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1
Costa Morales, Karina y Julio Sánchez Murillo. "La situation politico-linguistique des langues régionales de France: le cas du breton". LETRAS, n.º 52 (3 de julio de 2012): 27–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.15359/rl.2-52.2.
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Du point de vue linguistique, la France est un pays très divers malgré
la suprématie du français. Pour propager cette diversité, des tentatives
cherchent à revaloriser les langues régionales, même au niveau
constitutionnel. Un cas représentatif de cette tendance est le breton,
langue celtique parlée à l’ouest de la France. Dans la région de
Bretagne, il existe plusieurs mouvements politico-culturels très actifs
dont l’un des objectifs consiste à officialiser la langue bretonne, la
répandre et changer son statut et son image auprès des Français et des
Bretons. Depuis des lustres, on peut repérer les résultats de leurs
actions, à savoir, la place du breton dans le système éducatif et dans
les médias et le breton dans le discours politique et le monde culturel.
Ces faits marquent une certaine orientation; cependant, les langues
régionales, en particulier le breton, ont des difficultés pour obtenir une
stabilité, et leur futur devient douteux.
Desde el punto de vista lingüístico, Francia es un país muy diverso pesar de la supremacía del francés. Para ampliar esta diversidad, algunos esfuerzos tienden a revalorizar las lenguas regionales, incluso a nivel constitucional. Un caso representativo de esta tendencia es el bretón, lengua celta hablada en el oeste de Francia. En la región de Bretaña, existen varios movimientos político culturales muy activos cuyo objetivo es oficializar la lengua bretona, extenderla y modificar su estatuto y su imagen en la sociedad francesa y bretona. Desde hace algunos lustros, se pueden palpar los resultados de sus acciones; por ejemplo: el bretón en el sistema educativo y en los medios de comunicación y el bretón en el discurso político y el mundo de la cultura. Estos hechos marcan una cierta orientación; sin embargo, las lenguas regionales, particularmente el bretón, tienen dificultades para obtener una estabilidad y su futuro es incierto.
2
Dołowy-Rybińska, Nicole. "Néo-bretonnants – konstruowanie tożsamości językowej przez młode pokolenie osób bretońskojęzycznych". Sprawy Narodowościowe, n.º 41 (13 de febrero de 2022): 119–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sn.2012.023.
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Néo-bretonnants: The Construction of Linguistic Identity by the Young Generation of Breton-Speaking PeopleAccording to statistics there are today only about 200,000 people who know the Breton language, but 70% of them are over 60 years old. However, every year more than a thousand young Bretons learn the language in schools and another several thousand adults attend language courses. It seems that in a dozen years or so the Breton language will be known almost only as a second/learned language. This paper is based on open interviews conducted with pupils in the Diwan immersion High School, students of the Faculty of Breton at Rennes University and Breton language learners (aged 16–25). A large majority of them come from families who have not used Breton for two generations. The reason why these young people have decided to learn the language of their ancestors and their relation to the language are studied. The Breton identity of today is not based on knowledge of the language but on the strong emotional relation to it. The relation between their Breton identity and the language is interesting. Speaking Breton is their conscious choice. It is not their first language, in which they think and feel. The central question of the paper is concerned about to what extent the identity of néo-bretonnants is based on the relation with the language as a distinguishing feature of cultural membership, and to what extent the Breton language is the medium of enforcing this selected and consciously created identity.
3
Longard, Jeffrey S. "Making Your Memory Mine: Marie de France and the Adventures of the Bretons". TranscUlturAl: A Journal of Translation and Cultural Studies 8, n.º 1 (17 de julio de 2016): 17. http://dx.doi.org/10.21992/t9gg9v.
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The twelfth-century Anglo-Norman poet Marie de France undertook to preserve for posterity the adventures and romances embodied in a vanishing genre, the old Breton lais as she had heard them recounted by minstrels. That she succeeded is evidenced by the popularity of these lais for more than eight hundred years; that she perhaps succeeded too well is suggested by the fact that, within a century of her lifetime, the Breton lais had become exclusively a French form of literature, and whatever might have been the original form, linguistic structure and cultural content in Breton has been relegated to the realm of hypothesis.
This raises questions about the relationship between translation and cultural autonomy. Marie’s purported memorial to the Bretons became instead an institution of French language and culture. Had the Breton features been totally effaced, this could be called assimilation; had they been preserved intact, it would have been literal translation. In fact, Marie’s work can be reduced to no such simple binary. Nor can her aims be analyzed through any single lens, whether political, religious, cultural or artistic. Rather, I argue that her unsettling and robust positioning of contradictory elements—sorcery, sensuality, feudality, religion—results from her strategy of adopting the memory of the Bretons: neither glossing over its strangeness nor highlighting it as foreign, but making its distant and exotic characteristics part of her own invented heritage. I conclude that her translation project is more effectively analyzed as an ethical process of incorporation and restitution (Steiner) than as a placement along the spectrum of foreignization versus domestication (Venuti).
4
Blanchard, Nelly. "La littérature des prêtres écrivains de langue bretonne (xixe-xxe siècles) : une tradition néopaternaliste d’autodéfense". Port Acadie, n.º 24-25-26 (31 de octubre de 2013): 357–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1019144ar.
