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1
Moore, Gregory. "The Current State of U.S.-Chinese Relations". Security science journal 4, n.º 2 (30 de diciembre de 2023): 36–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.37458/ssj.4.2.3.
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The relationship between China and the United States has often been contentious, from the earliest efforts to establish a trade relationship between the Chinese Empire in the late 18th century to the present day. Today, that relationship remains tense as the two seek to advance their interests, while trying to avoid an escalation of tensions that could escalate into open conflict, especially in regard to Taiwan. Largely driven by the “Century of Humiliation” narrative, China seeks to restore what it perceives as its rightful place in world affairs, and to build a new world order. For the United States the emergence of China as a serious competitor for global influence, represents a threat to the current, post-Cold War world which has largely been the mainstay for the past three decades. Many Americans now view China as an enemy; a view reinforced by politically motivated “China hawks” who relentlessly argue that China is a threat to the current global order, and the role of the United States as the leading world power. These views reflect a lack of understanding about China, not just among the nation’s leaders, but the general public. The result has been a policy debate in the United States over how best to deal with China. What may not be getting enough consideration is a pragmatic approach to Sino-American relations which includes acceptance of that nation as a world power, and management of the relationship in order to minimize, if not eliminate the possibility of a confrontation that could lead to hostilities.
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Yuen, Samson y Edmund W. Cheng. "Deepening the State". Communist and Post-Communist Studies 53, n.º 4 (1 de diciembre de 2020): 136–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/j.postcomstud.2020.53.4.136.
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United front work has long been an important tool through which the Chinese Communist Party exercises political influence in Hong Kong. While existing works have revealed the history, actors, and impact of united front work in this semiautonomous city, few studies have focused on its changing structure and objectives in the post-handover period. Using publicly available reports and an original event dataset, we show that united front work has involved a steady organizational proliferation of social organizations coupled with their increasingly frequent interaction with the mainland authorities and the Hong Kong government. We argue that united front work has become more decentralized and multilayered in its structure and that its objective has been shifting from elite co-optation to proactive countermobilization against pro-democracy threats. Our findings indicate that state power in post-handover Hong Kong does not solely belong to governmental institutions; it is increasingly exercised through an extensive network comprising multiple state and social actors.
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Cai, Yiping. "Between co‐optation and emancipation: Chinese women's NGOs and power shifts at the United Nations". Global Policy 15, S2 (mayo de 2024): 148–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1758-5899.13369.
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AbstractRecent scholarship on China at the United Nations (UN) considers whether there has been a discernible shift in power in China's favour. However, existing analyses predominantly focus on state actors and UN entities, whereas non‐state actors, such as non‐governmental organisations (NGOs), are largely neglected. This article examines the participation of Chinese NGOs in the UN, contributing to the analysis of China's evolving position in global politics. Through the contextualised examination of Chinese women's NGOs' engagement with the UN over the past three decades, the argument contends that there are different types of Chinese NGOs operating in hierarchical and shifting political settings. Despite the Chinese state's attempts to co‐opt NGOs to strengthen its multilateral power base, it is oversimplified to perceive the engagement of Chinese NGOs at the UN as merely serving the interests of the state. Instead, Chinese NGOs play multifaceted roles that are shaped by their relationship with the state, as they deploy different strategies to navigate political space both at the UN and domestically. Although the Chinese government continues to dominate state‐NGO relations, at the UN and elsewhere, there are a few instances where UN fora have provided Chinese NGOs with precarious but increased room for manoeuvre vis‐à‐vis the state.
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Khan, Mamnoon Ahmad. "http://habibiaislamicus.com/index.php/hirj/article/view/192". Habibia islamicus 5, n.º 3 (30 de septiembre de 2021): 33–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.47720/hi.2021.0503e03.
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This research paper examines the attitude of People’s Republic of China towards Kashmir conflict. Chinese leaders have been evolving their own strategy towards the state of Jammu and Kashmir. Chinese concentration was focused basically to oppose the United States and the United Kingdom in the United Nations. Even when the Soviet Union began to favour the Indian stand, China remained neutral. China cooperated with Pakistan in every field including the Kashmir issue but the United States, Soviet Union and the Western block opposed Chinese efforts in the United Nations. That’s why China remained unsuccessful in resolving the Kashmir dispute.
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Guiguo, Wang. "Chinese Mechanisms for Resolving Investor-State Disputes". Jindal Journal of International Affairs 1, n.º 1 (1 de octubre de 2011): 204–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.54945/jjia.v1i1.16.
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This article addresses China’s responsibility in resolving investor-State disputes as it is the second-largest FDI recipient after the United States. It questions why China thus far has rarely been involved as a respondent in international arbitration or any other dispute resolution mechanisms in relation to foreign investment. It attempts to examine China’s national system and practice for resolving disputes between foreign investors and the host State and investigates cultural and political reasons for why China has almost never been called to international arbitration to resolve disputes with foreign investors. Finally, it suggests some future directions of investment dispute settlement and calls for China taking more responsibilities in world affairs.
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Jain, Manjula y Saloni Saraswat. "US–China Trade War: Chinese Perspective". Management and Economics Research Journal 5 (2019): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.18639/merj.2019.895478.
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The US–China trade relationship has expanded immensely after China’s reformation of its economy and liberalization in 1979. A very huge amount of trade takes place between the United States and China in terms of monetary value and quantity. China benefits the United States in several forms other than just trade, such as US firms seeking investment opportunities in China for their assembly units. Subsequently, China holds a huge amount of US treasury securities, and purchases US debt securities, which helps them to keep their interest rates low. However, even after the development of such a trade relationship, the United States has certain concerns relating to China’s intentions. From the United States’ point of view, China is not involved in a fair practice of trade. China has imposed state-directed policies that bend the flow of trade and investment opportunities. Furthermore, the United States has allegations against China pertaining to the issue of intellectual property rights along with mixed records on implementation of WTO obligations, establishment of procedures for impacting the value of its currency and restrictions on FDI. The United States claims that such policies from China’s side make a great impact on the US economy and thus is the concern of the Congress. The current president, Mr. Donald J. Trump, has pledged to promote the free and fair trade policy. So his administration has taken some severe steps to reduce the US bilateral trade deficit. The president first announced the imposition of tariffs on steel and aluminum at 25% and 15%, respectively. To this action of the United States, China retaliated by raising the tariffs on various goods that are imported from the United States. Furthermore, the United States claimed that it would take actions against Chinese intellectual property rights policies that could be a hindrance to the US stakeholders. Later, the United States released a two-stage plan to impose tariffs on Chinese imports that would directly affect Chinese industrial policies for which again there was retaliation by China by releasing their own two-stage plan for American imports that would adversely affect American industries. This paper is an attempt to analyze the effect of the trade war between the United States and China and briefly discusses about the impact of this war on China and the probable measures implemented by the country.
