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Grimson, Alejandro, and Pablo Vila. "Forgotten Border Actors: the Border Reinforcers. A Comparison Between the U.S.–Mexico Border and South American Borders." Journal of Political Ecology 9, no. 1 (2002): 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2458/v9i1.21635.
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This article is a critique of two different types of essentialisms that have gained widespread acceptance in places as distant as the U.S.-Mexico border and different Mercosur frontiers. Both essentialisms rely on metaphors that refer to the concept of "union," and put their emphasis on a variety of "sisterhood/brotherhood" tropes and, in particular, the "crossing" metaphor. This kind of stance tends to make invisible the social and cultural conflict that many times characterizes political frontiers. The article wants to reinstall this conflictive dimension. In that regard, we analyze two different case studies. The first is the history of a bridge constructed between Posadas, Argentina and Encarnación, Paraguay. The second is the community reaction toward an operation implemented by the Border Patrolin 1993 ("OperationBlockade") in a border that for many years was considered an exemplar of the "good neighbor relationships" between Mexico and the United States, the frontier between El Paso and Ciudad Juárez. Key Words: U.S.-Mexico border, Operation Blockade, Mercosur frontier, political frontier, Argentina, Paraguay, Mexico, United States, Posadas, El Paso , Encarnación, Ciudad Juárez, Border Patrol.
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Garrett, Terence M. "An analysis of U.S. Custom and Border Protection’s tripartite Mexico border security policy." Annales. Etyka w Życiu Gospodarczym 21, no. 4 (2018): 89–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1899-2226.21.4.07.
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The Custom and Border Protection (CBP) border security policy was explicitly presented by former Acting Commissioner of CBP, David Aguilar, in testimony before the United States Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee (HSGAC) on April 4, 2017 in testimony on the subject of “Fencing Along the Southwest Border.” Important for discussion here are the key components of the DHS/CBP/Border Patrol’s strategy, or sets of policies, laying forth elements of the border walls (including barriers, fences), personnel, and technology in order to hinder, or intercept, undocumented migrants (homo sacer) from entering the United States illegally—all socially constructed. Aguilar notes in his opening remarks “Maintaining a safe and secure environment along the U.S.—Mexico border is critical. A safe and orderly border that is predicated on the strong rule of law deprives criminal organizations, drug cartels, and criminal individuals the opportunity to thrive.” In Aguilar’s testimony, when pressed by Ranking Member Senator Claire McCaskill, he set forth the current needs for CBP/Border Patrol priority of the three elements in the following order: (1) Technology (border surveillance), (2) Personnel (numbers of agents along the border), and, (3) The Border Wall (physical infrastructure: fences, walls, and vehicle barriers). The security apparatus affects dwellers along the Rio Grande and undocumented border crossers, demonstrated here with an analysis of the application of President Trump’s Zero Tolerance policy (April 6–June 20, 2018). The security framework applied in this paper will consist of theoretical approaches assessing border surveillance as a panopticon, the use of Border Patrol agents for apprehending, detaining and removing homo sacer, and the symbolism of the border wall as a spectacle and simulacrum—all understood in the pursuit of USA border security policy.
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Andreescu, Raluca. "“In the desert, we are all illegal aliens”: Border Confluences and Border Wars in Luis Alberto Urrea’s The Devil’s Highway." American, British and Canadian Studies 33, no. 1 (2019): 189–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/abcsj-2019-0022.
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AbstractIn May 2001, a traveling party of 26 Mexican citizens tried to cross the Arizonan desert in order to enter the United States illegally. Their attempt turned into a front-page news event after 14 died and 12 barely made it across the border due to Border Patrol intervention. Against the background of consistent tightening of anti-immigration laws in the United States, my essay aims to examine the manner in which Luis Alberto Urrea’s The Devil’s Highway: A True Story (2004) reenacts the group’s journey from Mexico through the “vast trickery of sand” to the United States in a rather poetic and mythical rendition of the travel north. Written to include multiple perspectives (of the immigrants and their coyotes, the immigration authorities, Border Patrol agents, high officials on both sides of the border), Urrea’s account, I argue, stands witness to and casts light on the often invisible plight of those attempting illegal passage to the United States across the desert. It thus humanizes the otherwise dry statistics of immigration control by focusing on the everyday realities of human-smuggling operations and their economic and social consequences in the borderland region. At the same time, my paper highlights the impact of the Wellton 26 case on the (re)negotiation of identity politics and death politics at the US-Mexican border.
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Ward, Matthew, and Daniel E. Martinez. "Know Your Enemy: How Unauthorized Repatriated Migrants Learn About and Perceive Anti-Immigrant Mobilization in the United States." Migration Letters 12, no. 2 (2015): 137–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ml.v12i2.248.
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Recently scholars have turned their attention towards a growing anti-immigrant movement in the United States. In particular, residents called ‘minutemen’ have garnered attention for their vigilante patrols of the U.S.-Mexico border. Yet, there remains an absence of rigorously collected data from the unauthorized migrants they target. Filling this void, we draw on original survey data from wave 1 of the Migrant Border Crossing Study (MBCS) and address three questions: Among unauthorized repatriated migrants who have heard of minutemen, from where do they get their information? What qualities or characteristics do unauthorized repatriated migrants ascribe to minutemen? And, finally, how accurate are these perceptions? In so doing, we detail the composition of unauthorized repatriated migrants’ knowledge networks and the role these played in diffusing knowledge about minutemen. Additionally, we illuminate disparities in the quality of the minuteman-related information these networks diffuse. We find that respondents relied heavily on media outlets in the United States and Mexico to obtain information about minutemen. Social networks and the crossing experience itself mattered to a much lesser extent. Interestingly, unauthorized repatriated migrants were mixed in their perceptions of exactly who minutemen were, and migrants varied greatly in their ability to accurately identify minutemen. We conclude with implications and directions for future research.
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Ngai, Mae M. "The Strange Career of the Illegal Alien: Immigration Restriction and Deportation Policy in the United States, 1921–1965." Law and History Review 21, no. 1 (2003): 69–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3595069.
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In January 1930 officials of the Bureau of Immigration testified about the Border Patrol before a closed session of the House Immigration Committee. Henry Hull, the commissioner general of immigration, explained that the Border Patrol did not operate “on the border line” but as far as one hundred miles “back of the line.” The Border Patrol, he said, was “a scouting organization and a pursuit organization…. [Officers] operate on roads without warrants and wherever they find an alien they stop him. If he is illegally in the country, they take him to unit headquarters.”
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Davila, Alberto. "The Seasonality of Apprehensions of Undocumented Mexican Workers." International Migration Review 20, no. 4 (1986): 986–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019791838602000413.
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This article uses within-year apprehensions data to test the economic determinants of Mexican undocumented immigration to the United States. These data are highly seasonal and within-year border patrol apprehensions suggest that this seasonality is not solely due to changes in border patrol enforcement. The results from this study are similar to those of earlier studies which used annual apprehensions data.