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Feiz ha Breiz [Foi et Bretagne] est une revue catholique légitimiste publiée en langue bretonne de 1865 à 1884 et largement diffusée en Basse-Bretagne, et particulièrement dans l’évêché de Quimper et de Léon, où elle a non seulement été lue, mais entendue par le biais de la lecture collective à voix haute. Cet organe de l’Église avait pour objectif de nourrir les têtes des fidèles, notamment en offrant au peuple breton une image de lui-même. C’est cette image façonnée par le biais de la littérature en breton – par des revues comme Feiz ha Breiz et d’autres oeuvres littéraires rédigées par des prêtres bretons – qui est interrogée dans cette étude.
5
Berliner, Peter, Anne Maj Nielsen y Bjarne Sode Funch. "Indledning". Psyke & Logos 33, n.º 2 (31 de diciembre de 2012): 4. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/pl.v33i2.8788.
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André Breton (1924/1972, p. 20) skrev i sit første surrealistiske manifest at han nok skulle vogte sig for at spøge med psykologien, men er dog samtidig dybt optaget af evnen til at forestille sig noget ved hjælp af fantasien. Omtrent samme år skrev Lev Vygotsky (1925) i sin bog om kunstpsykologi at den skabende proces er en måde at forestille sig noget mentalt som derefter skabes i form af et produkt. Vygotsky argumenterer for at kunsten hjælper til at skaffe ligevægt mellem individet og dets omgivelser. Hos Breton er der ikke tale om en overordnet logik i form af dialektik mellem det mentale – bevidstheden – og omgivelserne. Der er derimod tale om en kamp mellem rationalitet og fantasi: “Ordet frihed er det eneste, der stadig kan begejstre mig. (…). Midt i al den vanære der er gået i arv til os, må vi dog erkende, at vi også har fået overladt tankens allerstørste frihed. (…). Alene fantasien beretter om det, der kan komme, og det er nok til at lette det frygtelige interdikt en smule” (Breton, 1972, p. 20). Dette betyder at fantasien skal sættes fri og ikke lægges ind under en logik der begrænser den. Det er den skabende frie fantasi der lovsynges af Breton. Den fantasi der ikke foregiver at være den logiske virkelighed, men derimod er et eget univers af drømme og associationer. Breton skriver at denne del af intellektets verden netop er blevet draget frem og gjort synlig gennem Freudsopdagelser. Den skal nu frit anvendes i kunsten, ikke som en særlig kunstretning, men som en poetisering af verden som Finn Hermann skriver i introduktionen til den danske udgave af Bretons surrealistiske manifester. Breton blev senere meget diskuteret og kritiseret for sin a-historisering af fantasien som generel og universel snarere end at være knyttet til en bestemt historisk kontekst med dens betingelser og mulige valg.
6
Pinkovskiy, Vitaly Ivanovich. "Auguste Brizeux as a type of romantic singer of local culture". Philology. Issues of Theory and Practice 17, n.º 4 (25 de abril de 2024): 1279–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.30853/phil20240185.
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The aim of the research is to identify the main features of a creative type embodied in the figure of A. Brizeux. Based on the analysis of the poems “Marie” (1831), “The Bretons” (“Les Bretons”, 1846) and “The Breton Elegy” (“L’Élégie de la Bretagne”, 1857), the paper describes the main features of the artistic world created by the writer, as well as the most significant features of the author’s poetics. The paper is original in that it provides a typological examination of the Breton poet’s creative work, focusing on the analysis of the works on the Breton theme, which was most important to A. Brizeux. This approach significantly differs from a complete description of the writer’s creative heritage (with all the incidental details distracting from the main material) and is closer to a thesaurus-based thematic and content-based limitation in the selection of research material. Such a method brings typical features to the foreground and emphasizes them: Brizeux is not just the “bard of Brittany” (the most widespread and well-established view of the poet), but the “bard of Brittany” who lived in an era dominated by Romantic tastes in literature and, therefore, saw his homeland in a way that poets of other eras could not. As a result of the research, it has been found that A. Brizeux represents, firstly, a type of writer not uncommon for the Romantic era, who actualized interest in local culture (Breton culture) and created a romantically idealized image of the homeland, similar to how Virgil created the most memorable myth of “blessed Arcadia” in the “Bucolics”, and, secondly, a type of writer who simultaneously participated in processes characteristic of different Romantic literary periods: the rethinking of poetic norms and the practical transformation of genres.
7
Moal, Stefan. "Des écoles bilingues breton-français ? Oui. Breto-centriques : non !" L'Autre 10, n.º 3 (2009): 350. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/lautr.030.0350.
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Berard, Christopher. "King Arthur’s Charter: A Thirteenth-Century French Satire Against Bretons". Journal of the International Arthurian Society 8, n.º 1 (1 de septiembre de 2020): 3–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jias-2020-0002.
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AbstractOn the verso of the last leaf of a twelfth-century manuscript containing the poetry of Hilarius, a student of Abelard, appears a faux charter purporting to have been issued by Arthur, king of the Britons, in the hundredth year of his immortality. In the act, Arthur thanks the descendants of his British subjects for their fidelity and grants them an exclusive franchise to fish in secret rivulets. The privilege contains two prohibitions: one prohibiting Britons from wearing shoes and the other prohibiting them from owning cats. This article provides a diplomatic edition, English translation and analysis of King Arthur’s Charter. It identifies the strange stipulations of the charter as tropes of anti-Breton satire, attested also in the Privilège aux Bretons (c. 1240), an Old French song that mocks the customs and occupations of impoverished Breton immigrants to thirteenth-century France.
9
Coativy, Yves. "The History of Brittany from the 13th to the 21st Century". Studia Celto-Slavica 13 (2023): 45–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.54586/lrrt6148.
