Literatura académica sobre el tema "Bourgeoisie - Middle-Class"
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Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Bourgeoisie - Middle-Class"
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KODITSCHEK, THEODORE. "CHAINS OF CONNECTION: RETHINKING THE BOURGEOISIE". Modern Intellectual History 15, n.º 1 (11 de julio de 2017): 285–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244317000257.
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Since his first year in graduate school, Jerrold Seigel has puzzled over the relationship between modernity and the bourgeoisie. Willing to acknowledge the salience of this class in the making of the modern, he grew increasingly troubled by the failure of every effort to give a clear account of its distinctive historical role. To define the bourgeoisie as simply the group(s) in the middle, “all those who are neither peasants nor workers on the one side, nor aristocrats by birth on the other,” might be empirically accurate, he reasoned, but this provided no analytical insight into the processes of history. The Marxist alternative avoids this vacuity, but only by creating a mythology of the ascendant bourgeoisie—a class that by mere dint of its privileged relation to capital is deemed to be capable of entirely transforming the realms of culture, politics, and the material world. Dissatisfied with these conventional approaches, Seigel introduced a fundamentally new way of thinking in his seminal synthesisModernity and Bourgeois Life, which sought to replace the “traditional nominative formulation [of the bourgeoisie's role] with ones that are more adjectival and historical.” Considering “‘bourgeois’, not in terms of the rise of a class,” he has reconceptualized this term to denote “the emergence and elaboration of a certain ‘form of life’.” It is in connection with this project that Seigel developed the two key concepts that will be considered in this essay, “chains of connection” and “networks of means” (MBL, ix, 6, 25).
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COLE, SARAH ROSE. "The Aristocrat in the Mirror: Male Vanity and Bourgeois Desire in William Makepeace Thackeray's Vanity Fair". Nineteenth-Century Literature 61, n.º 2 (1 de septiembre de 2006): 137–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ncl.2006.61.2.137.
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39 Alexis de Tocqueville, The Old R´´gime and the French Revolution, trans. Stuart Gilbert (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday and Doubleday, 1955), pp. 88-89.Taking their cue from Thomas Carlyle's Sartor Resartus (1833-34), scholars of Regency and early-Victorian dandyism have focused on a supposed opposition between the dandyism of a declining aristocracy and the moral earnestness of a rising bourgeoisie. This historical model obscures the full complexity of relations between the nineteenthcentury British bourgeoisie and aristocracy, a complexity that can be illuminated by a closer examination of William Makepeace Thackeray's works. Thackeray's novels and sketches, which are surprisingly filled with middle-class dandies (such as Vanity Fair's George Osborne and Jos Sedley) and vigorous, hypermasculine aristocrats (such as Vanity Fair's Rawdon Crawley), reverse the Victorian literary stereotypes of effete aristocrats and manly bourgeoisie. Focusing particularly on Vanity Fair (1847- 48) and on Thackeray's sketch journalism, I seek to understand why Thackeray repeatedly depicts bourgeois men who are feminized both by their vanity and by their homosocial-even homoerotic-desire for more powerful aristocratic men. My essay places Thackeray's works within recent historiographical models that emphasize the fusion of, rather than the opposition between, the nineteenth-century British bourgeoisie and aristocracy. Protesting against this fusion in the name of bourgeois independence, Thackeray indicts the British middle classes for their obsession with aristocratic concepts of gentility,a phenomenon that he was the first to label "snobbism." For Thackeray, I argue, the comic trope of bourgeois male vanity becomes an especially powerful device for critiquing"snobbism." By calling upon the scandalous figure of the mirror-gazing man,Thackeray attempts to shock his middle-class readers into acknowledging the artificial and performative nature of their own class personae.
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Yurasov, Igor A., Maria A. Tanina, Vera A. Yudina y Elena V. Kuznetsova. "The formation of philistinism as a stratum of the middle class in the Russian class society". Izvestiya of Saratov University. Sociology. Politology 22, n.º 1 (21 de febrero de 2022): 73–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1818-9601-2022-22-1-73-78.
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The article considers the problems of changes in the social structure of society as a result of the development of the Russian Federation according to the Western capitalist models. It is noted that market capitalism has brought to the Russian soil, along with some modernization processes and phenomena old archaic social practices, which were expressed in feudalization and class transformation of the Russian society. The formation of the archaic petty bourgeoisie as a form of middle class existence within some modern Russian estates, such as the shadow selfemployed workers estate, teachers estate, scientific and teaching estate, medical doctors and information (bloggers, ticktockers) is considered. It is shown that this social group, despite some differences, forms a common class and professional identity, a special specific lifestyle, style of consumption, a special bourgeois understanding of social prestige, a special class culture. The conclusion is formulated that modern Russian petty bourgeoisie as a specific type of urban dweller, as a form of middle class existence of some estates is a stabilizing stratum, strengthening the stability of Russian society, on the one hand, and a source of archaic socio-economic practices, on the other.