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Cengiz, Emrah. "Irregular Migration from Türkiye to The United States." Migration and Diversity 3, no. 2 (2024): 141–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/md.v3i2.3279.
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The United States’ southern border has been witnessing a record increase in illegal entrance of Turkish citizens. According to the data provided by the United States border patrol, during the 2023 fiscal year, 15.542 Turkish citizens entered the country illegally through the United States-Mexican border. This number was under 100 per year over the last decade. Although it has not gotten much attention in media and academic circles, the rate of the increase in the number of Turkish citizens entering the United States illegally is alarming. While the main reasons of the high numbers of people migrating from Erdogan’s Türkiye include general insatiateness regarding economic and political problems, substandard working conditions and underdeveloped fundamental human rights protection system United States’ prestigious image in the world, strong economy and promising future can be counted among the main reasons that migrants prefer it as destination country. The surprising rise of Turkish citizens choosing Mexico as a transit country to enter the States is attributed to the transnational criminal organizations’ connections to Türkiye. The dire circumstances Turkish people experience and their endeavor to find a way to “get out of Türkiye” plays into the hands of cartels. The article points out this multilateral phenomenon and sets forth the push and pull factors, elaborating the involvement of transnational criminal organizations in Mexico.
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Jared Van Ramshorst and Margath Walker. "Subordinating Space: Immigration Enforcement, Hierarchy, and the Politics of Scale in Mexico and Central America." Borders in Globalization Review 3, no. 2 (2022): 14–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.18357/bigr32202220403.
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In recent years, security and immigration enforcement has expanded rapidly throughout Mexico. From checkpoints and patrols to a vast system of detention and deportation, Mexican officials have implemented far-reaching measures to curtail international migration from Central America. Many of these efforts have been concentrated along the Mexico–Guatemala border and deep within southern Mexico, culminating in Programa Frontera Sur, a militarized approach to border security implemented in 2014. In this article, we explore how security and immigration enforcement in Mexico rely on spatial hierarchies that divide north and south. The practice of security and immigration enforcement has received significant attention across many disciplines. The notion of spatial hierarchies and the ways in which scalar differentiation impinges upon well-being has been less covered. As we show, these hierarchies partition North and Central America according to colonial modes, subordinating the latter as inferior while working across global, national, and local scales. Crucially, the linkages between securitization and the spatialization of hierarchies provide insights into nation-building and regional identity, where Mexico and the United States are increasingly designated as separate from South and Central America.
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Mabry, Donald. "The US Military and the War on Drugs in Latin America." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 30, no. 2-3 (1988): 53–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/165979.
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In The Face Of The Unsuccessful Efforts of law enforcement agencies (including the Coast Guard) to staunch the flow of illegal narcotics into the United States, Congress and the public have been demanding that the military increase its role in the nation's anti-drug campaign. These demands vary in scope. The minimum demand is that the military provide more logistical support and intelligence data. Another, which was approved by Congress in 1988, is also to give military personnel powers of search, seizure, and arrest outside the land area of the United States. Some also advocate giving civilian police powers to the military to patrol the national borders, including ports of entry. In May 1988, the US House of Representatives voted to demand that the military “seal the borders” to drug traffic within 45 days, an effort which would require both naval and border interdiction, and the Senate voted overwhelmingly to expand the role of the military in the anti-drug campaign. The most extreme demand has come from Representative Arthur Ravenel, Jr. (R-SC) who has called for the military shoot-down, on sight, of any aircraft suspected of smuggling drugs.
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Flores-Yeffal, Nadia Y., and Karen A. Pren. "Predicting Unauthorized Salvadoran Migrants’ First Migration to the United States between 1965 and 2007." Journal on Migration and Human Security 6, no. 2 (2018): 131–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2331502418765404.
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Although Salvadoran emigration to the United States is one of the most important migratory flows emanating from Latin America, there is insufficient information about the predictors of first unauthorized migration from El Salvador to the United States. In this study, we use data from the Latin American Migration Project–El Salvador (LAMP-ELS4) to perform an event history analysis to discern the factors that influenced the likelihood that a Salvadoran household head would take a first unauthorized trip to the United States between 1965 and 2007. We take into account a series of demographic, social capital, human capital, and physical capital characteristics of the Salvadoran household head; demographic and social context variables in the place of origin; as well as economic and border security factors at the place of destination. Our findings suggest that an increase in the Salvadoran civil violence index and a personal economic crisis increased the likelihood of first-time unauthorized migration. Salvadorans who were less likely to take a first unauthorized trip were business owners, those employed in skilled occupations, and persons with more years of experience in the labor force. Contextual variables in the United States, such as a high unemployment rate and an increase in the Border Patrol budget, deterred the decision to take a first unauthorized trip. Finally, social capital had no effect on the decision to migrate; this means that for unauthorized Salvadoran migrants, having contacts in the United States is not the main driver to start a migration journey to the United States. We suggest as policy recommendations that the United States should award Salvadorans more work-related visas or asylum protection. For those Salvadorans whose Temporary Protected Status (TPS) has ended, the United States should allow them to apply for permanent residency. The decision not to continue to extend TPS to Salvadorans will only increase the number of unauthorized immigrants in the United States. The United States needs to revise its current immigration policies, which make it a very difficult and/or extremely lengthy process for Salvadorans and other immigrants to regularize their current immigration status in the United States. Furthermore, because of our research findings, we recommend that the Salvadoran government — to discourage out-migration — invest in high-skilled job training and also offer training and credit opportunities to its population to encourage business ventures.
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Travassos, Mark A. "A “Natural Death”: The Political Battlefield of Infections and Migrant Children’s Bodies." Clinical Infectious Diseases 70, no. 12 (2019): 2721–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cid/ciz1026.
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Abstract Before September 2018, no child had died in United States Border Patrol custody in a decade. Since then, 7 detained children have died in the past 10 months. Migrant children’s bodies have become the latest political battlefield, and these children have been caught in the crossfire. This piece focuses on the recent deaths of several migrant children from overwhelming infections in United States detainment centers. The circumstances surrounding these illnesses bring to the fore concerns about the care of these children, suggesting infectious disease outbreaks in these detainment centers, delays in bringing children to medical attention, and inadequate medical expertise in their care. There is an urgent need for advocacy by clinicians and professional societies to resolve this crisis.
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Enriquez, Daniella J. "The XVII Amendment’s impact to Economy, Politics, and European Immigration during Prohibition in the United States." Toro Historical Review 14, no. 2 (2023): 26–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.46787/tthr.v14i2.3314.