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Attempting to present eight centuries of Breton history in one article is of course a daunting task and my aim here is simply to provide an outline highlighting the major trends and events that will enable the reader seeking a historical introduction to better understand Breton history and culture. Covering such a long span of time necessarily implies selecting only the most salient historical events and aspects of Brittany’s cultural development. Until the Revolution of 1789, there were nine Catholic dioceses in Brittany and Breton history inscribed itself within the administrative framework of the Church. In three of these Breton dioceses (Léon, Trégor, Cornouaille) Breton was by far the dominant language; in the dioceses of Saint-Brieuc and Vannes people spoke Breton and French or Gallo (a romance language with Latin roots), while in those of Nantes and Dol, Gallo or French were spoken, with Breton used in an enclave situated in the area around Guérande. The diocese of Dol was particular in that its possessions were disseminated throughout Brittany and as far as the Norman border. This reflects the donations it had received from the Breton aristocracy. The use of the Breton language varied through the centuries, with the Breton-speaking areas receding westwards as time went by. The impact that this had on Breton history should not be underestimated: Brittany shares this linguistic plurality with other regions or states like Belgium, Switzerland or Canada and the Celtic countries. The linguistic status of Breton is considerably different though since it is not officially recognised by the French government. This should be kept in mind when considering the nature of Breton cultural and political identities until the present day.
10
Levy, Silvano y Roger Cardinal. "Breton: 'Nadja'". Modern Language Review 85, n.º 2 (abril de 1990): 458. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3731872.
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Hackett, William C. "Stanislas Breton". Journal for Continental Philosophy of Religion 4, n.º 1 (8 de abril de 2022): 3–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25889613-bja10018.
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Abstract The name Stanislas Breton likely drums up a few interesting facts: chum of Louis Althusser or Michel de Certeau, author of an obscure spiritual classic (The Word and the Cross) or bewildering treatises on Nothing, the Imaginary, and the “poetics of the sensible” – an idiosyncratic figure at the margins, writing on St. Paul or Proclus well before it was mainstream. Coming across his name can be like discovering a great record that none of your friends are talking about or taking a chance on Netflix to find an arthouse ‘hidden gem’. To facilitate that experience (perhaps why you got into Continental philosophy and into religion in the first place), I offer a brief introductory essay sounding some of the major notes in his thought and life, followed by a translation of his “Examen particulier,” written in 1988 as a late-stage critical self-interrogation. The reader should find here that Breton’s oeuvre develops a coherent and penetrating philosophy of conceptual rigor and thematic range that is as deeply indebted to its modern engagements as it is to its medieval and late antique sources of inspiration.
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Jacob, Max. "L’Album breton". Les Cahiers Max Jacob 21, n.º 1 (2021): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/maxja.2021.1575.
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Shields, Hugh y Mary-Ann Constantine. "Breton Ballads". Béaloideas 64/65 (1996): 406. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20522487.
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Witkovsky, Matthew S. "Dada Breton". October 105 (julio de 2003): 125–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/016228703769684218.
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Gowans, Linda y Mary-Ann Constantine. "Breton Ballads". Jahrbuch für Volksliedforschung 42 (1997): 189. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/848056.
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Aubert, Thierry. "André Breton?" L'Esprit Créateur 36, n.º 4 (1996): 10–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/esp.0.0054.
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Jouitteau, Mélanie. "The Nativeness of Breton Speakers and Their Erasure". Studia Celtica Posnaniensia 4, n.º 1 (1 de diciembre de 2019): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/scp-2019-0001.
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AbstractI discuss the nativeness of heritage speakers of Breton in the twentieth century. I present a syntactic test designed for Breton that sets apart its native speakers from its late learners, for whom Breton is a second language. Nativeness is revealed by a better tolerance to syntactic overload when sufficient linguistic stress is applied. Both heritage speakers of inherited Breton and early bilinguals whose linguistic input comes exclusively from school answer this test alike, which I take as a sign they are cognitively natives. The syntactic nativeness of children deprived of familial Breton input suggests there is many more young Breton natives among contemporary speakers than previously assumed. Taking stock of these results, I discuss the cultural erasure of Breton native speakers. I compare their cultural treatment with the figure of the ghost. I end by a discussion of the term new speaker.
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Kennard, Holly J. "Variation in Breton word stress: new speakers and the influence of French". Phonology 38, n.º 3 (agosto de 2021): 363–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0952675721000245.
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This paper investigates stress patterns in Breton across speakers of different ages and with different linguistic backgrounds. Centuries of contact with French have led to French influence in Breton lexis, phonology and morphosyntax, and Breton's current status as an endangered minority language makes it vulnerable to further change. Additionally, younger ‘new speakers’ of Breton, who have acquired the language through Breton-medium education, are said to transfer features from French into their Breton. Analysis of stress usage shows that older, traditional speakers use stress largely as expected, while there is a greater degree of interspeaker variation among younger, new speakers. These data are used to form a metrical analysis of stress in Breton, taking into account lexical exceptions, loanwords and the variability of younger speakers. Rather than widespread transfer of French stress patterns into Breton, some younger speakers seem to be using two competing stress systems.
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Franco, Rafael Eduardo y Christian Ingo Lenz Dunker. "Jacques Lacan, “O Outro” de André Breton". Manuscrítica: Revista de Crítica Genética, n.º 29 (31 de diciembre de 2015): 83–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/issn.2596-2477.i29p83-97.