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ΡΑΠΤΗΣ, ΚΩΣΤΑΣ. "ΑΣΤΙΚΕΣ ΤΑΞΕΙΣ ΚΑΙ ΑΣΤΙΚΟΤΗΤΑ ΣΤΗΝ ΕΥΡΩΠΗ, 1789-1914: ΠΡΟΣΑΝΑΤΟΛΙΣΜΟΙ ΤΗΣ ΣΥΓΧΡΟΝΗΣ ΙΣΤΟΡΙΟΓΡΑΦΙΑΣ". Μνήμων 20 (1 de enero de 1998): 211. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/mnimon.675.
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<p>Kostas Raptis, Middle classes and middle class culture in Europe, 1789-1914: approaches in modern historiography</p><p>The history of the european middle classes from the late 18th to theearly 20th century is a very wide topic and relates to economic, social,political, gender and culture history. This essay gives a brief overviewof the main subjects regarding it. It draws mainly on (pioneer) germanspeaking,but also on english and french literature. Following the currentdebate, it points to the different social and economic groups making upthe so called ((Bürgertum», to their common characteristics, as well astheir specific culture, the ((Bürgerlichkeit)).More specifically this paper is concerned with the followin subjects:— the composition of the «Bürgertum» and the features of its maingroups (professionals, bourgeois of money and bourgeois of knowledge)— the relevant terminology in german, french and english language— the comparison between upper middle class and nobility— the social position and role of the lowermiddle classes— the relation of the bourgeoisie to liberalism and nationalism— the study of the history of the middle classes in the specific contextof a town or a city (as an urban phenomenon)— the position and role of middle class women in a bourgeois society— the middle class family— the bourgeois way of life and culture in general</p>
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Tini, Dwi Listia Rika y Nur Inna Alfiyah. "ANALISIS FENOMENA SOSIAL KUASA ELIT DI DUSUN JAMBU SLEMAN YOGYAKARTA". AS-SIYASAH: Jurnal Ilmu Sosial Dan Ilmu Politik 7, n.º 1 (17 de mayo de 2022): 19. http://dx.doi.org/10.31602/as.v7i1.5810.
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This research is to find out the basis of the power possessed so that the actors in sand mining are called elites. Besides that, it is also to find out the capacity of the elites and the relationship patterns that are run by these elites. The method used is an approach to collect data and analyze data, in the form of data collection through observation and interviews. While the data analysis uses the Miles and Huberman model, using phases, data reduction, data display, and conclusion drawing/verification. The results showed the elite stratification in sand mining in Jambu Hamlet, namely The Big Bourgeoisie/Upper Class consisting of land owners and equipment owners and local government at the highest level (provincial), The Petty Bourgeoise/ Middle Class consisting of Operators, Helpers, Managers, The foreman, the land owner community, the head of the coker group, the local government, the working class/lower class consisting of the coker and the community. However, judging from the capacity of the ruling elite, the existence of elite rulers is in the classification of the petty bourgeois ruling class or the middle class because managers as elite determinants and management decision making are extensions of entrepreneurs who have business interests. So that the pattern relationship shows the regularity of sand mining management which develops intensive communication between entrepreneurs and managers so that there is no visible conflict about results.
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Popa, Bogdan. "The Bourgeoisie. Social Reality and Theoretical Necessity in 19th Century Romania". Revista Istorică 34, n.º 4-6 (21 de noviembre de 2023): 215–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.59277/ri.2023.4-6.34.01.
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During the 19th Century, the bourgeoisie as a ‘middle-class’ was both a social reality as well as a political desiderate for the Romania cultural and political elite.In this article, I argue that a history of the concept is necessary in order to deepen the study of the professional categories usually defined as bourgeois, such as capitalist entrepreneurs, intellectuals, or state clerks. I suggest that, by looking at the definitions given by authors of different social and political backgrounds, one gains a better insight in the meaning of the term bourgeoisie. The main thesis of my article is that, by understanding the concept itself, one has a better understanding of the actual structure of the Romanian society during its modern era.
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Alam, Lukis. "Popular Piety and the Muslim Middle Class Bourgeoisie in Indonesia". Al-Albab 7, n.º 2 (1 de diciembre de 2018): 237. http://dx.doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v7i2.1039.
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This paper discusses the passion of Islamization of the New Order, at the same time the mainstream of this power is based on economic development that provides opportunities for the growth of the Muslim middle class. Patronage model used by the New Order gives an indication that the power built by this regime wants to instill a strong influence in society. At the same time, the New Order is depoliticizing the political attitudes of Muslims. This has implications for the marginalization of the interests of Muslims on the national stage. In this study will also be affirmed the influence of the New Order's power on the presence of the Muslim middle class. On the one hand their birth was the result of the economic development that the New Order echoed. On a different aspect, the presence of the middle class gives strong legitimacy that they are part of the dominating class structure in a country. Also will be reviewed about middle-class interference with the trend of Islamic populism that actually occurred in the era of the 80s, but re-spread after post-reform. Popular Islamic culture becomes a trend that spread through various media such as, internet, magazines, newspapers and so forth. This has received considerable response from middle-class Muslims and led to commodification. Religion facilitates to interact with modernity. Materialistic and hedonistic interests intersect with obedience in the practice of religion. On the one hand, the mode of consumption of the Muslim middle class changes with the adaptation of piety values in the public sphere.