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Prohibition occurred between the years 1920 to 1933. The United States Congress ratified the XVII amendment prohibiting the sale, manufacture, and transport of intoxicating liquors. During these years United States emerged from its involvement in World War I, experienced the Roaring Twenties, and felt the impact of the Great Depression. The era historically transformed the United States during the period of thirteen years. Upon the ratification of XVIII amendment, the Volstead Act became the enforcing mechanism of the law, Prohibition took effect within the United States on January 17, 1920. The economy, law enforcement and European immigration were all sectors uniquely affected during the Prohibition era in the United States. The United States government political fallout occurred because they believed the ratification would positively impact the country’s economy, however; the government lost tax revenues immediately after the tax on liquor sales halted. The law’s goal was to eliminate all liquor within the United States. The government did not expect illegal smuggling nor the establishment of a bootlegging industry. The closure of saloons led to an illegal development of underground speakeasies. Alcohol smugglers thrived, while the National Anti-Saloon League influenced distinguished members of Congress and the government with their use of “pressure politics.” The Treasury Department assigned a Prohibition Unit agency known as the Federal Bureau of Investigation to follow paper tracks and anonymous tips about speakeasies and illegal smuggling. The United States endowed Border Patrol with law enforcement authority allowing them to make arrests without warrants on any violation of immigration laws. Immigrants found opportunities sidestepping the law and built speakeasies to supplement their incomes. Germans, Italians, and Irish Americans were all targeted because of citizens preconceived prejudices against immigrants in the United States.
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Bazzi, Samuel, Gordon Hanson, Sarah John, Bryan Roberts, and John Whitley. "Deterring Illegal Entry: Migrant Sanctions and Recidivism in Border Apprehensions." American Economic Journal: Economic Policy 13, no. 3 (2021): 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/pol.20190291.
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During the 2008 to 2012 period, the US Border Patrol enacted new sanctions on migrants apprehended while attempting to enter the United States illegally. Using administrative records on apprehensions of Mexican nationals that include fingerprint-based IDs and other details, we detect if an apprehended migrant is subject to penalties and if he is later reapprehended. Exploiting plausibly random variation in the rollout of sanctions, we estimate econometrically that exposure to penalties reduced the 18-month reapprehension rate for males by 4.6 to 6.1 percentage points off of a baseline rate of 24.2 percent. These magnitudes imply that sanctions can account for 28 to 44 percent of the observed decline in recidivism in apprehensions. Further results suggest that the drop in recidivism was associated with a reduction in attempted illegal entry. (JEL K37, J15, J18)
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Newell, Bryce Clayton, Ricardo Gomez, and Verónica E. Guajardo. "Sensors, Cameras, and the New ‘Normal’ in Clandestine Migration: How Undocumented Migrants Experience Surveillance at the U.S.-Mexico Border." Surveillance & Society 15, no. 1 (2017): 21–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.24908/ss.v15i1.5604.
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This paper presents findings from an exploratory qualitative study of the experiences and perceptions of undocumented (irregular) migrants to the United States with various forms of surveillance in the borderlands between the U.S. and Mexico. Based on fieldwork conducted primarily in a migrant shelter in Nogales, Mexico, we find that migrants generally have a fairly sophisticated understanding about U.S. Border Patrol surveillance and technology use and that they consciously engage in forms of resistance or avoidance. Heightened levels of border surveillance may be deterring a minority of migrants from attempting immediate future crossings, but most interviewees were undeterred in their desire to enter the U.S., preferring to find ways to avoid government surveillance. Furthermore, migrants exhibit a general lack of trust in the “promise” of technology to improve their circumstances and increase their safety during clandestine border-crossing—often due to fears that technology use makes them vulnerable to state surveillance, tracking, and arrest.
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Warren, Robert, and Donald Kerwin. "The 2,000 Mile Wall in Search of a Purpose: Since 2007 Visa Overstays have Outnumbered Undocumented Border Crossers by a Half Million." Journal on Migration and Human Security 5, no. 1 (2017): 124–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/233150241700500107.
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The Trump administration has made the construction of an “impregnable” 2,000-mile wall across the length of the US-Mexico border a centerpiece of its executive orders on immigration and its broader immigration enforcement strategy. This initiative has been broadly criticized based on: • Escalating cost projections: an internal Department of Homeland Security (DHS) study recently set the cost at $21.6 billion over three and a half years; • Its necessity given the many other enforcement tools — video surveillance, drones, ground sensors, and radar technologies — and Border Patrol personnel, that cover the US-Mexico border: former DHS Secretary Michael Chertoff and other experts have argued that a wall does not add enforcement value except in heavy crossing areas near towns, highways, or other “vanishing points” (Kerwin 2016); • Its cost-effectiveness given diminished Border Patrol apprehensions (to roughly one-fourth the level of historic highs) and reduced illegal entries (to roughly one-tenth the 2005 level according to an internal DHS study) (Martinez 2016); • Its efficacy as an enforcement tool: between FY 2010 and FY 2015, the current 654-mile pedestrian wall was breached 9,287 times (GAO 2017, 22); • Its inability to meet the administration's goal of securing “operational control” of the border, defined as “the prevention of all unlawful entries to the United States” (White House 2017); • Its deleterious impact on bi-national border communities, the environment, and property rights (Heyman 2013); and • Opportunity costs in the form of foregone investments in addressing the conditions that drive large-scale migration, as well as in more effective national security and immigration enforcement strategies. The Center for Migration Studies (CMS) has reported on the dramatic decline in the US undocumented population between 2008 and 2014 (Warren 2016). In addition, a growing percentage of border crossers in recent years have originated in the Northern Triangle states of Central America (CBP 2016). These migrants are fleeing pervasive violence, persecution, and poverty, and a large number do not seek to evade arrest, but present themselves to border officials and request political asylum. Many are de facto refugees, not illegal border crossers. This report speaks to another reason to question the necessity and value of a 2,000-mile wall: It does not reflect the reality of how the large majority of persons now become undocumented. It finds that two-thirds of those who arrived in 2014 did not illegally cross a border, but were admitted (after screening) on non-immigrant (temporary) visas, and then overstayed their period of admission or otherwise violated the terms of their visas. Moreover, this trend in increasing percentages of visa overstays will likely continue into the foreseeable future. The report presents information about the mode of arrival of the undocumented population that resided in the United States in 2014. To simplify the presentation, it divides the 2014 population into two groups: overstays and entries without inspection (EWIs). The term overstay, as used in this paper, refers to undocumented residents who entered the United States with valid temporary visas and subsequently established residence without authorization. The term EWI refers to undocumented residents who entered without proper immigration documents across the southern border. The estimates are based primarily on detailed estimates of the undocumented population in 2014 compiled by CMS and estimates of overstays for 2015 derived by DHS. Major findings include the following: • In 2014, about 4.5 million US residents, or 42 percent of the total undocumented population, were overstays. • Overstays accounted for about two-thirds (66 percent) of those who arrived (i.e., joined the undocumented population) in 2014. • Overstays have exceeded EWIs every year since 2007, and 600,000 more overstays than EWIs have arrived since 2007. • Mexico is the leading country for both overstays and EWIs; about one-third of undocumented arrivals from Mexico in 2014 were overstays. • California has the largest number of overstays (890,000), followed by New York (520,000), Texas (475,000), and Florida (435,000). • Two states had 47 percent of the 6.4 million EWIs in 2014: California (1.7 million) and Texas (1.3 million). • The percentage of overstays varies widely by state: more than two-thirds of the undocumented who live in Hawaii, Massachusetts, Connecticut, and Pennsylvania are overstays. By contrast, the undocumented population in Kansas, Arkansas, and New Mexico consists of fewer than 25 percent overstays.