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Minjie, Zhang. "The "Marginal Psychological State" of Chinese Students in the United States". Chinese Education & Society 31, n.º 2 (marzo de 1998): 93–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/ced1061-1932310293.
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Pye, Lucian W. "The State and the Individual: An Overview Interpretation". China Quarterly 127 (septiembre de 1991): 443–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000031027.
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It could be that no people have ever outdone the Chinese in ascribing moral virtues to the state or in deprecating the worth of the individual. First Confucianism and then the Chinese version of Leninism went all out in extolling the importance of rulers and society and in minimizing the rights of individuals. The gap between the moral worth and the recognized rights of state and citizen in China was and remains huge both because of the way the Chinese have consistently given paramountcy to the state and the ways in which they have subordinated the individual to the group. The extraordinary imbalance in the relations of the state and individuals provides both the structural and the cultural bases for the human rights practices which are now the most contentious issues between China and the west, especially the United States. What is outrageous to Americans can be for most Chinese normal expectations – although since Tiananmen a majority may feel that the state has gone too far.
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Jin, Louis Lei, Jin Zheng, Niyaz M. Honarvar y Xiqun Chen. "Traditional Chinese Medicine in the United States: Current state, regulations, challenges, and the way forward". Traditional Medicine and Modern Medicine 03, n.º 02 (junio de 2020): 77–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2575900020100023.
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In the United States, there has been a steady presence and growth of Traditional Medicine (interchangeable in this paper with Complementary or Alternative Medicine) over the past few decades. The costs for such practices are relatively low along with minimal-to-no obvious side effects. Amongst a variety of traditional medical systems, Traditional Chinese Medicine is one of the most popular alternatives to help manage chronic health conditions or to improve the overall quality of life. While not exhaustive, this paper provides a snapshot of Traditional Chinese Medicine in the United States with insights into its current state, regulations, challenges, and the way forward.
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Uyanaev, Sergey V. "The "USA-India-China" triangle: current state and prospects". USA & Canada Economics – Politics – Culture, n.º 8 (15 de diciembre de 2023): 99–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s2686673023080096.
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Recent years the virtual triangle "USA-India-China" attracts an increased attention of many political experts. The article considers three bilateral lines the triangle, analyzes their intersecting influence on each other. The author pays attention to the Chinese factor in the dialogue between the United States and India, emphasizes the role of Washington in the complex relations between New Delhi and Beijing, notes the influence of India on the interaction between the United States and China. The conclusions about the significance of the situation in the triangle for the interests of Russia are also drawn.
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Xu, Tian Atlas. "Immigration Attorneys and Chinese Exclusion Law Enforcement: The Case of San Francisco, 1882–1930". Journal of American Ethnic History 41, n.º 1 (1 de octubre de 2021): 50–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/jamerethnhist.41.1.0050.
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Abstract This article examines the historical correlations between Chinese exclusion law enforcement and the career patterns of immigration attorneys in San Francisco. Built on a rich historiography about Chinese exclusion and state formation in the United States, it views these attorneys as a unique interest group to make sense of their intermediary role between the administrative state and the transnational Chinese community. Drawing from both traditional sources and a collection recently made public by Stanford University, it looks at three groups of Euro-American lawyers who, for five decades, dominated the business of Chinese immigration legal services at the Golden Gate: lawyers from the private sector, former United States attorneys, and officials-turned-attorneys who emerged in the late 1910s. The article argues that these lawyers’ background and priorities closely corresponded and evolved with the decline of judicial review and the rise of the immigration authorities’ near-plenary power over the project of exclusion. The lawyers’ work provides fresh insights into the key paradox in the history of Chinese exclusion, that despite its constant search for efficiency, local enforcement of the exclusion laws often reduced the anti-Chinese policy to routinized, counterproductive procedures. It finds that many US attorneys and immigration inspectors who later chose to become attorneys for the Chinese had been diligent federal employees. Their shifting positions prove bureaucratic malice towards Chinese immigrants to be anything but monolithic and challenge historians’ established dichotomy between an anti-Chinese state and Chinese in America.
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Luo, Ling. "The Current State and Prospects of Chinese Teaching in the United States". Chinese Education & Society 49, n.º 6 (noviembre de 2016): 376–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10611932.2016.1252216.
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Lin, Fiona. "Filial Nationalism: How the Trump Administration Impacted Chinese International Students". Asian Social Science 18, n.º 5 (19 de abril de 2022): 8. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ass.v18n5p8.
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Historically, Chinese international students have chosen the United States as their top destination to study abroad. Many of those ultimately return to their mother country, despite years of Western education, hoping to integrate China into the developed world. In 2011, Vanessa Fong depicted this strong moral attachment as “filial nationalism”. However, this idea took on a different form under the Trump administration – the desire to study in the United States diminished. During the pandemic era, Chinese descendants retain a strong sense of belonging to their mother country, but their interest in the United States has significantly declined. By examining the stringent visa restrictions, increased anti-Asian sentiments, and the United State’s immediate response to COVID-19 – factors that contribute to Chinese international students’ growing reluctance to study in the United States – this essay draws on Fong’s previous longitudinal study and analyzes filial nationalism in recent contexts.
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Kokubun, Ryosei. "The Current State of Contemporary Chinese Studies in Japan". China Quarterly 107 (septiembre de 1986): 505–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000039886.
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Sino-Japanese ties have been expanding since formal diplomatic relations were established in 1972. Recently, both governments organized a China–Japan Friendship Committee for the 21 st Century, a Sino-Japanese version of the U.S.–Japan Wiseman's Group, which has played an important role in cementing links between the United States and Japan through the years. The new China–Japan Committee is jointly headed by Tadao Ishikawa, president of Keio University and a scholar of Chinese politics, and by Wang Zhaoguo, the 45 yearold head of the general office of the Chinese Communist Party. This committee holds annual meetings to explore Sino-Japanese relations in depth. In addition, since 1982, a China–Japan Civilian Meeting has been convened, alternately in Tokyo and Beijing, bringing together over 100 Chinese and Japanese businessmen, politicians and scholars to survey Sino-Japanese relations. Finally, since 1980, at an annual ministerial meeting, the top ministers of each government review their activities.
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Zhang, Yanban, Jeff Butler y Burt Pryor. "Comparison of Apprehension about Communication in China and the United States". Perceptual and Motor Skills 82, n.º 3_suppl (junio de 1996): 1168–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.2466/pms.1996.82.3c.1168.
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A translated version of the Personal Report of Communication Apprehension was administered to 688 students at four Chinese colleges and universities. The data were compared with American norms established by McCroskey in 1982 and with the responses of 177 students at a large state university in Florida. The Chinese sample reported a significantly higher mean score on apprehension about communication than the Americans. The findings were discussed with reference to cultural differences.
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Biglaiser, Glen y Kelan (Lilly) Lu. "The Politics of Chinese and US Foreign Direct Investment in the Developing World". Asian Survey 61, n.º 3 (mayo de 2021): 500–531. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2021.61.3.500.