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LANKINA, TOMILA V. y ALEXANDER LIBMAN. "The Two-Pronged Middle Class: The Old Bourgeoisie, New State-Engineered Middle Class, and Democratic Development". American Political Science Review 115, n.º 3 (20 de abril de 2021): 948–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000305542100023x.
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We contribute to research on the democratic role of middle classes. Our paper distinguishes between middle classes emerging autonomously during gradual capitalist development and those fabricated rapidly as part of state-led modernization. To make the case for a conceptual distinction between these groups within one national setting, we employ author-assembled historical district data, survey, and archival materials for pre-Revolutionary Russia and its feudal estates. Our analysis reveals that the bourgeois estate of meshchane covaries with post-communist democratic competitiveness and media freedoms, our proxies of regional democratic variations. We propose two causal pathways explaining the puzzling persistence of social structure despite the Bolsheviks’ leveling ideology and post-communist autocratic consolidation: (a) processes at the juncture of familial channels of human capital transmission and the revolutionaries’ modernization drive and (b) entrepreneurial value transmission outside of state policy. Our findings help refine recent work on political regime orientations of public-sector-dependent societies subjected to authoritarian modernization.
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Waterbury, John. "Twilight of the State Bourgeoisie?" International Journal of Middle East Studies 23, n.º 1 (febrero de 1991): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800034528.
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For many years the class category of the state bourgeoisie has had considerable currency in the analysis of states and societies in the Middle East and in the developing world in general. In part, resort to this category has been driven by the remarkable expansion of the economic roles of these states, an expansion that has required that we try to understand the managers of the process. In that respect what is undertaken here fits into a broader and older effort to make sense, in class terms, of the owners of intellectual or technical capital—white-collar workers, civil servants, public-sector managers, and those in the service sector. These are awkward strata in that they neither own (much) capital nor do they provide labor to the owners of capital in the same manner as peasants and the proletariat. They are frequently portrayed as “intermediate” and “in transition.” They are situated between capital and labor, and, in Marxist analysis, are seen as the witting or unwitting agents of the dominant class as it emerges or as it consolidates its grip on the economy and the state apparatus.
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Hosgood, Christopher P. "“Mercantile Monasteries”: Shops, Shop Assistants, and Shop Life in Late-Victorian and Edwardian Britain". Journal of British Studies 38, n.º 3 (julio de 1999): 322–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/386197.
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It is now over twenty years since Geoffrey Crossick first urged historians to investigate the English lower middle class. On that occasion he suggested that small business interests and white-collar employees be designated the two wings of a residual lower middle class. Historians speculated that the members of this class were bound together by their marginality to the social, cultural, and economic world of the middle class and by their pathetic attempts to ape the gentility of their superiors. Such an analysis confirmed the unheroic nature of the lower-middle-classmentalitéand explains Crossick's conclusion that this group “claimed no vital social role.” Crossick's more recent work, in collaboration with Heinz-Gerhard Haupt, offers a reevaluation of this earlier position and concludes that white-collar and small business interests should not be considered to occupy the same social station. Crossick and Haupt's work is significant because both authors make it clear that they now credit the petite bourgeoisie of small business families in Europe with a greater spirit of independence than they had earlier acknowledged. They argue convincingly that the petite bourgeoisie created their own social and cultural world, centered on the interrelationship between enterprise and family life, which enabled them to react more purposefully to outside social forces and agencies.By hiving off these small business interests from the old lower middle class, we are left with a rump of white-collar workers who collectively formed a lower middle class that shared many common experiences and hence is attractive to historians as a potentially more cohesive social body.
Tesis sobre el tema "Bourgeoisie - Middle-Class"
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Widihandojo, David Sulistijo. "The making of a precarious bourgeoisie: State and the transformation of domestic bourgeoisie in Indonesia". Thesis, Widihandojo, David Sulistijo (1997) The making of a precarious bourgeoisie: State and the transformation of domestic bourgeoisie in Indonesia. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 1997. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/404/.
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This study focusses on the dynamics which underlie the changing relationships between Chinese and pribumi business interests and the state. Under the Colonial state, the indigenous bourgeoisie had been practically eliminated, not only by the Dutch but also by priyayi bureaucrats. Consequently, Indonesia inherited a socially and politically weak bourgeoisie dominated by the Chinese who controlled substantial commercial networks, but had limited potential for political organisation. In the post-colonial era, attempts to build an indigenous bourgeoisie failed and it was the state that assumed the leading role in the economy.
Under the New Order Government, the Chinese were to play a central role in promoting rapid economic growth and industrialisation. While this intensified resentment in some areas, new relationships between Chinese and pribumi capital and the state emerged. The intensifying relationship with the Chinese and pribumi had been built primarily around business alliances between large Chinese companies and companies owned by powerful political families. As such, cooperation remain highly dependent upon protective policies and access to monopolies.