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Jackson, Michael D. "Between Biography and Ethnography." Harvard Theological Review 101, no. 3-4 (2008): 377–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816008001910.
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My point of departure in this essay is Davíd Carrasco's Convocation Address at the Harvard Divinity School in September 2006. Speaking of the borderlands between Mexico and the United States, Carrasco projects an image of a vexed and ambiguous zone that is not merely geographic or political; it defines an existential situation of being betwixt and between, of struggle and suffering, that Karl Jaspers sums up in the term Grenzsituationen (borders/limit situations). The frontier throws up images of borderline experiences, of a destabilized and transgressive consciousness in which “dreams, repressed memories, psychological transferences and associations” possess greater presence than they do in ordinary waking life, and religious experiences emerge from the unconscious like apparitions. This interplay between borderlands and borderline phenomena—between “the differences we have with others and the conflicts within ourselves” also finds expression in the work of Gloria Anzaldúa. “Mestiza consciousness,” she observes, may be identified with a “juncture … where phenomena collide.” This implies “a shock culture, a border culture, a third country” where migrants find themselves at the limits of what they can endure, border patrol agents are stretched beyond the limits of what they can control, and intellectuals find that orthodox ways of describing and analyzing the world do not do justice to the experiences involved.
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Tracey, Caroline. "“Fértil Camposanto Llamado México”: Contemporary Poetry of U.S.-Mexico Border Deaths." Journal of Latino/Latin American Studies 10, no. 2 (2020): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.18085/1549-9502.10.2.1.
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Abstract Death marks the U.S.-Mexico borderlands. This paper considers accounts of migrant death in contemporary poetry, examining the presence of migrants, necropower, and landscape in four works: Sara Uribe’s Antígona González (Oaxaca: Sur+editions, 2012), Eduardo C. Corral’s Slow Lightning (New Haven: Yale, 2012), Balam Rodrigo’s Libro Centroamericano de los Muertos (México: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 2018), and Forrest Gander’s Be With (New York: New Directions, 2018), drawing on recent theorizations of Achille Mbembé’s idea of necropolitics/necropower from both United States and Mexican scholars. I argue that examining the poetic and the theoretical texts in light of one another offers new conclusions for both. The affective similarities across the poetic texts help connect the theorizations of necropolitics, showing that while it appears that the agents of necropower—cartel members and Border Patrol agents—are very different, they can be understood as similar actors, dressed differently. Meanwhile, examining the poems in light of necropolitical theory reveals the extent to which distinct literary traditions of representing violence and nature influence the way in which border deaths are understood.
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Alden, Edward. "Is Border Enforcement Effective? What We Know and What it Means." Journal on Migration and Human Security 5, no. 2 (2017): 481–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/233150241700500213.
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For too long, the policy debate over border enforcement has been split between those who believe the border can be sealed against illegal entry by force alone, and those who believe that any effort to do so is futile and without expanded legal work opportunities. And for too long, both sides have been able to muster evidence to make their cases — the enforcers pointing to targeted successes at sealing the border, and the critics pointing to continued illegal entry despite the billions spent on enforcement. Until recently it has been hard to referee the disputes with any confidence because the data was simply inadequate — both sides could muster their preferred measures to make their case. But improvements in both data and analysis are increasingly making it possible to offer answers to the critical question of the effectiveness of border enforcement in stopping and deterring illegal entry. The new evidence suggests that unauthorized migration across the southern border has plummeted, with successful illegal entries falling from roughly 1.8 million in 2000 to just 200,000 by 2015. Border enforcement has been a significant reason for the decline — in particular, the growing use of “consequences” such as jail time for illegal border crossers has had a powerful effect in deterring repeated border crossing efforts. The success of deterrence through enforcement has meant that attempted crossings have fallen dramatically even as the likelihood of a border crosser being apprehended by the Border Patrol has only risen slightly, to just over a 50–50 chance. These research advances should help to inform a more rational public debate over the incremental benefits of additional border enforcement expenditures. With Congress gearing up to consider budget proposals from the Trump administration that seek an additional $2.6 billion for border security, including construction of new physical barriers, the debate is long overdue. In particular, Congress should be taking a careful look at the incremental gains that might come from additional spending on border enforcement. The evidence suggests that deterrence through enforcement, despite its successes to date in reducing illegal entry across the border, is producing diminishing returns. There are three primary reasons. First, arrivals at the border are increasingly made up of asylum seekers from Central America rather than traditional economic migrants from Mexico; this is a population that is both harder to deter because of the dangers they face at home, and in many cases not appropriate to deter because the United States has legal obligations to consider serious requests for asylum. Second, the majority of additions to the US unauthorized population is now arriving on legal visas and then overstaying; enforcement at the southern border does nothing to respond to this challenge. And finally, among Mexican migrants, a growing percentage of the repeat border crossers are parents with children left behind in the United States, a population that is far harder to deter than young economic migrants. The administration could better inform this debate by releasing to scholars and the public the research it has sponsored in order to give Americans a fuller picture on border enforcement.
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Whittaker, Catherine, and Eveline Dürr. "Vigilance, Knowledge, and De/colonization." Conflict and Society 8, no. 1 (2022): 156–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/arcs.2022.080110.
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This article shows how vigilance against racism and coloniality in the US-Mexico borderlands produces knowledge, highlighting the decolonizing potential of their dynamic entanglement. Before the Black Lives Matter protests against police violence across the United States in late May 2020, many Latin@s in San Diego, California, already anticipated racial discrimination and violence in light of growing anti-migration sentiment. Those Latin@s who took part in the protests often also protested border patrol violence. Based on long-term ethnographic fieldwork, we argue that the vigilance of Latin@s, who were further racialized as “immigrants” through their protest participation, produced knowledge about ongoing racism and coloniality in San Diego. We propose theorizing vigilance as having both the potential to uphold colonialist structures and to undermine these.
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Espenshade, Thomas J. "Using ins Border Apprehension Data to Measure the Flow of Undocumented Migrants Crossing the U.S.-Mexico Frontier." International Migration Review 29, no. 2 (1995): 545–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019791839502900209.
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This article examines how data on INS border apprehensions are related to the flow of undocumented migrants crossing the southern U.S. border. Its centerpiece is a demographic model of the process of unauthorized migration across the Mexico-U.S. frontier. This model is both a conceptual framework that allows us to see theoretical linkages between apprehensions and illegal migrant flows, and a methodological device that yields estimates of the gross number of undocumented migrants. One implication of the model is that, for the first time, the relation between apprehensions and illegal flows can be examined empirically. We show that the ratio in each period between apprehensions and the undocumented flow is simply the odds of being located and arrested on any given attempt to enter the United States clandestinely. In addition, data for 1977–1988 suggest that the simple linear correlation between the number of apprehensions and the volume of illegal immigration is approximately 0.90 and that the size of the illegal migrant flow is roughly 2.2 times the number of Border Patrol arrests. The article concludes with a discussion of the conditions under which it is appropriate to use INS apprehensions data as an indicator for the flow of undocumented U.S. migrants.