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In the foreign direct investment (FDI) literature, studies show that investors prefer low-risk host states. However, the research focuses on investors from developed country democracies, such as the United States, ignoring the rise of China, an authoritarian developing country that engages in public and private investment. This paper investigates Chinese state and private FDI in 127 developing countries from 2003 to 2017 to determine the effects of political risk on FDI. We find that, as with US FDI, low-risk developing countries attract more Chinese state FDI, except in the case of natural resource investment, where Chinese investors appear to disregard risk concerns. For Chinese private FDI, on the other hand, political institutions seem to play no significant role, but political affiliations matter. Our work suggests that similarities between US and Chinese state FDI are increasing, while the investment strategies of Chinese private and state firms appear to be growing farther apart.
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Ting, Helen Mu Hung. "Chinese Politics in the 2016 Sarawak state elections: Case Studies of Dudong and Bawang Assan Seats". Kajian Malaysia 39, n.º 2 (29 de octubre de 2021): 71–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.21315/km2021.39.2.4.
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This article examines local Chinese electoral politics in Sarawak during the 2016 Sarawak state elections based on a case study of two Chinese-majority marginal seats in Sibu district, namely Dudong and Bawang Assan. It examines the discourse and strategies deployed by the ruling Barisan Nasional (BN) and the opposition Democratic Action Party (DAP) and other independent candidates in the two constituencies. Candidates of the former in both seats were prominent leaders who had left the Sarawak United People’s Party (SUPP) – a major BN component party – to form a rival splinter party called the United People’s Party (UPP) and had contested as “BN direct candidates.” The article provides insights into how the intricate political dynamics on the ground shaped the electoral outcomes. Analysis of the voting patterns in polling districts provides a more nuanced understanding of the purported “increase” in Chinese support, revealing an urban-rural contrast. Both DAP candidates retained majority support in urban Chinese areas, albeit with reduced vote shares and absolute numbers due to abstention. Rural Chinese voters, on the other hand, manifested a clear surge in their support for BN, both in absolute numbers and vote share, contributing decisively to the victories of the two BN direct candidates. The findings are based on field observation, in-depth interviews with party leaders and informants, as well as analysis of polling district results of the two constituencies.
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Garver, John W. "The Restoration of Sino-Indian Comity following India's Nuclear Tests". China Quarterly 168 (diciembre de 2001): 865–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009443901000511.
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Indian justification of its May 1998 nuclear tests in terms of Chinese threats to India prompted a multifacited Chinese campaign pressuring New Delhi to retract its offensive statements. One significant element of Chinese concerns with Indian statements was apprehension over an Indian drift toward alignment with the United States. Beijing's efforts were successful and within two years New Delhi had given Beijing the requisite assurances and the normal state of Sino-Indian amity was restored. Sino-Indian interactions in the period after India's May 1998 tests demonstrates the extreme sensitivity of both powers to the other's alignment with the United States in the post-Cold War world.
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Pan, Pan. "The Chinese State and Soft Power". BCP Social Sciences & Humanities 20 (18 de octubre de 2022): 507–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.54691/bcpssh.v20i.2366.
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With the advancement of economic globalization, in today's society where peace and development are the themes of the times, the influence of hard power, such as economic and military power, has gradually diminished. While soft power, represented by culture, political values and foreign policy, has become more and more important. The explanatory power of traditional realist theories has become increasingly weak. Against this background, Joseph S. Nye, a famous master of international relations theory and a representative of the neo-liberal school, first proposed the concept of "soft power" in 1990 in response to the "decline of the United States". "Since then, the concept of soft power has begun to attract academic attention and has gradually entered the public discourse, and has been adopted by scholars and politicians in various countries. Nye made a clear binary division of the concept of power, dividing it into hard power and soft power. According to Nye, hard power manifests itself as tangible material power, a form of control, while soft power is an intangible force of attraction and assimilation. In Nye's idea of soft power, culture, political values and foreign policy are the main resources that constitute soft power, which relies on solicitation rather than coercion and is characterised by intangibility, diffusion, non-monopoly and non-coercion. Since the mid-1990s, Chinese political and academic circles have identified the potential of soft power and have made attempts to highlight its importance. With the rise of China and related events, theories such as the 'China Threat Theory' and the 'Thucydides Trap' have emerged in the international community, suggesting that China's rise could lead to a destabilising and dangerous international situation. The soft power theory has therefore been welcomed by China as a rebuttal to these theories and an attempt to shift the world's focus to the "peaceful rise of China". This paper will reformulate and analyse China's soft power policy through Joseph Nye's concept of soft power, and will focus the discussion on China's rich cultural resources, political values and soft power resources for foreign policy. It is important to note that China's soft power policy can be successful in enhancing China's image, but given the conflicting interests of developing and developed countries. China's policy needs to be carefully crafted and well thought out. At the same time, excessive government guidance and control can enhance soft power, but according to Joseph Nye's theory, civil society should take more responsibility in building soft power.
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Batyuk, Vladimir. "USA — China: Strategic balance". Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. International relations 15, n.º 4 (2022): 390–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu06.2022.403.
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This article examines the current state of the US-China strategic balance — both military and economic aspects of the latter. This balance, however, is not changing in favor of the United States. Currently, China is the largest economy in the world, and economic ties with China are too important for US partners and allies to break off trade and economic ties with China to please Washington. More importantly, the rapid growth of China’s military-technical potential in recent years has led to radical changes in the balance of power in the western Pacific. Washington has lost its former absolute military superiority in the coastal areas of the PRC, and in the event of a large-scale armed US-Chinese conflict in the Taiwan area or in the South China Sea, American losses will be enormous, and the United States will not be able to achieve a decisive victory during this conflict. Under these conditions, the American ruling elite is united in the fact that without a system of anti-Chinese alliances, which should unite both the countries of the Indo-Pacific region and countries outside the ITR, China’s containment is impossible. The Biden administration continued Trump’s policy of building a “sanitary cordon” around China with the involvement of extra-regional actors in this construction. We are talking about the creation of a military-political alliance AUKUS, which includes Australia, the United Kingdom and the United States. The purpose of this alliance is to counter China in the disputed areas of the South China Sea. It is concluded that the formation of such a system of alliances is difficult to achieve — and it’s not just that the partners and allies of the United States are too interested in maintaining trade and economic ties with China to participate in the creation of an anti-Chinese “sanitary cordon”. China’s strategic isolation is impossible if Russia cannot be brought into the anti-Chinese system of alliances. At present, however, China has a solid rear in the form of a growing Russian-Chinese partnership and cooperation. The actions of the United States and its allies, which Moscow and Beijing view as threatening and provocative (NATO expansion to the East; American block-building in the ITR) could not but lead to a serious revision by the Russian and Chinese leadership of military cooperation between the two powers.
