic growth was rapid, unemployment was low, and public support for the government was strong, based on apparently successful performance.

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LAM, W. C. H., R. Y. C. FUNG, S. C. WONG y C. O. TONG. "THE HONG KONG PARKING DEMAND STUDY." Proceedings of the Institution of Civil Engineers - Transport 129, n.º 4 (noviembre de 1998): 218–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1680/itran.1998.31193.

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Castellucci, Ignazio. "Legal Hybridity in Hong Kong and Macau". Symposium: Mixed Jurisdictions 57, n.º 4 (8 de noviembre de 2012): 665–720. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1013028ar.

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The article aims to compare the case of the two Chinese Special Administrative Regions (SARs) of Hong Kong and Macau against the theoretical grid developed by Vernon V. Palmer to describe the “classical” civil law-common law mixed jurisdictions. The results of the research include an acknowledgement of the progressive hybridization of the legal systems of Hong Kong and Macau, hailing from the English common law and the Portuguese civil law tradition, respectively, by infiltration of legal models and ideologies from Mainland China. The research also leads to a critical revision and refinement of the methodology and tools developed by Palmer in order to make them applicable to a wider range of processes of legal hybridization beyond “classical” mixes, and to a better appreciation of how transitional political and institutional phases play a critical role inlegal “mixity” or hybridity.

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43

Vyas, Lina. "Role of Civil Services in Ethical Governance: Hong Kong Civil Services". Indian Journal of Public Administration 59, n.º 3 (julio de 2013): 573–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019556120130314.

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Brewer, Brian. "The Impact of Differentiation and Differential on Hong Kong's Career Public Service". International Review of Administrative Sciences 69, n.º 2 (junio de 2003): 219–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020852303069002007.

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The public administration principles characteristic of many Commonwealth countries served as the foundations for building the Hong Kong civil service. These have continued to operate in line with the `one country two systems' concept under which Hong Kong has been administered, since 1997, as a Special Administrative Region (SAR) of China. Career employment, hierarchy and public service values combined to provide an overarching unity to a system that nevertheless has developed considerable differentiation over time. This article examines the developments that are currently modifying Hong Kong's public sector. The discussion draws on documentary sources and a recently completed qualitative study on the experiences and perspectives of senior Hong Kong managers working in a dozen government departments and agencies. The discussion addresses questions about whether greater differentiation across government departments, in combination with increasing differential within these organizations, will ultimately bring about the demise of the traditional civil service system.

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SCULLY-HILL, Anne. "Competing Family Law Norms: Challenging Hong Kong Law’s Conceptualization of the Ideal Family". Asian Journal of Comparative Law 11, n.º 2 (diciembre de 2016): 343–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asjcl.2016.24.

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AbstractTwo recent Hong Kong cases have highlighted the developing dissonance between family law norms in Hong Kong and other jurisdictions. The first entailed a challenge to the Hong Kong Director of Immigration’s refusal to recognize an overseas same-sex civil partnership as analogous to marriage. The second concerned a parental order for a child born overseas as a result of a surrogacy arrangement to an unmarried commissioning couple. These two cases challenged a specific conceptualization of the family in Hong Kong law: a preference for a heterosexual, married couple as the basis for the family unit. However, other common law jurisdictions would recognize the applicants’ claims to family status, as do international human rights principles. This article explores the scope and intersection of Hong Kong’s family law values, its private international law obligations, and the potential for invoking the public policy exception in these cases. In doing so, it tests the extent to which Hong Kong law’s conceptualization of the “Ideal Family” can be legitimately imposed to oust the claims of the “Other Family” to legal recognition.

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Tanigaki, Mariko. "The Changing ‘China’ Elements in China Studies in the University of Hong Kong". China Report 54, n.º 1 (9 de enero de 2018): 99–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0009445517744406.

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This article aims to give a broad picture of the development of Chinese/China Studies at the University of Hong Kong until the 1970s. Courses on Chinese were conducted from the very beginning of the establishment of the University of Hong Kong. Chinese Studies at the University of Hong Kong started with the first two migrant scholars to Hong Kong and reflected the pre-Republican style cultivated in the imperial civil service examinations. However, the curriculum changed gradually after the establishment of the Department of Chinese. Xu Dishan and Chen Junbao took the reform further. In the post-World War II period, Frederick Seguier Drake was Professor in the Department of Chinese Studies until 1964 and consolidated the Department. Its development coincided with the basic policy of neutrality pursued by the Hong Kong government with respect to the ongoing tension between the United States and the PRC. By the 1960s, it appeared that more expatriate staff were becoming interested in the study of China and Hong Kong. This led to the establishment of the Centre of Asian Studies in 1967, the first centre where Contemporary China Studies could be pursued.

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So, Alvin Y. "Hong Kong's Tortuous Democratization: A Comparative Analysis. By Ming Sing. [London and New York: RoutledgeCurzon. 2004. 303 pp. $124.95. ISBN 0-415-32054-2.]". China Quarterly 179 (septiembre de 2004): 827–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s030574100431060x.

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This book tackles two research problems. First, why has Hong Kong constituted a rare anomaly to the popular modernization theory, i.e. achieved a high degree of socio-economic development without attaining a high degree of democracy? Second, what have been the constraints on Hong Kong's democratization, especially between 1980 and mid-2002? Given that the pre-handover Hong Kong and British governments had attempted to democratize Hong Kong since 1984, and that for a long time Hong Kong had levels of socio-economic development favourable for developing democracy, why was it so lacking in Hong Kong between the mid-1980s and mid-2002, and why has full democracy been precluded?Drawing insights from some recent cross-national research, this book presents a “bargaining perspective” that stresses the explanation of democratization as the outcome of political bargaining of multiple actors. Through a historical-comparative analysis of several important phases since 1980s, the book demonstrates that Hong Kong's democratization has consistently been a product of implicit and explicit bargaining between different state and societal actors. It emphasises that attention should not be given just to two actors – the Chinese and British governments – but also to societal actors, including civil society, political society, and the political culture of the public. The varied unity and mobilization power of pro-democracy civil society and political society, as well as changing public support for democratization from 1984 to mid-2002 have, Sing argues, been crucial and yet neglected factors in shaping their bargaining power vis-à-vis the Chinese government and the subsequent final outcome over democratization.

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Sing, Ming. "Economic development, civil society and democratization in Hong Kong". Journal of Contemporary Asia 26, n.º 4 (enero de 1996): 482–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00472339680000291.

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Cocks, Ra. "The Medical Management of Civil Disasters in Hong Kong". Hong Kong Journal of Emergency Medicine 7, n.º 3 (julio de 2000): 179–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/102490790000700311.

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The Lancet Oncology. "Hong Kong: long civil unrest with long-term consequences". Lancet Oncology 21, n.º 1 (enero de 2020): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s1470-2045(19)30815-0.

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