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Warren, Robert. "Reverse Migration to Mexico Led to US Undocumented Population Decline: 2010 to 2018." Journal on Migration and Human Security 8, no. 1 (2020): 32–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2331502420906125.
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Executive Summary This report presents estimates of the undocumented population residing in the United States in 2018, highlighting demographic changes since 2010. The Center for Migration Studies of New York (CMS) compiled these estimates based primarily on information collected in the US Census Bureau’s American Community Survey (ACS). The annual CMS estimates of undocumented residents for 2010 to 2018 include all the detailed characteristics collected in the ACS. 1 A summary of the CMS estimation procedures, as well as a discussion of the plausibility of the estimates, is provided in the Appendix . The total undocumented population in the United States continued to decline in 2018, primarily because large numbers of undocumented residents returned to Mexico. From 2010 to 2018, a total of 2.6 million Mexican nationals left the US undocumented population; 2 about 1.1 million, or 45 percent of them, returned to Mexico voluntarily. The decline in the US undocumented population from Mexico since 2010 contributed to declines in the undocumented population in many states. Major findings include the following: The total US undocumented population was 10.6 million in 2018, a decline of about 80,000 from 2017, and a drop of 1.2 million, or 10 percent, since 2010. Since 2010, about two-thirds of new arrivals have overstayed temporary visas and one-third entered illegally across the border. The undocumented population from Mexico fell from 6.6 million in 2010 to 5.1 million in 2018, a decline of 1.5 million, or 23 percent. Total arrivals in the US undocumented population from El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras — despite high numbers of Border Patrol apprehensions of these populations in recent years — remained at about the same level in 2018 as in the previous four years. 3 The total undocumented population in California was 2.3 million in 2018, a decline of about 600,000 compared to 2.9 million in 2010. The number from Mexico residing in the state dropped by 605,000 from 2010 to 2018. The undocumented population in New York State fell by 230,000, or 25 percent, from 2010 to 2018. Declines were largest for Jamaica (−51 percent), Trinidad and Tobago (−50 percent), Ecuador (−44 percent), and Mexico (−34 percent). The results shown here reinforce the view that improving social and economic conditions in sending countries would not only reduce pressure at the border but also likely cause a large decline in the undocumented population. Two countries had especially large population changes — in different directions — in the 2010 to 2018 period. The population from Poland dropped steadily, from 93,000 to 39,000, while the population from Venezuela increased from 65,000 to 172,000. Almost all the increase from Venezuela occurred after 2014.
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Baker, Russell A. "Border Injuries: An Analysis of Prehospital Demographics, Mechanisms, and Patterns of Injuries Encountered by USBP EMS Agents in the El Paso (Texas USA) Sector." Prehospital and Disaster Medicine 32, no. 4 (2017): 431–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049023x17006434.
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AbstractStudy ObjectiveThe aim of this study was to evaluate Emergency Medical Services (EMS), use, injury mechanisms, prehospital assessments, and injuries among those receiving aid from the United States Border Patrol (USBP) in the El Paso (Texas USA) Sector.DesignThis is a time-series, retrospective analysis of all prehospital data for injuries among patients receiving care from USBP EMS on the US Mexico border in the El Paso sector from February 6, 2014 to February 6, 2016.ResultsA total of 473 documented EMS encounters occurred in this two-year period and demonstrated a male gender predominance (male 63%; female 37%) with the most prominent ages between 22-40 years old. The most prevalent EMS call types were medical (55%) and trauma (42%). The most common chief complaints were an injured or painful extremity (35%) and rash (13%). The most common USBP EMS provider primary impression was traumatic injury (34%), followed by fever/infection (17%) and extremity injury (7%); however, the most common secondary impression was also extremity injury (20%). The most common mechanism of injury was fall (26%) and motor vehicle accident (MVA; 22%). The USBP EMS was the first provider on scene in 96% of the MVAs.Conclusion:The author reports on injury patterns, mechanisms, chief complaints, EMS impressions, as well as demographics of patients reporting to USBP EMS. A knowledge of these injury patterns will be useful to EMS administrators and physicians along the US Mexico border.BakerRA. Border injuries: an analysis of prehospital demographics, mechanisms, and patterns of injuries encountered by USBP EMS agents in the El Paso (Texas USA) Sector. Prehosp Disaster Med. 2017;32(4):431–436.
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Musalo, Karen, and Eunice Lee. "Seeking a Rational Approach to a Regional Refugee Crisis: Lessons from the Summer 2014 “Surge” of Central American Women and Children at the US-Mexico Border." Journal on Migration and Human Security 5, no. 1 (2017): 137–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/233150241700500108.