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Rinchinov, Artem B. "PRC's digital media amid the trade war with the United States: Conditions within the country and prospects for expansion". Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta, n.º 474 (2022): 153–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/15617793/474/17.
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The article aims to highlight some of the features of Chinese information policy and state regulation in order to survey the current state of Chinese media theory within the country. In the sphere of China's foreign relations, the aim was to find evidence that, under conditions of economic pressure, China is moving from a policy of “soft power” towards its partner countries to the practice of building direct economic and infrastructural dependence. The theoretical part of the article is mainly based on the materials of the Chinese Tsinghua Institute. When studying the situation abroad, data from the Australian Institute for Strategic Policy and similar think-tanks in North America were used. According to the current Chinese media theory, all information sources inside the country make up three major groups with more than six subdivisions inside each group. Another point of Chinese media theory, which includes the “six forces” concept, brings much more controversy. According to it, “government” and “party force” are different actors while “capital force” has only limited influence over media content. This concept may be disputed by example of “Southern Model”, when one of the Chinese provinces used a lot of autonomy in its broadcasting policy. The autonomy came to an end, when the state-owned company SMC gained control over the province's broadcasting in 2007. This is one of the examples of how party, state and capital forces' acts combined and merged into one. Correlation analysis shows the interdependence between capital and state forces within the country. The article examines activities of Chinese media, government-organized non-governmental organizations (GONGO), and communications corporations abroad. According to open-source data, the hugest economic intervention in media markets of developing countries made by China so far is united under the Digital Silk Road initiative. During the trade war, many Chinese companies, like Huawei, lost their western customers and markets access. By maintaining Chinese media market shut for foreign capital and by expanding own communication network beyond borders through the web of GONGO and favored contracts, Beijing gains an advantage in the ongoing trade war. Such impermanence shows the incompleteness of media theory in China. While being recent, it struggles to describe objective reality without notion that in highly monopolized and regulated spheres, like Chinese media market, the forces of national capital and government may act on behalf of each other. China, despite the lack of a sophisticated theoretical basis, gains control over the media policy in developing countries. The Chinese-built communication infrastructure, which allows controlling internet and mobile media, becomes fundamental for countries in Africa, South-East and Central Asia. Such a situation may lead these countries to fall into the Chinese sphere of influence.
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Pearson, Margaret M., Meg Rithmire y Kellee S. Tsai. "China's Party-State Capitalism and International Backlash: From Interdependence to Insecurity". International Security 47, n.º 2 (2022): 135–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00447.
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Abstract Contrary to expectations, economic interdependence has not tempered security conflict between China and the United States. In response to perceived domestic and external threats, the Chinese Communist Party's actions to ensure regime security have generated insecurity in other states, causing them to adopt measures to constrain Chinese firms. Security dilemma dynamics best explain the subsequent reactions from many advanced industrialized countries to the evolution of China's political economy into party-state capitalism. Party-state capitalism manifests in two signature ways: (1) expansion of party-state authority in firms through changes in corporate governance and state-led financial instruments; and (2) enforcement of political fealty among various economic actors. Together, these trends have blurred the distinction between state and private capital in China and resulted in backlash, including intensified investment reviews, campaigns to exclude Chinese firms from strategic sectors, and the creation of novel domestic and international institutions to address perceived threats from Chinese actors. The uniqueness of China's model has prompted significant reorganization of the rules governing capitalism, both nationally and globally.
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Harinivo, Ramamonjisoa Mialitiana. "French SLA State in Chinese University: A Study Case of CTBU". Journal of Higher Education Research 4, n.º 1 (3 de marzo de 2023): 29. http://dx.doi.org/10.32629/jher.v4i1.1123.
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Considered as one of the United Nations official language, English is widely spoke and learned as a Second Language among the world, after English comes French, German and Spanish. In China, after the introduction of English, other language like French, German, Russian and Japanese also took place in recent years, and French have been one of the most popular second language teached and learned as a subject but also field after English. With that state take into consideration, this article will briefly discuss about French acquisition as a Second language through Chinese undergraduate student in Chongqing Technology and Business University or CTBU.
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Cooc, North y Genevieve Leung. "Who Are “Chinese” Speakers in the United States?: Examining Differences in Socioeconomic Outcomes and Language Identities". AAPI Nexus: Policy, Practice and Community 15, n.º 1-2 (septiembre de 2017): 137–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.17953/1545-0317.15.1.137.
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Calls to disaggregate data on Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders (AAPIs) overlook heterogeneity in experiences and outcomes within AAPI subgroups. Using national data from the American Community Survey, this study examines socioeconomic differences among Chinese Americans in terms of language identity. The results indicate the most frequently identified home languages among Chinese speakers are Formosan, Mandarin, Cantonese, and simply “Chinese.” The groups differ in representation depending on state residency and citizenship, while Cantonese speakers have the lowest levels of English proficiency and educational attainment. The strongest predictor of each language group is birthplace. The study has implications for serving disadvantaged and overlooked Chinese American subpopulations in the United States.
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Wright, Teresa. "State Repression and Student Protest in Contemporary China". China Quarterly 157 (marzo de 1999): 142–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000040236.
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Proponents of Western-style democracy greeted the Chinese “Democracy Movement” of 1989 with great hope and anticipation. Yet the brutal end of this wave of political protest left many in despair. The rulers of the Chinese Communist Party had made it painfully clear that they would not tolerate any movement or organization which posed a threat to their political control. At the same time, however, observers and analysts also began to question the wisdom and effectiveness of the student protesters who had participated in the movement. Perhaps, many wondered, the students' behaviour had also contributed to the movement's unfortunate finale. In particular, many noted the students' disorganization, lack of respect for democratic procedures and inability to present a united position to the government. In addition, some remarked that the students' exclusive, non-integrative mobilization strategy may have weakened their ability to successfully put pressure on the government.
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Baker, Anthony W. "Chinese Immigration to California: Welcomed Workers, Shunned Immigrants". Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences Studies 2, n.º 5 (29 de septiembre de 2020): 50–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.32996/jhsss.2020.2.5.7.
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This paper explores the complex relationship linking the collapse of the mining and railroad industries, anti-Chinese sentiment, and the passage Chinese Exclusion Act. Although difficult to tease out, the paper also explores how these immigration issues, prompted primarily by domestic concerns, were intertwined with the diplomatic relationship between the United States and China, as it evolved over the period of 1858 through 1880. this paper looks at historical newspapers written in the early Californian state in the 1850s to the 1860s to understand how changing attitudes towards Chinese immigrants affected local anti-Chinese laws and how these local attitudes shaped national laws. This paper will show that while Chinese workers were welcomed early on for providing cheap labor, overtime they would be increasingly prejudiced against and blamed for growing labor disputes between white workers and corporations. Ultimately Chinese immigration would be scapegoated as the reason for declining wages by white workers in order to pass anti-Chinese laws. The United States moved towards exclusion as a domestic policy, an apparent contradiction of its diplomatic policy of forging closer ties in an attempt to take advantage of Chinese trade.