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Tradução do texto Jacques Lacan, “l’Autre” de André Breton, de Jacqueline Chénieux-Gendron, na qual a autora problematiza articulações existentes entre o pensamento de Jacques Lacan e André Breton. Translation of paper entitled Jacques Lacan, “l’Autre” de André Breton, written by Jacqueline Chénieux-Gendron, in which the author discusses intersections between the thought of Jacques Lacan and that of André Breton.
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Kennard, Holly J. "The persistence of verb second in negative utterances in Breton". Journal of Historical Linguistics 4, n.º 1 (12 de mayo de 2014): 1–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jhl.4.1.01ken.
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This article examines word order in negative clauses in Breton across two generations separated by a gap in language transmission. It might be expected that the V2 constraint in Breton matrix clauses would be subject to change in light of immense influence from French and this transmission gap. An examination of original fieldwork data indicates that there is little change between the older (65+) and younger (children/adults aged 20–30) speakers, but that there is variation among younger speakers currently in Breton-medium education. All speakers use the expected V2 in utterances with a pronominal subject. With lexical subjects, it seems that the key factor is the amount of Breton input children receive. Children in bilingual schooling with no additional Breton input use exclusively SVO order, whereas children in immersion schooling or with further Breton input pattern with older speakers and young adults using V2 with complex verbs, and both SVO and V2 with simple verbs. The implications of this for the continued maintenance of the V2 constraint in Breton are discussed, and the overriding factor is argued to be the continuation of Breton input as children grow older.
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Kennard, Holly. "Morphosyntactic and morphophonological variation in Breton: a cross-generational perspective". Journal of French Language Studies 29, n.º 2 (julio de 2019): 235–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0959269519000115.
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AbstractLike France’s other regional languages, Breton has seen a steep decline, followed by a period of revitalization in recent decades. Today there are two largely separate communities of speakers: older, traditional speakers who grew up speaking Breton at home, and younger speakers, generally from French-speaking homes, most of whom have learnt Breton through immersion schooling. It is claimed that this ‘Neo-Breton’ differs from the language of older speakers, lexically, phonologically and grammatically. This article examines morphosyntactic (impersonal) and morphophonological (mutation) data to explore exactly how Neo-Breton differs from that of traditional speakers, and how the variability in the data might be explained. The data show that contrary to what might be expected, new speakers do not differ greatly from older, traditional speakers in these areas. Influence from French is more subtle than might be supposed. Children and teenagers who attend Breton-medium schooling seem to show an extended period of acquisition, but the data from adult new speakers suggests that with enough Breton input, these young speakers can reach full proficiency. However, as the number of older speakers decreases, Breton seems likely to see more widespread language change.
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Calvez, Ronan. "« Les Bretons parlent aux Bretons » Radio-Quimerc’h : les débuts de la radio en breton". La Bretagne linguistique, n.º 11 (1 de mayo de 1998): 97–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/lbl.9625.
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Winick, Stephen D. "Breton Folk Music, Breton Identity, and Alan Stivell's Again". Journal of American Folklore 108, n.º 429 (1995): 334. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/541889.
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Kernevez, Patrick. "From Kings to Dukes: Brittany between the 5th and the 12th Century". Studia Celto-Slavica 13 (2023): 29–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.54586/gajv1095.
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Brittany owes its name to the Brythonic immigrants who moved from insular Britain to north-western Gaul, then known as Armorica, between the 4th and the 7th centuries. The north and west of the Breton peninsula were colonised by these settlers from across the Channel, while the eastern part of modern Brittany, the area around Rennes and Nantes came under the control of the Franks. By the end of the 5th century, the latter had taken over control of the whole of ancient Gaul, apart from the tip of ancient Armorica where the Bretons resisted the Frankish kings’ domination for some time. Brittany even witnessed the emergence of a royal lineage recognised in due course by the Franks in 851, but the new Breton kingdom was soon weakened by the Viking raids and internal fighting. This weakening of the central Breton power in the 10th century effectively benefited the aristocracy which wielded power at a local level. In the 11th and 12th centuries, counts, viscounts and castellans would gain power under the relative authority of a prince: the Duke of Brittany. At that time, Brittany was a principality with little effective power for two centuries, until the prince’s power was reinforced by the Plantagenets during the second half of the 12th century. Lying in the westernmost part of France, on the fringes of the Kingdom of the Franks, Brittany had a distinct and peculiar history, shaped by dual Brythonic and Frankish influences.
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Gagnon, François-Marc. "« Breton seul demeure incorruptible » (Borduas) : mise au point sur la référence surréaliste". Études françaises 34, n.º 2-3 (15 de marzo de 2006): 13–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/036099ar.
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Résumé Quelle fut l'influence de la pensée d'André Breton sur le peintre canadien-français Paul-Émile Borduas ? Peut-on au moins circonscrire les domaines où elle fut spécialement importante ? Y a-t-il eu par ailleurs des prises de position nettement divergentes de la part de Borduas sur un aspect ou l'autre de la pensée de Breton ? Certes, Borduas a découvert l'écriture automatique par et dans Breton, même s'il n'y a pas vraiment trouvé la manière de la transposer en peinture. Mais il semble que c'est surtout une certaine interprétation de Freud et du freudisme que Borduas a lue dans Breton. Mais pour comprendre la portée de cette influence, il importe de bien marquer les distances prises par Breton par rapport à Freud. Quant à la seconde question, il semble que c'est surtout à propos des conceptions si particulières de Breton sur l'amour que Borduas a marqué ses divergences.
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Carney, Sébastien. "Éléments pour une histoire politique du drapeau breton". 20 & 21. Revue d'histoire N° 157, n.º 1 (26 de noviembre de 2023): 161–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/vin.157.0161.