The unleashing of economic liberalisation resulted in the maturation of the bourgeoisie, characterised by their increasing entry into the international market. Conflict within business continued to evolve around the issues of conglomerates and was largely racially based. However, other factions were to emerge between upstream and downstream producers, between trading monopolists and producers.
The case studies in this thesis draw out the increasing complexity of pribumi-Chinese relations. In the case of cloves we find that conflict between a Chinese cigarette manufacturing conglomerate and apribumi trading monopolist had few racial aspects. Rather, it was a conflict between rent-seekers and producers that was reflected in other parts of the economy and included both pribumi and Chinese on either side. As the economy grew and capitalism matured, issues other than race became important. These included deregulation of trade and investment, regulation and macro policy, with Pribumi and Chinese becoming absorbed and integrated on either side of the various conflicts.
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Widihandojo, David Sulistijo. "The making of a precarious bourgeoisie : state and the transformation of domestic bourgeoisie in Indonesia /". Access via Murdoch University Digital Theses Project, 1997. http://wwwlib.murdoch.edu.au/adt/browse/view/adt-MU20060410.124416.
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Wemp, Brian A. (Brian Alan). "The Paris Commune and the French right : the reaction of the bourgeoisie". Thesis, McGill University, 1995. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=23857.
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The historiographic struggle over the representation of the Paris Commune, as begun by the daily press in 1871 and continued in the works of many subsequent scholars, is in fact part of a larger ideological battle. This thesis argues that in order to understand the significance of the Commune, it is necessary to return to contemporary writings. It studies the bourgeois reaction to the Paris Commune using as source material diaries, correspondence and monographs of upper class observers of the Commune. Through these writings, the Commune is seen as a socialist threat to bourgeois stability, and a sign of the disintegration of the ideals of the French Revolution.
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Claude-Sollier, Nathalie. "Réminiscence de "la petite bourgeoisie nouvelle shanghaïenne (xiaozi)" et redéfinition identitaire : étude socio-historique d'un groupe social original". Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012AIXM3012.
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Depuis 1842 et la signature du traité de Nankin concédant des parts du territoire chinois aux puissances étrangères, Shanghai a trouvé son destin intimement lies à l'Occident. Dès cette période émerge un style de vie occidentalisé dans une bourgeoisie d'affaires aux commandes d'une économie en plein essor. Touché par le communisme, cette classe sociale va disparaitre et son style de vie va faire l'objet de critiques les plus acerbes. Il faudra attendre 1990 et la réouverture économique de Shanghai pour que apparaisse à nouveau une Shanghai profondément tournée vers l'Occident. Nouvel élan économique engendrant l'apparition d'une nouvelle population, l'ouverture pose aussi des questions identitaires. Les différences entre les générations deviennent de plus en plus significatives et Shanghai voit de nouveau émerger une « petite bourgeoisie nouvelle » dont les caractéristiques ne sont plus forcément économique mais deviennent plus personnelles plus identitaire. Au croisement de la globalisation et de l'affirmation de la puissance chinoise, un groupe social original s'affirme, il regroupe des individus dont la quête personnelle du bonheur passe avant l'intérêt supérieur de la patrie. Entre occidentalisation et sinisation, ce travail se propose de décrypter le mode de vie de la nouvelle petite bourgeoisie shanghaienne en retraçant l'historique de Shanghai, la redéfinition des classes sociales et en analysant les pratiques quotidiennes de ce groupe social à l'aide de données essentiellement issues d'ouvrage de sociologie chinoise et d'enquêtes de terrain, questionnaires et interviews ainsi que d'études de statistiques officiellesSince 1842 and the signing of the Treatment of Nanking granting part of Chinese territory to foreign countries, Shanghai is closely linked to the West. From this emerged period ,a Westernized lifestyle in a business class at the controls of a booming economy. Affected by communism, this class will disappear and lifestyle will be the most scathing criticism. It was not until 1990 and the reopening of Shanghai Economic appears again for a deeply Shanghai tour to the West. Generating new economic boost the appearance of a new population, openness also raises questions of identity. Differences between generations are becoming increasingly significant and Shanghai sees a new emerging "new middle class" whose characteristics are not necessarily economic, but become more personal. At the intersection of globalization and the assertion of Chinese power, an original social group asserts itself, it brings together individuals whose personal quest for happiness takes precedence over the interests of the homeland. Between Westernization and Sinisation, this work aims to decipher the lifestyle of the new middle class in Shanghai tracing the history of Shanghai, the redefinition of social classes and analyzing the daily practices of social groups using data mainly derived from work of Chinese sociology and field surveys, questionnaires and interviews and studies of official statistics
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Harrison, Carol Elizabeth. "The esprit d'association and the French bourgeoisie : voluntary societies in eastern France, 1830-1870". Thesis, University of Oxford, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670277.
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Heymans, Vincent. "Architecture et habitants: les intérieurs privés de la bourgeoisie à la fin du XIXe siècle :Bruxelles, quartier Léopold-extension nord-est". Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/212653.
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Dettori, François. "La bourgeoisie messine à l'aune de ses espaces et de ses caractéristiques socio-économiques : homogénéité ou disparité ?" Thesis, Université de Lorraine, 2022. http://www.theses.fr/2022LORR0055.