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Executive Summary2 In the early summer months of 2014, an increasing number of Central American children alone and with their parents began arriving at the US-Mexico border in search of safety and protection. The children and families by and large came from the Northern Triangle countries of El Salvador, Honduras, and Guatemala — three of the most dangerous countries in the world — to seek asylum and other humanitarian relief. Rampant violence and persecution within homes and communities, uncontrolled and unchecked by state authorities, compelled them to flee north for their lives. On the scale of refugee crises worldwide, the numbers were not huge. For example, 24,481 and 38,833 unaccompanied children, respectively, were apprehended by US Border Patrol (USBP) in FY 2012 and FY 2013, while 68,631 children were apprehended in FY 2014 alone (USBP 2016a). In addition, apprehensions of “family units,” or parents (primarily mothers) with children, also increased, from 15,056 families in FY 2013 to 68,684 in FY 2014 (USBP 2016b).3 While these numbers may seem large and did represent a significant increase over prior years, they are nonetheless dwarfed by refugee inflows elsewhere; for example, Turkey was host to 1.15 million Syrian refugees by year end 2014 (UNHCR 2015a), and to 2.5 million by year end 2015 (UNHCR 2016) — reflecting an influx of almost 1.5 million refugees in the course of a single year. Nevertheless, small though they are in comparison, the numbers of Central American women and children seeking asylum at our southern border, concentrated in the summer months of 2014, did reflect a jump from prior years. These increases drew heightened media attention, and both news outlets and official US government statements termed the flow a “surge” and a “crisis” (e.g., Basu 2014; Foley 2014; Negroponte 2014). The sense of crisis was heightened by the lack of preparedness by the federal government, in particular, to process and provide proper custody arrangements for unaccompanied children as required by federal law. Images of children crowded shoulder to shoulder in US Customs and Border Protection holding cells generated a sense of urgency across the political spectrum (e.g., Fraser-Chanpong 2014; Tobias 2014). Responses to this “surge,” and explanations for it, varied widely in policy, media, and government circles. Two competing narratives emerged, rooted in two very disparate views of the “crisis.” One argues that “push” factors in the home countries of El Salvador, Honduras, and Guatemala drove children and families to flee as bona fide asylum seekers; the other asserted that “pull” factors drew these individuals to the United States. For those adopting the “push” factor outlook, the crisis is a humanitarian one, reflecting human rights violations and deprivations in the region, and the protection needs of refugees (UNHCR 2015b; UNHCR 2014; Musalo et al. 2015). While acknowledging that reasons for migration may be mixed, this view recognizes the seriousness of regional refugee protection needs. For those focusing on “pull” factors, the crisis has its roots in border enforcement policies that were perceived as lax by potential migrants, and that thereby acted as an inducement to migration (Harding 2014; Navarette, Jr. 2014). Each narrative, in turn, suggests a very different response to the influx of women and children at US borders. If “push” factors predominately drive migration, then protective policies in accordance with international and domestic legal obligations toward refugees must predominately inform US reaction. Even apart from the legal and moral rightness of this approach, any long-term goal of lowering the number of Central American migrants at the US-Mexico border, practically speaking, would have to address the root causes of violence in their home countries. On the other hand, if “pull” factors are granted greater causal weight, it would seem that stringent enforcement policies that make coming to the US less attractive and profitable would be a more effective deterrent. In that latter case, tactics imposing human costs on migrants, such as detention, speedy return, or other harsh or cursory treatment — while perhaps not morally justified —would at least make logical sense. Immediately upon the summer influx of 2014, the Obama administration unequivocally adopted the “pull” factor narrative and enacted a spate of hostile deterrence-based policies as a result. In July 2014, President Obama asked Congress to appropriate $3.7 billion in emergency funds to address the influx of Central American women and children crossing the border (Cohen 2014). The majority of funding focused on heightened enforcement at the border — including funding for 6,300 new beds to detain families (LIRS and WRC 2014, 5). The budget also included, in yet another demonstration of a “pull”-factor-based deterrence approach, money for State Department officials to counter the supposed “misinformation” spreading in Central America regarding the possibility of obtaining legal status in the United States. The US government also funded and encouraged the governments of Mexico, Guatemala, and Honduras to turn around Central American asylum seekers before they ever could reach US border (Frelick, Kysel, and Podkul 2016). Each of these policies, among other harsh practices, continues to the present day. But, by and large they have not had a deterrent effect. Although the numbers of unaccompanied children and mothers with children dropped in early 2015, the numbers began climbing again in late 2015 and remained high through 2016, exceeding in August and September 2015 the unaccompanied child and “family unit” apprehension figures for those same months in 2014 (USBP 2016a; USBP 2016b). Moreover, that temporary drop in early 2015 likely reflects US interdiction policies rather than any “deterrent” effect of harsh policies at or within US own borders, as the drop in numbers of Central American women and children arriving at the US border in the early months of 2015 corresponded largely with a spike in deportations by Mexico (WOLA 2015). In all events, in 2015, UNCHR found that the number of individuals from the Northern Triangle requesting asylum in Mexico, Costa Rica, Nicaragua, and Panama had increased 13-fold since 2008 (UNCHR 2015b). Thus, the Obama administration's harsh policies did not, in fact, deter Central American women and children from attempting to flee their countries. This, we argue, is because the “push” factor narrative is the correct one. The crisis we face is accordingly humanitarian in nature and regional in scope — and the migrant “surge” is undoubtedly a refugee flow. By refusing to acknowledge and address the reality of the violence and persecution in El Salvador, Honduras, and Guatemala, the US government has failed to lessen the refugee crisis in its own region. Nor do its actions comport with its domestic and international legal obligations towards refugees. This article proceeds in four parts. In the first section, we examine and critique the administration's “pull”-factor-based policies during and after the 2014 summer surge, in particular through the expansion of family detention, accelerated procedures, raids, and interdiction. In section two, we look to the true “push” factors behind the migration surge — namely, societal violence, violence in the home, and poverty and exclusion in El Salvador, Honduras, and Guatemala. Our analysis here includes an overview of the United States' responsibility for creating present conditions in these countries via decades of misguided foreign policy interventions. Our penultimate section explores the ways in which our current deterrence-based policies echo missteps of our past, particularly through constructive refoulement and the denial of protection to legitimate refugees. Finally, we conclude by offering recommendations to the US government for a more effective approach to the influx of Central American women and children at our border, one that addresses the real reasons for their flight and that furthers a sustainable solution consistent with US and international legal obligations and moral principles. Our overarching recommendation is that the US government immediately recognize the humanitarian crisis occurring in the Northern Triangle countries and the legitimate need of individuals from these countries for refugee protection. Flowing from that core recommendation are additional suggested measures, including the immediate cessation of hostile, deterrence-based policies such as raids, family detention, and interdiction; adherence to proper interpretations of asylum and refugee law; increased funding for long-term solutions to violence and poverty in these countries, and curtailment of funding for enforcement; and temporary measures to ensure that no refugees are returned to persecution in these countries.
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Gómez Cervantes, Andrea, Cecilia Menjívar, and William G. Staples. "“Humane” Immigration Enforcement and Latina Immigrants in the Detention Complex." Feminist Criminology 12, no. 3 (2017): 269–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1557085117699069.
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We explore the criminalization of Latina immigrants through the interwoven network of social control created by law, the justice system, and private corporations—the immigration industrial complex. Considerable scholarly research has focused on understanding the overtly coercive practices of deportation and the consequences for families and communities; less attention has been devoted to the social control mechanisms of detention facilities and “Alternative to Detention Programs” (ATD programs) operating in the United States. We know relatively little about the consequences for immigrant populations, especially of the purported “humane” practices in the enforcement apparatus. Based on existing documents produced by governmental offices, including Department of Homeland Security, Immigration and Customs Enforcement, Border Patrol, Government Accountability Office, nonprofit organizations, advocacy groups, and private correctional facilities, we conducted semistructured interviews with 11 immigration lawyers who have access to women who are and/or have been detained, are in supervised ATD programs, are/were in deportation proceedings, or attempt(ed) to claim asylum. An examination of immigration confinement, especially the laws and policy decisions behind the exponential increase in these detentions, reveals important gender dynamics in these practices. The subtle and benevolence-signaling discourse evoking “family,” “motherhood,” and the care of children masks the harsh “business as usual” tactics that treat women and their children in ways indistinguishable from those used in the criminal justice system. We contend that this feminized and infantilized language functions to conceal widespread civil and human rights violations, physical and sexual violence, and mistreatment reproduced by the immigration detention system today.
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DOTY, ROXANNE LYNN. "States of Exception on the Mexico?U.S. Border: Security, "Decisions," and Civilian Border Patrols." International Political Sociology 1, no. 2 (2007): 113–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1749-5687.2007.00008.x.
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Wilson, Betty L. "Under the Brutal Watch: A Historical Examination of Slave Patrols in the United States and Brazil During the 18th and 19th Centuries." Journal of Black Studies 53, no. 1 (2021): 3–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00219347211049218.