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Emblème d’un parti autonomiste sans audience, le Gwenn - ha - Du (blanc et noir) orne, près d’un siècle après sa création, les plaques minéralogiques des véhicules bretons, en lieu et place du logo régional officiel. Ce succès, lié à une amnésie concernant son histoire, interroge : pourquoi de petits arrangements avec le passé sont-ils nécessaires à la réappropriation du drapeau breton ? Exclusivement porté par des militants de plus en plus radicaux, le drapeau, associé à la collaboration, est rejeté après-guerre, avant d’être arboré par les bagadou et cercles celtiques. Il est à présent adopté par les particuliers, les festivaliers, les sportifs et leur public, les entrepreneurs et commerçants, les politiques, chacun y trouvant un intérêt.
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Gilhen, John y Terry Power. "Snapping Turtle—Tortue serpentine—turtle mi’ kjikj (snapping; Chelydra serpentina), added to the herpetofauna of Cape Breton Island, Nova Scotia, Canada". Canadian Field-Naturalist 132, n.º 1 (28 de agosto de 2018): 4–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.22621/cfn.v132i1.2020.
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Snapping Turtle (Chelydra serpentina) is native to mainland Nova Scotia, but its status on Cape Breton Island has been uncertain. Although it was recorded from Cape Breton Island as early as 1953, until 1984, it was known from only three widely scattered locations. Since that time, additional reports received from the public by Nova Scotia Department of Natural Resources and the Nova Scotia Museum of Natural History suggest that the species is native to Cape Breton Island. Thus, we are adding Snapping Turtle to the native herpetofauna of Cape Breton Island, Nova Scotia.
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Fongaro, Antoine. "Breton, ironique voilé". Littératures 24, n.º 1 (1991): 143–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/litts.1991.1547.
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Séchet, Raymonde. "Un été breton". Géographes associés 9, n.º 1 (1991): 20–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/geoas.1991.1739.
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Calvez, Ronan. "Du breton mondain". Annales de Bretagne et des pays de l'Ouest, n.º 115-3 (30 de septiembre de 2008): 135–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/abpo.277.
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Xirau, Ramón. "André Breton, renovadamente". Estudios: filosofía, historia, letras, n.º 21 (1990): 53. http://dx.doi.org/10.5347/01856383.0021.000170587.
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Larocque, Yves M. "Breton en Amérique". Médium 6, n.º 1 (2006): 87. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/mediu.006.0087.
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Simard, Jean. "Le modèle breton". Les Cahiers des dix, n.º 50 (1995): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1012911ar.
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Moore, Kathleen. "Bishop's CAPE BRETON". Explicator 58, n.º 3 (enero de 2000): 161–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00144940009595973.
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Denis, B. y X. Malher. "LE MOUTON BRETON". Animal Genetic Resources Information 9 (abril de 1992): 61–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1014233900003217.
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RÉSUMÉLe mouton d'Ouessant est bien connu, en raison notamment de sa petite taille. Son nom est d'apparition récente (moins de 50 ans) : auparavant, on connaissait le “Mouton breton” qui comprenait trois variétés et de nombreux types intermédiaires. Le plus commun était le “Mouton des Landes de Bretagne” qui semble avoir présenté des similitudes avec les moutons autochtones ayant peuplé toute la moitié nord de la France. La “Race de deux” doit son nom à sa prolificité, obtenue par croisement du Mouton des Landes de Bretagne avec la Flamande à la fin du 18ème siècle. Les plus petits animaux ont été regroupés beaucoup plus tard sous l'appellation “Ouessant” Contrairement à l'opinion courante, le “Mouton des Landes de Bretagne” et la “Race de deux” n'ont pas disparu mais subsistent avec des effectifs très faibles. Les principales caractéristiques des trois variétés sont sommairement présentées et leur intérêt, souligné.
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Chevalier, Gwendal. "Gallo et breton". Cahiers de sociolinguistique 12, n.º 1 (2007): 75. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/csl.0701.0075.
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Hewitt, Steve. "Linguistique du breton". École pratique des hautes études. Section des sciences historiques et philologiques. Livret-Annuaire, n.º 139 (1 de octubre de 2008): 366–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/ashp.404.
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Zavatsky, Bill. "Translating André Breton". L'Esprit Créateur 36, n.º 4 (1996): 87–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/esp.0.0064.
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Gracq, Julien y Stamos Metzidakis. "Back to Breton". L'Esprit Créateur 36, n.º 4 (1996): 5–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/esp.0.0146.
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Dołowy-Rybińska, Nicole. "The Fest-noz: a Way to Live Breton Culture". Colloquia Humanistica, n.º 2 (13 de junio de 2015): 233–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/ch.2013.002.