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Kharkevich, Maxim Vladimirovich, Ivan Ivanovich Pisarev, Vsevolod Sergeyevich Cheresov y Marina Olegovna Novogradskaya. "Comparative Analysis of American NGOs in China and Chinese NGOs in the U.S." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 21, n.º 2 (15 de diciembre de 2021): 350–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2021-21-2-350-371.
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This article analyzes the activities of American non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in China and Chinese NGOs in the United States in the context of global competition between the United States and China for the leadership in the future model of the world order. In International Relations theory, especially in its theoretical paradigm of realism, the consideration of states as actors in international relations dominates scholarship. However, in recent decades it has become apparent that researchers have a significant interest in non-state actors, such as interest groups and NGOs, and their impact on international relations. NGOs in China and the United States have different historical backgrounds, environments, and government institutions in different ways. Still, but in terms of comparative analysis they represent comparable categories. The analysis offered in this study shows that, firstly, despite the strict regulation of the activities of NGOs in place in China, American NGOs have more opportunities to work in this environment than Chinese NGOs do in the United States, where the situation for their activities is apparently more favorable. Secondly, despite the advantages that partnerships provide, neither American nor Chinese NGOs form partnership networks and therefore, lose momentum for their own development. Thirdly, although the conditions for their activities differ in both countries, American and Chinese NGOs have equal opportunities to pursue their goals. Finally, American NGOs in China are less dependent on their government than Chinese NGOs in the United States are on the Chinese government. The study is comparative and takes as its units of analysis Chinese NGOs in the United States and American NGOs in China. Developments in the field of interest group politics serve as the theoretical framework for this research. The investigation uses methods of comparative quantitative analysis and social network analysis, while the interdisciplinary nature of the methods allow them to take advantage of the analytical capabilities of Comparative Political Science, Interest Group Politics, and International Relations.
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You, Jin, Qian Lu, Michael J. Zvolensky, Zhiqiang Meng, Kay Garcia y Lorenzo Cohen. "Anxiety- and Health-Related Quality of Life Among Patients With Breast Cancer: A Cross-Cultural Comparison of China and the United States". Journal of Global Oncology, n.º 4 (diciembre de 2018): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1200/jgo.2016.008763.
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Purpose Literature has documented the prevalence of anxiety and its adverse effect on quality of life among patients with breast cancer from Western countries, yet cross-cultural examinations with non-Western patients are rare. This cross-cultural study investigated differences in anxiety and its association with quality of life between US and Chinese patients with breast cancer. Methods Patients with breast cancer from the United States and China completed measures for anxiety (Spielberger State-Trait Anxiety Inventory) and quality of life (Functional Assessment of Cancer Therapy-Breast). Results After controlling for demographic and medical characteristics, Chinese patients reported higher levels of trait and state anxiety than US patients. Although there was an association between anxiety and quality of life in both groups of patients, the association between state anxiety and quality of life was stronger among Chinese patients than among US patients, with the association between trait anxiety and quality of life the same between the two cultural samples. Conclusion These findings suggest that anxiety and its association with quality of life among patients with breast cancer varies depending on cultural context, which reveals greater anxiety and poorer quality of life among Chinese patients compared with US patients. This suggests greater unmet psychosocial needs among Chinese patients and highlights the need to build comprehensive cancer care systems for a better quality of life in Chinese populations.
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Vinokurov, V. I. y A. Dashnyam. "Russian-Chinese relations and the transformation of the world order". Diplomaticheskaja sluzhba (Diplomatic Service), n.º 4 (11 de agosto de 2022): 265–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/vne-01-2204-02.
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The article analyzes the world order and the international policy of states in modern conditions, analyzes the relations of the Russian Federation and China. It is determined that cooperation between Russia and China is an important and necessary direction in the face of an increasing threat from the West. The desire of the United States to strengthen its infl uence in the international arena leads to instability around the world, and to an increase in interstate confl icts. The new world order is necessary for states as a means of protecting against threats and stabilizing relations between states, the question remains: Who should become the new leader on the world stage, and what exactly should the world order be? Chinese scientists are divided in their opinion, some believe that China should take a new course to protect weak states from US policy, others say that China is not capable of changing the world order and challenging the West. In the situation with Ukrainian issues, many states face a choice: — to challenge the United States, to throw off their obsessive policies and create a new world order in which there will be no place for American leadership; — to be afraid of the consequences of the struggle with the United States, and taking their position to challenge Russia, which in turn will also lead the countries of the West and Asia to serious economic problems. The Russian Federation and China are long-standing partners, connected not only by common interests and views on the world order and negatively related to US policy, but also by states that are also connected by membership in international associations of the Asia-Pacifi c region. If Russia calls China its fi rst important trading partner, then in 2022 China called the United States its main trading partner. China is also preparing sanctions against the Russian Federation, as it cannot resist US policy, and is forced to put up with it. The main question remains whether the Russian Federation should be considered the main partner on the world stage, a state that, like many other countries, does not dare to go against the United States.
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Zhang, ALice (Yang). "Historicizing Socially Disabling Experiences of Chinese Adoptees in the United States in the Late One-child Policy Era". Journal of American Ethnic History 43, n.º 3 (1 de abril de 2024): 89–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/19364695.43.3.04.
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Abstract This article explores how the model minority trope impacts the “conditional inclusion” of Chinese adoptees from 1991 to 2015 when mainland China initiated legal overseas Chinese adoption. Intertwined with state-prescribed and sometimes adoptive family's expectation of “a good Asian adoptee,” the model minority trope simultaneously reconnects Chinese adoptees to their Asianness, and yet alienates them at the same time among Asian Americans due to their unique status as migrants through adoption. Utilizing an ethnographic approach to narrate Chinese adoptees’ stories, I draw on oral history interviews with Chinese adoptees, adoptive parents, and adoption facilitators to elucidate how the model minority trope and lucky one rhetoric complicated Chinese adoptees’ lived experiences as adopted Chinese in the United States and their understanding of their ever-evolving identities. Through highlighting the voices of both able-bodied and disable-bodied Chinese adoptees, this article argues that as “non-immigrant immigrants,” Chinese adoptees’ identities are caught between socially disabling biologism and adoptivism, and Chinese-ness and Americanness. Being physically Chinese and culturally (white) American, Chinese adoptees are culturally alienated from within their adoptive family as well as the outside world due to tenuous Sino-American relations and dominant white culture.
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Yi, Guolin. "The “Propaganda State” and Sino-American Rapprochement: Preparing the Chinese Public for Nixon’s Visit". Journal of American-East Asian Relations 20, n.º 1 (2013): 5–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765610-02001005.