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Though less discussed in the literature, slave patrols played a significant role in continuing and sustaining the system of slavery. While few scholars have dedicated attention to exploring the history of slave patrols in the United States (US), there remains a dearth of research analyzing the slave patrol system in Brazil, despite the existence of slavery in this area of the African Diaspora. Using a historical perspective, this article compares and examines the establishment, function, expansion of slave patrols in the US and Brazil between the 18th and 19th centuries. This article adds to the scholarly discourse and historical literature on the experiences and conditions of enslaved people in the African diaspora (i.e., US and Brazil) under the brutal watch of slave patrols. Future research and investigation is needed to gain nuanced understanding of slave patrols not only in these two specific geographical regions, but globally across the African diaspora.
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Kiester, Elizabeth, and Jennifer Vasquez-Merino. "A Virus Without Papers: Understanding COVID-19 and the Impact on Immigrant Communities." Journal on Migration and Human Security 9, no. 2 (2021): 80–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/23315024211019705.
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The COVID-19 pandemic has exposed the inequalities facing vulnerable populations: those living in economically precarious situations and lacking adequate health care. In addition, frontline workers deemed essential to meet our basic needs have faced enormous personal risk to keep earning their paychecks and the economy running. Immigrant communities face an intersection of all three vulnerabilities (e.g., economic precarity, health care barriers, essential workforce), making them one of the most vulnerable populations in the United States. We conducted 26 interviews via Zoom with immigrant service providers in Pennsylvania and New York, including lawyers, case workers, religious leaders, advocates, doctors, and educators in order to gain a better understanding of the impact of COVID-19 on immigrant communities. These interviews affirmed that immigrants are concentrated in essential industries, which increases their exposure to the virus. In addition, they lack access to social safety nets when trying to access health care or facing job/income loss. Last, COVID-19 did not adequately slow the detention and deportation machine in the United States, which led to increased transmission of the virus among not only detainees but also others in the detention system, surrounding communities, and the countries to which people were deported, countries that often lacked an adequate infrastructure for dealing with the pandemic. Based on our interviews, we have a series of specific policy recommendations to diminish the vulnerability of immigrants and create social safety nets that will include them and protect them when the market fails to do so. Immigrants of all types have made indispensable contributions to the US economy during the pandemic and before it. First, Congress and states should pass legislation to provide COVID-19 relief payments to all essential workers, regardless of their status, as compensation for putting their lives on the line to keep the economy running. Second, as a public health imperative, federal and state governments should expand coverage of Medicaid and Children’s Health Insurance Programs (CHIP) to include immigrant essential workers and their children, regardless of their status. Third, DHS should not refer essential workers to removal proceedings, and immigration courts should terminate all removal proceedings for essential workers without criminal records. When it comes to issues of health care affordability and access, Congress must continue to revise the Affordable Healthcare Act to expand coverage for those who do not qualify for Medicaid but earn too little to afford insurance on their own. Finally, there must be a review and rigorous enforcement of workplace health and safety standards, particularly when it comes to farming, meatpacking, food production, and food service industries. Our final recommendations are specific to DHS and two of the primary agencies they oversee: Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) and the Border Patrol. First, there needs to be a review of ICE policies and practices, leading to a shift in policy that keeps mixed-status families intact and minor children out of detention centers and that streamlines and expands the asylum process. Second, both Congress and the administration must create additional paths to legal status where none now exist, including for recipients of Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) and for children who have arrived since June 2007.
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Feno, David W., and Michael A. Ogden. "Freeway Service Patrols: A State of the Practice." Transportation Research Record: Journal of the Transportation Research Board 1634, no. 1 (1998): 28–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.3141/1634-04.
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Freeway service patrols have been cited as one of the most effective elements of an incident management program for reducing incident detection time and incident duration. Service patrol programs utilize roving vehicles to patrol congested and high incident sections of urban freeways. The state of the practice of freeway service patrol programs in the United States is documented in this paper. A telephone survey was conducted with managers of 53 freeway service patrols in 22 states. Approximately 74 percent of the surveyed service patrols are sponsored exclusively by public agencies. Approximately 47 percent of the surveyed patrols are sponsored exclusively by Department of Transportations; 6 percent are sponsored exclusively by police agencies; and 21 percent are sponsored by multiple public agencies. Approximately 34 percent of the patrols receive federal support funding. Finally, 27 percent of the patrols operate with private funding sources. Service patrol hours of operation vary from program to program, with the most common being coverage of the weekday a.m. and p.m. peak periods. Approximately 70 percent of the surveyed agencies own and operate their own vehicles, whereas 26 percent contract with private tow companies to provide drivers and vehicles. Benefits associated with service patrols are typically quantified by multiplying a value of time by the estimated delay reduction provided by the service patrol in vehicle-hours. Available benefit to cost analyses for 15 of the service patrols studied ranged from 2:1 to 36.2:1. A contact list and recommendations for agencies interested in starting a new service patrol program are also included in this paper.
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Bustamante, Jorge A. "Demystifying the United States--Mexico Border." Journal of American History 79, no. 2 (1992): 485. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2080038.
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Qayyum, Sehrish, and Aleem Gillani. "MARITIME BORDER MANAGEMENT AND CHALLENGES IN WESTERN INDIAN OCEAN (WIO)." Polaris - Journal of Maritime Research 4, no. 1 (2022): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.53963/pjmr.2022.002.4.
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Unsettled maritime boundaries can hinder economic exploitation of offshore resources and complicate the management of maritime borders. They thwart states from getting on path of prosperity and progress. This article explores factors which when taken together makes most likelihood of effective border management in WIO. It uses descriptive-analytical method of qualitative research to conduct retrospective analysis. The paper highlights key factors concerning WIO’s border management in terms of theoretical subjects. Findings revealed 14 main factors which make most likelihood of effective border management in WIO. In terms of the importance of the components, the greatest scale corresponds to the political dimension, and among the factors is the foreign policy of WIO states. Geopolitical, geostrategic, and topographical realities all have a significant impact on the efficient administration of maritime boundaries. To make matters worse, WIO's geostrategic location has the greatest intervening influence on states. The paper concludes that as per guidance of UN collective security patrols, forces had to be raised in CTF model. The punch line is that no country could be a ‘Net Security Provider’ in IO region.
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Okere, Gloria, and La Sheria Nance Bush. "Qualified immunity: unveiling police violence and misconduct in the United States." Forensic Research & Criminology International Journal 11, no. 3 (2023): 105–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.15406/frcij.2023.11.00376.
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Police violence and misconduct have been evident throughout American history. The earliest forms of policing began in the 1700s in the Carolinas with “Slave Patrols”. It was established to terrorize and suppress enslaved Africans and to apprehend and return the runaway slaves to their owners.1 During the 1960s, direct causations of racial tension and riots was also a conjunction with President Lyndon Johnson’s “War on Crime” initiative. This section documents the history of police violence and misconduct between the periods of 1960 through the early 2000s. The overlapping theme of qualified immunity highlights a prominent role in issues arising from civil rights and accountability.