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The Fest-noz: a Way to Live Breton CultureThe history of the Breton language and culture of the XX and XXI century is narrated through the fest-noz phenomenon story. Fest-noz (‘night festival’) is a meeting where people dance in groups to live folk music accompaniment. Traditionally these festivals were organized in the small region of Central Brittany and were connected to important community occasions. This tradition was slowly disappearing in the 20’s and 30’s of the XXth century to die out after WW II when the Breton culture was depreciated and connected with the negative identity of the Bretons. Fest-noz was recreated and in 50’s and has become an invented tradition. In the 60’s with the social and cultural movements leading to the revalorization of the minority fest-noz became the symbol of a Breton ethnic revival. Today it is one of the most significant marks of Breton identification. Every year there are hundreds fest-noz organized all around Brittany, from small local celebrations to huge musical events. Participation in fest-noz is one of the ways of conscious creation of the Breton cultural identity. Fest-noz: sposób na życie kulturą bretońską Fest-noz („nocna zabawa”) to spotkanie, podczas którego ludzie tańczą wspólnie do muzyki bretońskiej. Tradycyjnie zabawy takie odbywały się na niewielkim obszarze Bretanii środkowej i związane były z ważnymi wydarzeniami wspólnot wiejskich (związanych z uprawą ziemi, ale i obchodami świąt religijnych czy prywatnych). Brała w nich udział cała społeczność okolicy, tańcząc w łańcuchach do improwizowanych pieśni typu kan ha discan („zawołanie i odpowiedź”). Tradycja ta powoli zamierała w latach 30. i 40. XX wieku, zaś po II wojnie światowej fest-noz nie odbywało się wcale. W latach 60. XX wieku fest-noz zostało w sposób celowy zrewitalizowane, by stać się symbolem bretońskiego odrodzenia etnicznego przełomu lat 60. i 70., buntu młodzieży, rewaloryzacji wypieranej kultury i języka, radosnego (a często i radykalnego) dążenia do uzyskania praw. Od lat 90. XX wieku fest-noz jest niekwestionowanym znakiem rozpoznawczym Bretanii, corocznie odbywają się setki a nawet tysiące imprez, od ma łych spotkań lokalnych, po wielkie, zorganizowane w największych salach w Rennes, wydarzenia muzyczne, a nawet internetowe CyberFestNoz. Fenomen bretońskiego fest-noz będzie kanwą, na której opowiedziana zostanie historia kultury i języka bretońskiego w XX i XXI wieku, od ich ośmieszania i zanikania, przez przemilczanie związane z wydarzeniami II wojny światowej, po odrodzenie lat 70. i czasy współczesne. Samo święto jest więc jedynie punktem wyjścia do rozważenia wielu procesów dotyczących kultur i języków mniejszościowych: tworzenia się tożsamości negatywnej, ruchów społecznych prowadzących do rewaloryzacji mniejszości, działań na rzecz ich zorganizowanej ochrony. Ale będzie to też opowieść o tym, jak mniejszość językowa może funkcjonować w dzisiejszym świecie, o spontanicznym uczestnictwie i ujętej instytucjonalnie animacji, o tradycji wynalezionej oraz o wybieranej i świadomie tworzonej tożsamości kulturowej.
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Moch, Leslie Page. "Domestic Service, Migration, and Ethnic Stereotyping". Journal of Migration History 1, n.º 1 (9 de junio de 2015): 32–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23519924-00101003.
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Historians’ attention to timing and the contingencies of history inform this study of the evolution of domestic servants. It explores the case of Breton domestics in Paris from 1880 to after the Second World War, focusing on the change in status and stereotype represented by a popular cartoon character as the belle époque gave way to the interwar period, the migrant group of Bretons in Paris changed, state policy on regional cultures evolved, and the country experienced the two great wars of the twentieth century.
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Jouitteau, Mélanie. "The Brythonic Reconciliation". Linguistic Variation Yearbook 2007 7 (31 de diciembre de 2007): 163–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/livy.7.06jou.
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I argue that despite their traditional verb-first vs. verb second partition, Welsh and Breton both instantiate a ban on verb-first and I present an analysis of these two languages as fundamentally verb second. In this view, so-called verb first orders prototypically illustrated byWelsh result from inconspicuous strategies to fill in the preverbal position, whereas traditional verb second prototypically illustrated by Breton results from conspicuous strategies to fill in the preverbal position. I show that both conspicuous and inconspicuous verb second orders are present in bothWelsh and Breton. The difference in word order between Welsh and Breton is reduced to (i) a lexical parameter, that is availability of a free preverbal expletive particle inWelsh, and (ii) a syntactic parameter: Breton allows for the creation of expletives by short movement, a parameter shared with Icelandic and other languages instantiating stylistic fronting.
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Stark, Elisabeth y Paul Widmer. "Breton a-marking of (internal) verbal arguments: A result of language contact?" Linguistics 58, n.º 3 (26 de mayo de 2020): 745–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ling-2020-0089.
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AbstractWe discuss a potential case of borrowing in this paper: Breton a- ‘of’, ‘from’ marking of (internal) verbal arguments, unique in Insular Celtic languages, and reminiscent of Gallo-Romance de/du- (and en-) arguments. Looking at potential Gallo-Romance parallels of three Middle Breton constructions analyzed in some detail (a with indefinite mass nominals in direct object position, a-marking of internal arguments under the scope of negation, a [allomorphs an(ez)-/ahan-] with personal pronouns for internal arguments, subjects (mainly of predicative constructions) and as expletive subjects of existential constructions), we demonstrate that even if there are some semantic parallels and one strong structural overlap (a and de under the scope of negation), the amount of divergences in morphology, syntax and semantics and the only partially fitting relative chronology of the different constructions do not allow to conclude with certainty that language-contact is an explanation of the Breton facts, which might have come into being also because of internal change (bound to restructuring of the pronominal system in Breton). More research is necessary to complete our knowledge of a-marking in Middle Breton and Modern Breton varieties and on the precise history of French en, in order to decide for one or the other explanation.
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Leveque, James. "Surrealism and the ‘Fissured Subject’: Breton, Éluard, and Desnos". FORUM: University of Edinburgh Postgraduate Journal of Culture & the Arts, n.º 11 (12 de diciembre de 2010): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.2218/forum.11.655.