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Moins soumis à l’investigation sociologique, les « Beaux quartiers » n’en demeurent pas moins en France des espaces ségrégatifs de premier plan. Les études et travaux de recherche relatifs à la bourgeoisie et aux espaces de la bourgeoisie sont en outre souvent orientés vers les grandes villes françaises à l’instar de Paris, Lyon ou Marseille. Une ville de taille plus modeste comme Metz n’a jamais été étudiée au seul prisme de sa population bourgeoise.Ce travail de thèse a ainsi pour objectif de rendre compte des caractéristiques socio-économiques de la bourgeoisie messine et de la manière dont elle se distribue au sein de l’aire urbaine messine entendue comme la ville centre de Metz augmentée de sa banlieue et de sa couronne périurbaine. Notre recherche s’appuie sur un matériau empirique constitué d’entretiens semi-directifs menés auprès de membres représentatifs de la bourgeoisie messine ou de grandes familles messines mais aussi auprès de spécialistes divers (agents immobiliers spécialisés dans les biens de prestige, historiens de l’art, etc.). Afin d’appréhender la bourgeoisie messine dans toute sa complexité, nous avons également eu recours à divers indicateurs statistiques, cartographiques ou encore à du matériau photographique.L’étude se propose d’abord de présenter un état de l’art sur les fragmentations sociales et territoriales en France visant notamment à mettre en exergue la ghettoïsation vers le haut. L’étude fait ensuite apparaître les grands repères sur la richesse et son estimation tout en en précisant les aspects représentationnels et multidimensionnels. En outre, sont également explicités les enjeux et les difficultés à étudier la richesse et la bourgeoisie. La bourgeoisie messine est par ailleurs étudiée ensuite au quadruple prisme de sa distribution résidentielle, de ses espaces de sociabilité, de ses caractéristiques socio-économiques et socio- électorales mais également - après une mise en perspective historique – de quelques grandes familles emblématiques de la ville.Enfin, l’étude décrit et analyse de manière comparative, un espace de la bourgeoisie messine – le quartier Nouvelle-Ville – en donnant à voir et à comprendre des éléments de morphologie urbaine et sociale et en y explicitant les moteurs de choix résidentiels et les pratiques de l’entre-soi afférentes aux habitants de ce quartierAlthough the "Beaux quartiers” are less subject to sociological investigation, they remain prominent segregated spaces in France. Studies and research on the bourgeoisie and on specific spaces of the bourgeoisie are often focused on large French cities such as Paris, Lyons or Marseilles. A smaller city such as Metz has never been studied solely in terms of its bourgeois population.The objective of this dissertation is to examine the socioeconomic characteristics of the Metz bourgeoisie and the way in which it is distributed within the Metz urban area. The latter encompasses the central city of Metz and also its suburbs and suburban ring. Our research is based on empirical material consisting of semi-structured interviews conducted with representative members of the Metz bourgeoisie or highly regarded bourgeois and aristocratic Metz families, as well as with various specialists (real estate agents specialising in prestigious properties, art historians, etc.). In order to grasp the complexity of the Metz bourgeoisie, various statistical and cartographic indicators but also photographic material were used.Firstly, the study presents a state of the art on social and territorial fragmentation in France so as to highlight upward ghettoization.Secondly, the study sheds light on the main benchmarks of wealth and its estimation, while specifying the representational and multidimensional aspects. In addition, the challenges and difficulties of studying wealth and the bourgeoisie are also explained.The Metz bourgeoisie is then studied through the fourfold prism of its residential distribution, its sociability spaces, its socio-economic and socio-electoral characteristics, but also the prism of some of the city's great emblematic families – after a historical perspective.Finally, the study describes and comparatively analyses a particular space of the Metz bourgeoisie – the “Nouvelle Ville” neighbourhood – by showing elements of urban and social morphology and by explaining the criteria of residential selection and the forms of sociability specific to the inhabitants of this rich self-segregated neighbourhood
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Borgeaud, Olivier. "Être bourgeois dans le vignoble du Jura au XIXè siècle". Electronic Thesis or Diss., Lyon, 2021. https://books.openedition.org/pufc/51708.