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Studies of Sino-American rapprochement in 1972 have not sufficiently explored how the Chinese public, which had been taught to hate the American “imperialists,” learned (or was instructed) about the dramatic change. By analyzing Renmin Ribao (People’s Daily) and Cankao Xiaoxi (Reference News), an internal (neibu) newspaper circulated only among Chinese Communist Party cadres, this article examines how the Chinese government prepared the party and its people for rapprochement from 1969 through 1971. Reference News kept cadres posted about Washington’s overtures, Nixon’s expressed wish to visit China, and Mao’s willingness to receive him, among other items not shared with the wider public. Before official exchanges were agreed, the Chinese government conducted “people-to-people diplomacy” by inviting American “friends” and displaying them to the Chinese public through banquets, receptions, and ceremonies. People’s Daily, which offered intensive coverage to these visitors, was particularly important in promoting the atmosphere of friendship. Party leaders did not need the approval of the public and party workers, but they did take their response into account in making foreign policy, especially on dramatic changes. By evaluating the Chinese communication system and its handling of public opinion on relations with the United States, this article presents a more nuanced picture of the “propaganda state.”
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Katkova, Evgeniya Yu y Anna S. Yunyushkina. "Chinese Concepts and Opportunities in Information Warfare: China-US Rivalry in Cyberspace". RUDN Journal of World History 14, n.º 2 (29 de abril de 2022): 197–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8127-2022-14-2-197-210.
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The research is devoted to the emergence of threats to information security and competition in cyberspace between the two largest powers - China and the United States. Over the past ten years, China has been actively developing offensive cyber capabilities, turning into a state with a combat- ready and modern army. Its technological level is behind the United States in many areas, but Beijing is rapidly closing the gap. Today, the information confrontation between these countries is of a strategic nature. Both China and the United States are investing large sums of money in the development of cyber technologies. The authors examine the different approaches of China and the United States to the methods of waging information wars and countering various challenges and threats in cyberspace. In conclusion, the authors come to the opinion that China will actively develop information technologies and build up its strategic potential in this area in the near future, which will lead to tougher competition among major powers in cyberspace.
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Vu, Linh D. "Bones of Contention: China’s World War II Military Graves in India, Burma, and Papua New Guinea". Journal of Chinese Military History 8, n.º 1 (17 de mayo de 2019): 52–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22127453-12341339.
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Abstract Exploring the construction and maintenance of Nationalist Chinese soldiers’ graves overseas, this article sheds light on post-World War II commemorative politics. After having fought for the Allies against Japanese aggression in the China-Burma-India Theater, the Chinese expeditionary troops sporadically received posthumous care from Chinese veterans and diaspora groups. In the Southeast Asia Theater, the Chinese soldiers imprisoned in the Japanese-run camps in Rabaul were denied burial in the Allied war cemetery and recognition as military heroes. Analyzing archival documents from China, Taiwan, Britain, Australia, and the United States, I demonstrate how the afterlife of Chinese servicemen under foreign sovereignties mattered in the making of the modern Chinese state and its international status.
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Wu, Ellen D. "““America's Chinese””: Anti-Communism, Citizenship, and Cultural Diplomacy during the Cold War". Pacific Historical Review 77, n.º 3 (1 de agosto de 2008): 391–422. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2008.77.3.391.
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With the onset of the Cold War, the federal government became concerned with the impact that the status and treatment of Chinese Americans as a racial minority in American society had on perceptions of the United States among populations in the Asian Pacific. As a response, the State Department's cultural diplomacy campaigns targeting the Pacific Rim used Chinese Americans, including Betty Lee Sung (writer for the Voice of America) and Jade Snow Wong and Dong Kingman (artists who conducted lectures and exhibitions throughout Asia). By doing so, the government legitimated Chinese Americans' long-standing claims to full citizenship in new and powerful ways. But the terms on which Chinese Americans served as representatives of the nation and the state——as racial minorities and as ““Overseas Chinese””——also worked to reproduce their racial otherness and mark them as ““non-white”” and foreign, thus compromising their gains in social standing.
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Brovko, A. "Modernization of china’s economy: achievements and prospects". Literature and Culture of Polissya 105, n.º 15i (2 de diciembre de 2021): 59–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.31654/2520-6966-2021-15i-105-59-69.
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The article highlights the features of reforming the Chinese economy. It is noted that the process of reforming China’s economy began during the reign of Deng Xiaoping, who proposed a strategy to bring the state to key positions in the world economy. It was during this period that modernization and a policy of «reform and openness» were carried out. A feature of the Chinese economy is the programming of economic development, which has its roots in the middle of the twentieth century. Thirteen five-year socio-economic development plans have now been implemented. Another feature of the Chinese economy is the combination of state planned levers of management with market, ie the dominance of the model of «socialist market economy». Under Hu Jintao and Xi Jinping, they set out to build an innovative economy. However, despite the rapid pace of development of China, the republic still lags behind developed countries. The reason for this lag, according to the state leadership, is low innovation capacity. In recent years, the development of the country’s economy has been negatively affected by the trade war with the United States and the introduction of quarantine measures in connection with the COVID-19 pandemic, which led to the collapse of the Chinese economy by 6,8 %. In addition to an effective domestic policy, the Republic of China is active in foreign trade. The country’s largest trading partners are the United States, Hong Kong, Japan, Korea and the EU. Develops active relations with Latin American countries, India, Pakistan, Brazil, the African continent and the Arab world. China is an attractive country for foreign capital. Most foreign investment comes from China’s economic services sector. To become an attractive country for foreign investment, the Chinese leadership has taken a number of measures to create a favorable investment climate. As a result, China ranks second in the world in terms of nominal GDP. In the near future, China is projected to be ahead of the United States in economic terms and to become the most powerful country in the world.
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Lin, Lin. "REGULATING EXECUTIVE COMPENSATION IN CHINA: PROBLEMS AND SOLUTIONS". Journal of Law and Commerce 32, n.º 2 (18 de julio de 2014): 207–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/jlc.2014.67.
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Executive compensation is an essential element of a corporate governance system and an issue of public concern and academic debate. However, the existing literature on executive compensation has primarily focused on the United States, United Kingdom and continental European jurisdictions. This paper presents a comprehensive comparative study of the law and practices of executive pay in China. It critically examines the processes that produce compensation arrangements, as well as the various legal strategies and market forces that act on these processes in the context of China.Based on extensive empirical evidence, it finds that excessive pay in China is less prevalent than that in the United States. Nevertheless, Chinese executive compensation is not optimal in that there are both excessive executive pay and low levels of equity incentives for executives in Chinese listed companies. Meanwhile, executives of state-owned enterprises are largely compensated by on-duty consumption, grey income and political reward. The article argues that the fundamental problem of executive pay in Chinese listed companies lies in the internal defects of its unique governance institutions, as well as the prevalence of concentrated state ownership in listed companies. It concludes that the primary role of Chinese law in regulating executive compensation should not simply be to curb excessive executive pay, but it should be to improve the regulatory structure for setting executive pay in a fairer and more transparent way. To achieve this, regulatory strategies, especially heightened disclosure and strengthening the independence of the compensation committee, must be taken.