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Although known as one of the most doctrinaire movements of the historical avant-garde – mostly due to Breton’s intense theorising and dominating personality – individual Surrealists approached the problem of the divided and decentred subject from substantially different angles. Surrealism began as a poetic movement around the circle of Breton, Soupault, Louis Aragon, Paul Éluard, Benjamin Péret, and Robert Desnos. By the end of the 1930s most had broken with Breton, if not the foundational tenets of the movement itself. This study examines collections of Surrealist poetry from the mid-1930s from Breton, Éluard, and Desnos as examples of the variant understandings of the subject within Surrealism. Breton published The Air of the Water (1934) in the midst of his most intense articulation of Surrealist theory in Communicating Vessels (1932) and Mad Love (1937); Éluard published Public Rose (1934), Easy (1935), and The Covered Forehead (1936) just a few years before his break with Breton in 1938; The Neck-less (1934) was published by Desnos a half-decade after being ‘excommunicated’ from the Surrealist group by Breton, though he never ceased to consider himself a Surrealist. In each case, the poet’s understanding of the ‘fissured subject’ and his vision of the potential for that subject is both Surrealist and entirely individual.
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Thomas, Mannaig. "100 Years of Literature in the Breton Language (1920-2020)". Studia Celto-Slavica 13 (2023): 101–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.54586/tvkn4289.
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Literature written in the Breton language in the 20th and 21st centuries presents something of a paradox in that although the number of Breton speakers has continued to decrease throughout the 20th century and in the first decades of the 21st century (Broudic 2009), the number of works published per year has remained at a relatively stable level (Thomas 2014) and even appears to be increasing. This can be seen in the diversity of audiences targeted and genres covered, and in the increased visibility that Breton language books have received in libraries, multimedia resource centres and at book fairs in the last twenty years (Rouxel 2021). The practice of translating treasures of world literature into Breton has also gained momentum. In order to understand the reasons for this apparent paradox, it is necessary to consider the way in which Breton-language literature is perceived in a more global context of language promotion. The initial paradox can be explained in part as follows: if the volume of literary output in the Breton language is not correlated to changes in the size of its readership, it is because the readership in question is far from homogenous and, moreover, because literary output needs to be placed in a context of language promotion.
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Pidbereznykh, Inna y Hanna Visko. "Breton National and Cultural Movement of the 19th – the 1st half of the 20th Century Through the Assessments of Mykhailo Drahomanov and Olgerd-Ipolyt Bochkovsky". Ethnic History of European Nations, n.º 71 (2023): 63–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2518-1270.2023.71.09.
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The article deals with the views of two Ukrainian thinkers, Mykhailo Drahomanov and Olğerd-Ipolyt Bochkovsky, on the contemporary nation-building processes which took place in the Breton society. The aim is to reveal the main opinions of Drahomanov and Bochkovsky regarding the course of linguistic and cultural movements in Brittany. The authors briefly characterize the three waves of the Breton linguistic and literary movement, and dwell in detail on the analysis of two Ukrainian historiographical sources. Mykhailo Drahomanov’s first article «The Neo-Celtic and Provençal Movement in France» of 1875 was a detailed political study of the first Emsav, of which Drahomanov was a contemporary. The second article, «Young Brittany and Neo-Breton activism», 1932, belongs to the Ukrainian sociologist and historian Olgerd-Ipolyt Bochkovsky and is the result of a detailed analysis of the Breton national-cultural movement of the first half of the 20th century up to the time of writing the article, comparing it with the 1st Emsav of the 19th century. Both thinkers, reflecting on the course of the Breton national and cultural revival, first of all payd attention to measures for the revival of the language and the promotion of Breton-language literature. Drahomanov leaded to the idea that national literature would be the fundamental basis for building national identity. Bochkovsky, among whose ideological inspirations was Drahomanov, also emphasized the measures taken by his Breton contemporaries to improve the language and polish, modernize and elevate literature. Being a supporter of nation-building «from the elites down», he welcomed a similar strategy of the Breton Gwalarn movement – to train educated elites to then influence the entire Breton community through them. The detailed attention of Ukrainian intellectuals to the national and cultural movements in Brittany was caused by the need to find models for the Ukrainian national movement at various stages of its development in the second half of the 19th century and in the first half of the 20th century, and also testified to the good awareness of both thinkers regarding current social and political issues and local events in European countries.
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Bonnefoy, Yves. "Breton à l’avant de soi/Breton at the prow of oneself". Journal of Romance Studies 2, n.º 2 (junio de 2002): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/jrs.2.2.1.
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Bonnefoy, Yves. "Breton à l'avant de soi/Breton at the prow of oneself". Journal of Romance Studies 2, n.º 2 (1 de enero de 2002): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/147335302782484865.
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Jones, Mari C. "Death of a Language, Birth of an Identity". Language Problems and Language Planning 22, n.º 2 (1 de enero de 1998): 129–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lplp.22.2.02jon.