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Alors que la France est largement rurale au XIXe siècle, l’historiographie a négligé l’observation de la bourgeoisie des villages qui se distingue d’une bourgeoisie des villes amplement explorée. A partir de sources publiques et privées, et particulièrement plusieurs fonds importants de correspondances, cette recherche permet d’approcher toutes les facettes de la famille bourgeoise qui vit à l’année à la campagne. Plus que par son appartenance à un groupe social, c’est par sa position au sein de la société rurale que se définit le bourgeois rural, dans un temps long et selon un ordre social en continuité avec le XVIIIe siècle. « Être bourgeois » implique avant tout un avoir bourgeois et se confond souvent par « être propriétaire ». La notion de travail pour les hommes, essentielle dans la définition du bourgeois urbain, est nuancée pour le bourgeois rural car l’éventail de professions à sa disposition au village est réduit. En revanche, les correspondances révèlent des femmes bourgeoises actives, et pas seulement dans la sphère domestique.La vie à la campagne induit un type de bourgeois proche de ses terres et de la nature. Les cultures, les vignes, les fermages, les ventes de vins, les animaux de la ferme et les foires régissent le quotidien. Les bourgeois des villages sont confrontés à la brutalité de l’univers rural qui les entoure : les corps sont mis à l’épreuve, tout autant que les sens. L’histoire du ressenti aux bruits, aux odeurs, au froid, aux déplacements, aux voyages, au temps et à la maîtrise d’un environnement prégnant est ici abordée. La maison de famille prend une valeur symbolique et de prestige pour la bourgeoisie de village. Sa mise en scène reflète la position et l’ancrage héréditaire, et indique un mode de vie facilité par des domestiques à la fois proches et distants. A la campagne, les bourgeois hommes et femmes se distinguent de leurs contemporains citadins et évoquent sans tabou de nombreux sujets liés à l’hygiène, à l’intimité, à la sexualité. L’image qu’ils souhaitent projeter dans leur apparence, leur attitude pondérée vis-à-vis de la religion, l’emploi de leur temps libre souvent loin des stéréotypes genrés, les rites de la table, leur engagement politique sont autant de thèmes approfondis. De sa petite enfance à sa mort, en passant par son éducation, la construction de son mariage, sa santé et sa vieillesse, chaque phase de la vie du bourgeois rural est décrite. Sa relation aux autres est tout autant interrogée. Dans une région viticole mêlant toutes les strates de la société rurale, il compose aussi bien avec la pauvreté extrême qu’avec l’aristocratie foncière. Du fait de son relatif isolement à la campagne, une particularité que ne connaît pas le bourgeois urbain, sa sociabilité est large. Elle dépasse grandement le cercle bourgeois et s’oriente sur son voisinage rural. Cette étude s’attarde sur la psychologie du bourgeois dans son rapport à l’autre. Parce qu’il est conditionné à être à l’aise dans la relation sociale, il est capable de gérer plusieurs strates de relations et se crée son propre écosystème.La chute de la rente de la terre, associée au désastre du phylloxéra, entraîne dès 1880 la quasi-disparition d’une bourgeoisie rurale plus tournée vers le passé que vers le futur. Elle est remplacée au village par de nouvelles familles bourgeoises. Un champ lexical inattendu découvert dans les courriers et la sémantique sui generis qui en découle permettent à chaque étape une analyse fine, au plus près du bourgeois rural dans le vignoble du Jura au XIXe siècleFrance was still largely a rural country in the 19th century, yet historiography seems to have favoured a thorough study of the bourgeoisie in towns while neglecting to turn its attention to the bourgeoisie in villages. Drawing on public archives, private sources and extensive correspondence, this research seeks to draw together all aspects of bourgeois family life as lived year-round in the countryside. More than a social grouping of the middle class, the rural bourgeoisie can be defined through its position at the heart of rural communities over an extended period of time, in continuity with the social order of the 18th century. “To be bourgeois” strongly implies prosperity and in most cases the ownership of land and property. The notion of work may be essential to a definition of the city bourgeois, but makes less sense in villages where the range of available professions is limited. On the other hand, correspondence reveals the active nature of life for the ladies of the rural bourgeoisie, reaching well beyond the domestic sphere. Life in the countryside engenders a type of bourgeois who is close to his land and to nature. Daily life follows the rhythm of farming, tending the vines, managing the estate, trading wine, animal husbandry and local fairs. Village bourgeois are confronted with the brutality of their rural surroundings: the body and the senses are put to the test. This study explores the history of experience of noises, smells, the cold, local travel and longer journeys, the passage of time and the handling of a pervasive environment.The family home takes on particular importance as a symbol of the village bourgeois' value and prestige. It is a stage on which the family's position and heredity are played out. The implied lifestyle within is one assisted by servants, with whom close yet distant relationships exist. In the countryside, bourgeois ladies and gentlemen differ from their urban counterparts in their uninhibited discussion of many subjects relating to hygiene, intimacy, sexuality. We will explore their use of outward appearance to project a certain image, their nuanced attitudes towards religion, their enjoyment of free time often in contrast to gender stereotypes, their mealtime rituals and their political engagements. Each phase of a rural bourgeois' life will be portrayed, from childhood to death, from education to the making of a marriage, from health to old age. We shall also investigate the bourgeois' relationship with others, in a wine-growing area where the extremely poor as well as with the landed aristocracy can be encountered. His social circle is wider than that of the urban bourgeois, because of his relative isolation in the country, and stretches far beyond the bourgeoisie to encompass his rural neighbours. This study concentrates particularly on the psychology of the bourgeois’ relationship with others. Conditioned as he is to be at ease in any social situation, he is able to operate on many different levels and create his own ecosystem.Following the collapse in land revenue and the outbreak of the phylloxera blight, by 1880 the rural bourgeoisie, more concerned with the past than the future, had all but disappeared. A new bourgeoisie came to replace them in the villages. A quite unexpected vocabulary emerges from the correspondence, revealing a particular semantic apparatus and offering detailed insights into many aspects of rural bourgeois life in the 19th century wine-growing Jura
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Fillion, Pascal. "Étude de l'univers domestique en milieu bourgeois chez les anglophones et les francophones du Québec : le cas Jourdain-Fiset". Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/tape17/PQDD_0022/MQ38079.pdf.