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Narváez, Benjamin N. "Abolition, Chinese Indentured Labor, and the State: Cuba, Peru, and the United States during the Mid Nineteenth Century". Americas 76, n.º 1 (enero de 2019): 5–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tam.2018.43.
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Abolition forced planters in the post-Civil War US South to consider new sources and forms of labor. Some looked to Spanish America for answers. Cuba had long played a prominent role in the American imagination because of its proximity, geostrategic location, and potential as a slave state prior to the Civil War. Even as the United States embraced abolition and Cuba maintained slavery, the island presented Southern planters with potential labor solutions. Cuban elites had been using male Chinese indentured workers (“coolies” or colonos asiáticos) to supplement slave labor and delay the rise of free labor since 1847. Planters in coastal Peru similarly embraced Chinese indentured labor in 1849 as abolition neared. Before the Civil War, Southerners generally had noted these developments with anxiety, fearing that coolies were morally corrupt and detrimental to slavery. However, for many, these concerns receded once legal slavery ended. Planters wanted cheap exploitable labor, which coolies appeared to offer. Thus, during Reconstruction, Southern elites, especially in Louisiana, attempted to use Chinese indentured workers to minimize changes in labor relations.
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Babaev, Kirill Vladimirovich. "Iceland and China: Strategic Partnership in the Arctic and Euro-Atlantic". Contemporary Europe, n.º 2 (15 de abril de 2023): 33–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0201708323020031.
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The article analyses the development of China-Iceland relations which led to a full-scale political and economic partnership between the two countries, the current issues in Chinese policies towards Iceland, its plans to use the island as a starting point for expansion in Europe, Atlantic and Arctic regions. The paper explores the interests of the two states, stages of development of their relations, recent development with China's return to Iceland after three years of the pandemic, and Chinese intentions to enhance the partnership in order to extend its influence in Arctics and Euro-Atlantics. This analysis sheds light on the Chinese policy in the Arctic which is important for the future of Russo-Chinese relations in the region, and on how the Chinese entrenchment in Northern Europe may change the balance of power and interest not only in the Arctic, but in the Euro-Atlantic region. The article reveals that China, as a non-Arctic state, is striving to intensify cooperation with Iceland, but the relations in recent years have begun to sour both due to the pressure from the United States and the EU, as well as pandemic restrictions. Despite Iceland's tense relations with the European partners and the United States and the active assistance of China, in the future Iceland may be inclined to choose the United States as a strategic partner.
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Lau, Quentin. "Dragon Fears: An Examination of Canadian Perceptions of Chinese State-Owned Enterprises". Agora: Political Science Undergraduate Journal 3, n.º 2 (24 de junio de 2013): 109. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/agora19906.
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“What’s so scary about the CNOOC-Nexen deal?” 1 reads an article regarding the recent takeover bid. Although the deal has been fully approved, the question is one of many still gripping the issue over CNOOC’s (China National Offshore Oil Corporation) takeover bid of Nexen, a Calgary based oil and gas company. 2 However, this ongoing issue has broader implications; specifically if Chinese state-owned enterprises (hereafter SOEs) present a challenge or opportunity for Canadian national security interests. With the decline in trade and economic activity in the United States, Canada’s largest trading partner, new opportunities for Canada have presented themselves. China is one of them, a rapidly developing state whose hunger for energy continues to grow. The uneasiness that has come with the CNOOC-Nexen deal and the Canadian government’s recent response, displays the misguided approach of Canada towards the growing Chinese power. This paper explores the erroneous conceptions of Chinese SOEs, the implications of this and the possible solutions that can benefit Canada in the long term.
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Shuang, Wu. "Strategies for Internationalization of Chinese State-Owned Oil and Gas Companies During the COVID-19 Pandemic". Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Ekonomika, n.º 4 (diciembre de 2022): 192–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/ek.jvolsu.2022.4.16.
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The article is devoted to the problems of strategic management of international expansion of Chinese state-owned oil and gas companies during the coronavirus pandemic. A brief description of Chinese stateowned oil and gas companies (OGCs), the main directions and formats of their internationalization is given; an analysis of the impact of crisis phenomena in the global economy associated with the pandemic on the market of hydrocarbons and petroleum products is carried out. The features of strategic management of the international expansion of the Chinese OGCs in the conditions of the COVID-19 crisis are analyzed. The prospects for the development of the Chinese oil and gas business in the world market are evaluated. The conducted research has shown that the largest Chinese oil and gas companies are pursuing an aggressive marketing policy in foreign markets, which allows not only to ensure large supplies of hydrocarbon raw materials to China, but also to sell significant volumes of products abroad with the help of foreign partners. Such a policy corresponds to the vector of the Chinese leadership’s foreign policy, which is focused on achieving a balance in international relations and actively countering pressure from the United States. In the context of the COVID-19 crisis, the Chinese oil and gas business in the international arena faces not only new risks and challenges, but also receives a number of unique opportunities.
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Makhammaduly, S. "Taiwanese Factor In Modern American-Chinese Relations". Bulletin of the L.N. Gumilyov Eurasian National University. Political Science. Regional Studies. Oriental Studies. Turkology Series. 132, n.º 3 (2020): 76–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.32523/26-16-6887/2020-132-3-20-76-82.
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The article analyzes the historical foundations, current state, and prospects of the development of dialogue between the shores of the Taiwan Strait. The research of US analytical centers on the prospects of the development of US-Chinese relations and the «Taiwan Question» is examined. Over the decades of virtually separate development, with the serious influence of the United States, radical changes have taken place in the political culture of the citizens of the Republic of China. The so-called “Taiwanese mentality” is being formed on the island, and the idea of Taiwan’s sovereignty is becoming more and more popular.
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Meyer, Mary Hockenberry, Cydnee Van Zeeland y Katherine Brewer. "Chinese Silvergrass Seed Shows Long-term Viability". HortTechnology 31, n.º 1 (febrero de 2021): 97–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.21273/horttech04741-20.
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Chinese silvergrass (Miscanthus sinensis) is native to East Asia and South Africa and has been grown as an ornamental in the United States for over 100 years. Chinese silvergrass is on the invasive species list for 12 states in the United States and is regulated for sale in New York state. It is often found along roadsides in middle-Atlantic states and Long Island, NY. In 2019 and 2020, we sowed chinese silvergrass seed harvested in Fall 2002 and Spring 2003 from several locations in North Carolina where it had naturalized and from the Minnesota Landscape Arboretum, Chaska, MN. The seed had been stored in a seed storage vault (4 °C) from 2002 to 2020. Germination in 2003 showed variation between 53% to 95% from 19 different individual plants. This same seed when resown in 2019 and 2020 had much lower germination that could be divided into three categories: no germination (five plants), germination of 1% or less (seven plants), and germination of more than 2% (seven plants). Results from this study show that seed viability may be a long-term problem in locations where chinese silvergrass has naturalized.