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SOMMAIRE Mort d'une langue, naissance d'une identité: Le cas de la Bretagne Le Duché de Bretagne fut officiellement rattaché à la France en 1532; aujourd'hui encore, il est considéré comme une des régions françaises. Cependant, même si, du point de vue d'un étranger, la Bretagne constitue une unité géographique, la situation est quelque peu équivoque car, en y regardant de plus près, la Bretagne n'est entitaire que par le nom. Le pays se divise sur le plan linguistique en une zone de langue romane et une zone bretonnante, cette dernière se divisant sur le plan historique en quatre diocèses. Ces frontières ont déterminé la répartition linguistique de la zone en quatre dialectes principaux dont chaque groupe de locuteurs prétend ne pas comprendre les trois autres. Pour ces bretonnants traditionnels, ils n'existe pas d'identité bretonne globale. En outre, beaucoup d'entre eux hésiteraient à considérer le diocèse comme leur foyer culturel. Par tradition, c'est la commune qui représente, pour la plupart des bretonnants, le siège de leur identité: c'était le breton de sa commune que l'on parlait, les danses de sa commune que l'on dansait et la coiffe de sa commune que l'on portait. Le déclin progressif de la langue pendant la deuxième moitié de ce siècle, suite à plusieurs décennies de politique jacobine des gouvernements français successifs, a eu un effet notable sur l'identité bretonne. A mesure que sont lancées des campagnes pour la sauvegarde de la langue, surgit l'idée d'une "Breizh une et indivisible", que se rassemble autour du drapeau breton. Les champions de la Cause bretonne sont les néo-bretonnants, pour la plupart des citadins d'origine bourgeoise, et qui parlent un breton standardisé, homogène, en général appris en classe. Ces locuteurs se distinguent nettement des bretonnants traditionels mais, et là réside le paradoxe, ils semblent jouer un rôle non négligeable dans la création d'une identité bretonne. RESUMO Morto de lingvo, naskiĝo de identeco: Bretonio kaj la bretonoj La Duklando de Bretonio estis oficiale unuigita kun Francio en la jaro 1532 kaj ĝis hodiaŭ estas daŭre rigardata kiel région. Tamen, kvankam eksterlandaj turistoj eble perceptas Bretonion kiel teritorian unuon, la situacio estas iom anomalia pro tio, ke, je pli proksima rigardo, Bretonio aspektas kiel unuo nur laŭnome. La lando estas lingve dividita inter romanid-parola regiono kaj kelt-parola regiono, kaj ĉi-lasta siavice dividiĝas historié en kvar diocezojn, kiuj formas limojn fundamentajn al la lingva disdivido de la regiono en kvar ĉefajn dialektojn, kiujn multaj parolantoj trovas nekompreneblaj inter si. Laŭ la vidpunkto de la parolantoj de la dialektoj, ne ekzistas iu bretona identeco. Multaj eĉ hezitus konsideri diocezon kiel fokusopunkton de sia lojaleco. Tradicie, ŝajnas, ke la commune (komunuma distrikto) estis la identecopunkto por plej multaj bretonoj: oni parolis la komunuman version de la bretona lingvo, dancis ties dancojn kaj portis ties coiffe (ĉapon). La falo de la lingvo dum la dua duono de la nuna jarcento, rezulte de multaj jardekoj da centrigisma politiko fare de sinsekvaj francaj registaroj, havadas notindan efikon je la bretona identeco. Dum oni lanĉas kampanjon por savi la lingvon, iom post iom aperas koncepto de iu Breizh une et indivisible (Bretonio unueca kaj nedividebla) kun la bretona flago kiel kerna instigilo. La ĉefaj ĉampionoj de la Bretona Afero estas nova grupo de bretonnants (bretonianoj), precipe el mezklasaj kaj urbaj rondoj, kiuj parolas normigitan, tutbretonian version de la bretona lingvo, kiun kutime ili lernis père de la eduka sistemo. Tiuj parolantoj staras multrilate aparté de la parolantoj de la tradiciaj dialektoj; tamen, iom paradokse, ĝuste ili ludadas gravan rolon en la kreado de koncepto de bretona identeco.
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DINWOODIE, G. D. y N. G. JUMA. "ALLOCATION AND MICROBIAL UTILIZATION OF C IN TWO SOILS CROPPED TO BARLEY". Canadian Journal of Soil Science 68, n.º 3 (1 de agosto de 1988): 495–505. http://dx.doi.org/10.4141/cjss88-048.
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This study was undertaken to compare some aspects of carbon cycling in a Gray Luvisol at Breton and a Black soil at Ellerslie, Alberta cropped to barley. Comparisons of the above and below-ground allocation of carbon, distribution of carbon in soil, and microbial use of carbon were made between sites. Shoot C, root C, microbial biomass C, soil organic C, water soluble organic C, and polysaccharide C were measured on four dates between 31 July and 20 Oct. 1986. The total quantity of carbon in the soil-plant system at Ellerslie (17.2 kg C m−2) was greater than at Breton (6.6 kg C m−2). On average shoot C at Ellerslie (247 g C m−2) was greater than at Breton (147 g m−2). The quantity of root C (avg. 21 g C m−2) was the same at both sites resulting in higher shoot C:root C ratios at Ellerslie than Breton. Microbial biomass (expressed as g C m−2 or g C g−1 root C) was one to two times lower at Breton than at Ellerslie but respiration (g CO2-C g−1 microbial biomass C) during a 10-d laboratory incubation was two to four times greater. Microbial biomass C, soluble C and polysaccharide C expressed as mg C g−1 of soil were less at Breton than Ellerslie. However when these data were compared on a relative basis in terms of soil C (g C g−1 soil C), microbial biomass C and soluble C were higher at Breton than Ellerslie. Polysaccharide C was the same at both sites. Although the microbial biomass was smaller at Breton than at Ellerslie, more carbon was lost from the system by microbial respiration and a greater proportion of the carbon in the soil was in microbial and soluble C pools. Soil characteristics, and cropping history affected the amount of carbon stabilized in soil. Key words: Chernozemic, Luvisolic, microbial C, soluble C, polysaccharide C, soil organic matter, barley