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Byrne, Frank J. "Becoming bourgeois : merchant culture in the antebellum and confederate south /". The Ohio State University, 2000. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1488203158828259.
Texto completoLibros sobre el tema "Bourgeoisie - Middle-Class"
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La bourgeoisie. 5a ed. Paris: Presses universitaires de France, 1985.
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Bordier, Roger. Chère bourgeoisie. Paris: Messidor, 1990.
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Les bourgeois et la bourgeoisie en France depuis 1815. [Paris]: Aubier, 1987.
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Gérard, Hervé. Histoire de la bourgeoisie belge. Bruxelles: J.M. Collet, 1985.
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collab, Garo Isabelle, Serfati Claude collab y de Brunhoff Suzanne collab, eds. Bourgeoisie: État d'une classe dominante. Paris: Syllepse, 2001.
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Entre bourgeoisie et prolétariat: L'encadrement capitaliste. Paris: L'Harmattan, 1989.
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Frazier, Edward Franklin. Black bourgeoisie. New York: Free Press Paperbacks, 1997.
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Marc, Du Saune, ed. La dictature de la petite bourgeoisie. Toulouse: Privat, 2005.
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Habitat de la bourgeoisie marocaine. Paris: Harmattan, 2013.
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Logique de classe: Edmond Goblot, la bourgeoisie et la distinction sociale. Paris: Belles lettres, 2015.
Buscar texto completoCapítulos de libros sobre el tema "Bourgeoisie - Middle-Class"
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Révész, Béla. "A dombrádi „telepesekről”". En Fontes et Libri, 179–90. Szeged, Hungary: Szegedi Tudományegyetem, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/btk.2023.sje.16.
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From 1949 to 1953, Mátyás Rákosi, the Hungarian communist dictator was nearly all-powerful. His Stalinist political leadership in 1951 started a campaign of internment of people who were considered enemies of the state. The internment camps were established in various locations across Hungary, including the village of Dombrád (the birthplace of József Sipos). The internment campaign was part of a larger effort by the Hungarian government to suppress dissent and opposition of its policies. The government targeted people who were suspected or just claimed to be involved in anti-communist activities or who were deemed to be a threat to the state. In 1951, thousands of middle- and upper-middle class citizens in the capital, even who were only considered to be so, were forcibly transferred to settlements in the countryside. Members of the bourgeoisie, the aristocracy or the old political elite were also considered untrustworthy. Many of them were evicted from their homes, their property was confiscated and they were forced into run-down accommodations, even sent to labour camps. Their apartments and houses were occupied by Communist Party cadres, who immediately got their hands on valuable furniture and works of art. Forced labour camps were also built based on the Soviet model. In the camps around the village of Hortobágy – just as in Dombrád –, displaced persons had to work hard in appalling conditions. They were all called as “class enemies” of the communist system. In July 1953, Rákosi, who had presided over the government as well as the Party since 1952, was deposed from his former office in favour of Imre Nagy. The new prime minister promised a new course: more tolerance in political life, especially towards the intelligentsia and the churches, release of political prisoners and closure of the internment camps. Many of these reforms were really introduced and were welcomed by the people. The study aims to briefly describe these years, focusing on the case of the village of Dombrád.
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Bashford, Alison. "Population Planning for a Global Middle Class". En The Global Bourgeoisie, 85–102. Princeton University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctvhrd124.9.
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Bashford, Alison. "Population Planning for a Global Middle Class". En The Global Bourgeoisie, 85–102. Princeton University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691177342.003.0004.
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This chapter shows how, in the twentieth century, states aimed to implement new ideas of population planning in order to foster the emergence of stable middle classes. The control of fertility thus became an integral part of the global history of the middle classes. Because the nuclear family was at the core of middle-class lifestyle and a prerequisite for its reproduction and economic capacity, states across the globe resorted to population planning after the early twentieth century. For economic and political planners immersed in adapted Malthusian arguments, limiting fertility was a means by which widespread poverty could be mitigated and standards of living raised at a population level to allow everyone to afford middle-class lifestyles. Population control was thus part of the dream of, and for, a global middle class.
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"4. Population Planning for a Global Middle Class". En The Global Bourgeoisie, 85–102. Princeton University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9780691189918-007.
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Smith, Alison K. "The “Missing” or “Forgotten” Middle Class of Tsarist Russia". En The Global Bourgeoisie, 295–312. Princeton University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691177342.003.0014.