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Yim, Sejung Sage. "미국 내 한국 이민자의 조선족에 대한 인식". Studies of Koreans Abroad 44 (28 de febrero de 2018): 83–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.38184/ask.2018.44.4.
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GORE, Lance L. P. "Chinese Foreign Policy in 2019: Coping with Hard Times". East Asian Policy 12, n.º 02 (abril de 2020): 15–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930520000112.
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China had a tough year in 2019. Amid an economic slowdown and a worsening trade war, China and the United States are testing each other’s strengths and limitations to redefine their relationship. China was determined to preserve its state-led development model and step up strategic cooperation with Russia. The game on the Korean peninsula has also changed. China’s policy emphasis in the South China Sea has seemingly shifted from security to resources. The cross-strait situation also became increasingly precarious.
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Augustine-Adams, Kif. "Marriage and Mestizaje, Chinese and Mexican: Constitutional Interpretation and Resistance in Sonora, 1921–1935". Law and History Review 29, n.º 2 (mayo de 2011): 419–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248011000034.
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On a hopeful September day in 1912, Gim Pon, a twenty-five year old Chinese man from Canton, boarded the steamship Siberia in Hong Kong harbor to sail west across the Pacific. The Siberia docked briefly in San Francisco, but Gim Pon's destination, and that of seven fellow Chinese travelers, was not California but the northern Mexican state of Sonora. In the early twentieth century, thousands of men like Gim Pon immigrated to Mexico, boosting the Chinese population there from slightly over 1,000 in 1895 to more than 24,000 in the mid-1920s. Sonora, which hugs Arizona at the United States/Mexico border, was a popular destination, and hosted the largest Chinese population of any Mexican state through the 1920s. Once in Sonora, Gim Pon adapted to life in Mexico: he changed his name to Francisco Gim, learned Spanish, and became naturalized as a Mexican citizen on February 27, 1920. Most importantly, he formed a family with Julia Delgado.
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Ma, Shu-Yun. "The Chinese Discourse on Civil Society". China Quarterly 137 (marzo de 1994): 180–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s030574100003410x.
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In recent years the concept of civil society has gained scholarly attention world-wide. It has found numerous advocates in the West, such as John Keane who suggested democratizing European socialism by defending the distinction between civil society and the state; Michael Walzer who proposed synthesizing socialist, capitalist and nationalist ideals under the rubric of civil society; and Daniel Bell, who called for a revival of civil society in the United States as a protection against the expanding state bureaucracies. In 1992 alone, at least three books on the subject appeared. In Eastern Europe, proponents of the civil society concept – like Vaclav Havel, George Konrad and Adam Michnik – have been credited with developing an extremely useful theoretical tool for overthrowing Stalinist authoritarianism. A volume consisting of case studies of seven former or present socialist countries found that the notion of civil society is generally applicable to the study of Communist systems, as long as the influence of different cultures and traditions of individual countries are fully acknowledged. The civil society paradigm, despite its basic European orientation, has also been recognized as applicable to the study of developing countries.
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Mirza, Muhammad Nadeem y Farrukh Zaman Khan. "SYSTEMIC TRANSFORMATIONS AND CHINESE IMAGE OF THE WORLD ORDER: TRANSCENDING GREAT WALL THROUGH NEO-CONFUCIANISM AND TIANXIA SYSTEMS". Asia-Pacific - Annual Research Journal of Far East & South East Asia 38 (4 de febrero de 2021): 22–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.47781/asia-pacific.vol38.iss0.3127.
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Relative decline of the United States, rise of the rest, challenges posed by the non-state actors, proliferating violent crises in different regions, unstoppable environmental degradation, and the unabated growth of the populist tendencies are few of the issues transpiring at the system level. This paper tries to dissect this transformation, while also highlighting that how and why is China trying and willing to take on the leading role in the regional and international milieu. How does China view the world and what is the Chines image of the world order? The study elaborates Neo-Confucianism and Tianxia (All under Heaven) systems in order to enlarge upon the Chinese view of the world.
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Yu, Miaojie. "The Status of China's Market Economy and Structural Reforms: The Issues Behind the U.S.–China Trade War". Asian Economic Papers 18, n.º 3 (diciembre de 2019): 34–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/asep_a_00714.
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This paper investigates the most essential issues behind the ongoing U.S.–China trade war. In addition to the apparent bilateral trade imbalance, China's status as a non-market economy (as labelled by the Trump administration) is one of the most fundamental reasons that the United States triggered the U.S.–China trade war. Accordingly, the United States’ most pressing request is to urge China to implement further structural reform. This paper argues that the current Chinese economy is quickly becoming a modern market economy with a unique Chinese character. This is evident from ongoing structural reform to create a competitive environment between state-owned enterprises and private enterprises, and through a further opening-up of the market by guaranteeing a wider and deeper market access for inbound foreign direct investment.
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Zurndorfer, Harriet T. "A Guide to the “New” Chinese History: Recent Publications Concerning Chinese Social and Economic Development before 1800". International Review of Social History 33, n.º 2 (agosto de 1988): 148–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000008725.
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SummaryDuring the last 15 years or so, the study of Chinese history in the United States and Europe has been transformed through new foci of interest as well as the employment of social science methodologies. This article surveys a selected number of recent publications and categorizes them according to five themes: “commoners, women, and outsiders”, “the structural approach”, “state and society”, “China andl'histoire globale”, and “China and the West”. It is demonstrated that the continuities within Chinese development, including the progressive demographic expansion of the Chinese population, the formulation and exercise of gentry rulership, the general vigour of the economy, and increased regional and subregional agricultural/industrial production and distribution are not confined to specific dynastic periods and should be viewed in a long-term context.
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Guo, Yuhao. "Comparison of Insurance Between China and the United States". Advances in Economics, Management and Political Sciences 22, n.º 1 (13 de septiembre de 2023): 48–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2754-1169/22/20230285.
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China has made enormous strides in economic development since the reform and opening up., while medicine and health care are relatively backward. Medical insurance is a very important social insurance project and an important institutional arrangement in the modern social security system. In addition to the common functions of social insurance, it also protects the physical and mental health of workers timely. It has special functions such as repairing labor capacity, reducing the economic burden of workers and their families, improving the physical fitness of the whole people, and promoting the healthy development of health services. Research question: which is better, Chinese insurance or American insurance. This paper analyzes the advantages of American insurance and the disadvantages of Chinese insurance through comparative research. This paper compares the coverage and protection, objects of insurance in China and the United States. By summing up the advantages of American insurance, it hopes that it can play a reference role in improving China's insurance. After analysis, this paper can draw the conclusion that the state needs to strengthen the people's awareness of maintenance, control the growth of medical expenses, and implement nationwide medical insurance.