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This chapter shows that the idea that Imperial Russia lacked a middle class was well established by the middle of the nineteenth century. Starting from that point, contemporary commentators and later historians debated the existence of that middle class. These discussions have taken place in dialogue with a vision of the “West” that served as Russia's opposite, something given all the more weight in discussions of nineteenth-century Russia, when Russian (or, perhaps more generally, Slavic) tradition was increasingly seen as opposed to a modernity seen as Western, or even global. The result has often been a kind of self-othering, in which the lack of an obvious middle class is read as indicative of a pervasive particularity in Russian social structures. This tendency to see Russia in contrast to this outside other, viewed as more properly normal, has served to obscure the existence of the middle of Russian society, in particular by erasing some groups that fit neither the model of absence nor the ideal of a prosperous, politically active middle class (the meshchane, or petty bourgeois, the artisans, and the honored citizens) from the record. Furthermore, it ignores Imperial Russia's role in a world economy through its long-standing Eurasian networks.
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Smith, Alison K. "The “Missing” or “Forgotten” Middle Class of Tsarist Russia". En The Global Bourgeoisie, 295–312. Princeton University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctvhrd124.19.
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Drayton, Richard. "Race, Culture, and Class". En The Global Bourgeoisie, 339–58. Princeton University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691177342.003.0016.
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This chapter takes a broader perspective, demonstrating that the middle class in every society has been both “middle” in terms of status, and “middle” in terms of its capacity for engagement with social groups above or below. The history of the global middle class is in essence the history of global processes of mediation. The post-1500 early modern forms of globalization had three key effects. First, the moment of European hegemony in the period from circa 1750 to 1950 was correlated with the internal integration of Western Christendom and its diasporas on the basis of ideas of “civilization” and “whiteness” and with an ever-expanding external regime of links between Western European and non-European social formations. Second, connected to these processes of integration and external linkages was the production, and growth in importance, of mediating groups in every corner of the globe, of which the European bourgeois was a local and privileged expression. Third, linked to this violent integration of international society, and the associated primacy of mediation and mediators, was a process of standardization of social imaginaries, manners, and customs, a pressure toward the reduction of specific complexity into general categories, toward uniformity.
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Gräser, Marcus. "“The Great Middle Class” in the Nineteenth-Century United States". En The Global Bourgeoisie, 64–84. Princeton University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691177342.003.0003.
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This chapter shows that in America the middle class has historically been more than just a diverse group of middling sorts. In self-awareness as well as in the descriptions made by foreign observers, the middle classes after the eighteenth century appeared as embodiments of the new society that had developed in the colonies of settlers on North American soil. This resulted not least from the fact that typical elements of European societies—above all the aristocracy but also the clergy as a separate estate—were absent. Since the state was relatively weak, the core tasks of civil society, such as poor relief or the establishing of institutions—museums, libraries, symphony orchestras—relied on the private initiatives of the American bourgeoisie and middle class, respectively. In reality, however, the “great American middle class” was much more fragmented than the emphasis placed on it in political discourse might suggest. One important reason for this was racial exclusion. Although the emergence of an Afro-American middle class succeeded in the last third of the nineteenth century, its rise was restricted by a variety of racially motivated discriminations. Overcoming such racial segregation was hardly possible until the second half of the twentieth century.
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Ray, Utsa. "Cosmopolitan Consumption". En The Global Bourgeoisie, 123–42. Princeton University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691177342.003.0006.
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This chapter demonstrates that, while scholars have long focused on the economic origins of the middle class, it is crucial to understand the ways in which it fashioned itself. Although the universe of the Indian middle class revolved around contesting colonial categories, the chapter shows that the project of self-fashioning of the Indian middle class was not an instance of alternative modernity, nor did the locality of the middle class in colonial India result in producing some sort of indigenism. This middle class borrowed, adapted, and appropriated the pleasures of modernity and tweaked and subverted it to suit their project of self-fashioning. An area in which such cosmopolitan domesticity can be observed was the culinary culture of colonial Bengal, which utilized both vernacular ingredients and British modes of cooking in order to establish a Bengali bourgeois cuisine. This process of indigenization was an aesthetic choice that was imbricated in the upper caste and in the patriarchal agenda of middle-class social reform, and it developed certain social practices, including imagining the act of cooking as a classic feminine practice and the domestic kitchen as a sacred space. It was often this hybrid culture that marked the colonial middle classes.
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Chehabi, H. E. "The Rise of the Middle Class in Iran before the Second World War". En The Global Bourgeoisie, 43–63. Princeton University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691177342.003.0002.
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This chapter traces the formation of a modern middle class that emerged as a result of Reza Shah's rigorous modernization policies in the 1920s and 1930s. The state expanded the educational system and bureaucracy, reaching down from the court to the village level. At the same time, it fostered lifestyles and consumption patterns modeled on those of Europe, which this new and increasingly secular middle class embraced, setting it apart from the rest of society. Given its reliance on state employment, this was not a bourgeoisie stricto sensu. This new middle class existed next to the traditional mercantile elite, which was centered on the bazaar and closely allied to the clergy. In the 1920s, however, many Iranian businessmen adopted a middle-class lifestyle, and, as a consequence, a modern business bourgeoisie gradually emerged that was to some extent a link between the traditional mercantile elite centered on the bazaar and the modern middle class.