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Gray, Gerald. "Disappearing refugees inside the United States." Torture Journal 29, no. 1 (2019): 144–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/torture.v29i1.113206.
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I have been working as a psychotherapist and social worker with refugee survivors of torture since 1990. I am now involved at the Texas-Mexico border, drawn there by the torture of refugee families and their children who are disappeared under the U.S. Administration’s phrase, “family separation.” In the El Paso Sector, I collaborate with several clinical, legal, and investigative journalism organizations. We’ve read of the thousands of children and parents disappeared from one another at the border under that official phrase “family separation.”
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Gutiérrez-Witt, Laura. "United States-Mexico Border Studies and "BorderLine"." Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 6, no. 1 (1990): 121–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1052008.
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Walker, David W., and David E. Lorey. "United States-Mexico Border Statistics Since 1900." Hispanic American Historical Review 72, no. 1 (1992): 143. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2515982.
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Walker, David W. "United States-Mexico Border Statistics Since 1900." Hispanic American Historical Review 72, no. 1 (1992): 143–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-72.1.143.
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DeSisto, Carla, Stephen Waterman, Denise Borntrager, Francisco Alvarado-Ramy, Kelly Broussard, and Miguel Escobedo. "Border Lookout: Enhancing Tuberculosis Control on the United States–Mexico Border." American Journal of Tropical Medicine and Hygiene 93, no. 4 (2015): 747–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.4269/ajtmh.15-0300.
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Wolf, Ross, and Thomas Bryer. "Applying an outcomes-based categorisation to non-warranted/non-sworn volunteers in United States policing." Police Journal: Theory, Practice and Principles 93, no. 1 (2019): 42–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032258x19837309.
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The use of volunteers for government service can improve civic engagement, collaboration in governance, and transparency. Policing is no exception, and throughout the United States many police agencies rely on volunteers to serve in various ways, including observational patrols, investigations, administrative support, chaplains, police explorer programmes, and search and rescue teams. While there are police volunteers in the United States that have police powers, this manuscript focuses on the varied ways that citizens participate in policing in non-warranted/non-sworn roles, and applies an outcomes-based categorisation to better understand motivations. Examples of volunteerism are provided, and the variation of use is discussed.
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Fullerton, Thomas M., and Adam G. Walke. "Cross-Border Shopping and Employment Patterns in the Southwestern United States." Journal of International Commerce, Economics and Policy 10, no. 03 (2019): 1950015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793993319500157.
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Price differentials, among other factors, persuade many residents of Northern Mexico to shop in the Southwestern United States border region. Employment patterns in the latter region are studied using a set of control variables and two indicators that are likely to influence cross-border shopping patterns. The first is a real exchange rate index, which captures changes in relative prices in the United States and Mexico. The second is real per capita gross state product in Mexican states adjacent to the international boundary. Both of these variables are found to impact retail and restaurant employment in the United States border zone, confirming that cross-border shopping influences labor market conditions in that region. Furthermore, the estimated elasticities vary across retail sub-sectors in ways that are generally consistent with prior research. Overall, the results suggest that economic setbacks in Northern Mexico and real peso depreciations are likely to have adverse consequences for important sectors of border economies in the United States.
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Fitchett, Joseph Robert, Antonio Javier Vallecillo, and Clara Espitia. "Tuberculosis transmission across the United States-Mexico border." Revista Panamericana de Salud Pública 29, no. 1 (2011): 57–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s1020-49892011000100009.
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Rosas, Gilberto. "Refusing Refuge at the United States–Mexico Border." Humanity: An International Journal of Human Rights, Humanitarianism, and Development 8, no. 3 (2017): 535–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hum.2017.0035.
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Boshkoff, Douglass G. "United States Judicial Assistance in Cross-Border Insolvencies." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 36, no. 4 (1987): 729–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/iclqaj/36.4.729.
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Walsh, Bridget T., Cynthia Pope, Mary Reid, Eric P. Gall, David E. Yocum, and Larry C. Clark. "SLE in a United States-Mexico Border Community." JCR: Journal of Clinical Rheumatology 7, no. 1 (2001): 3–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/00124743-200102000-00002.
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Alhussainy, Hussain. "Barred from the Border." Crossings: An Undergraduate Arts Journal 4, no. 1 (2024): 236–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/crossings200.
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This article critically examines how disability discrimination manifests within the immigration systems of Canada, the United States, the United Kingdom, and Australia. Despite Canada's reputation as a welcoming nation, the article argues that its points-based immigration system perpetuates ableist notions, treating disabled immigrants as economic burdens. The analysis explores the historical context of Canada's immigration system, its impact on disabled immigrants, and draws comparisons with other nations. The examination of the United States reveals discriminatory practices and ableist language, while the United Kingdom's points-based system emphasizes economic contribution, hindering disabled immigrants' integration. In Australia, despite having an anti-discrimination act, disabled immigrants face barriers, including detention. The article concludes that these countries, despite differing immigration systems, share a commonality in excluding disabled immigrants based on eugenic and ableist ideologies rooted in neoliberal democracies. Overall, the points-based systems, intended to eliminate biases, inadvertently reinforce discrimination against disabled individuals, highlighting the need for a more inclusive approach to immigration policies.
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ORRACA, PEDRO, MARTIN RAMIREZ-URQUIDY, and NATANAEL RAMIREZ. "BEYOND THE LOCAL MARKET: MEXICAN CROSS-BORDER ENTREPRENEURS IN THE UNITED STATES." Journal of Developmental Entrepreneurship 22, no. 04 (2017): 1750023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1084946717500236.
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This study examines the characteristics of self-employed workers who reside in Mexico but work in the United States and the factors behind their decision to become cross-border entrepreneurs. This group is compared to entrepreneurs who live and operate in Mexico. Based on census data from Mexico, it is observed that cross-border entrepreneurs are older and more educated, and have stronger ties to the United States, shorter workweeks and higher hourly and monthly earnings than self-employed workers who live and work in Mexico. A series of probit models show that years of schooling, having previously resided in the United States and having an adult in the household who was born in the United States increase the likelihood of becoming a cross-border entrepreneur. Ordinary least squares earnings regressions show that years of schooling and years of work experience are positively associated with the earnings of entrepreneurs operating in Mexico, but not with those of cross-border entrepreneurs.
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Ashur, Suleiman A., M. Hadi Baaj, K. David Pijawka, and Derar S. Serhan. "Environmental Impact Assessment of Transporting Hazardous Waste Generated by Maquiladora Industry in U.S.-Mexico Border Region." Transportation Research Record: Journal of the Transportation Research Board 1602, no. 1 (1997): 84–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.3141/1602-13.
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Hazardous waste shipments from U.S.-owned industries in the northern part of Mexico near the border with the United States are a growing problem. Today, the Mexican Environmental Agency requires all U.S. industries to return the waste produced by their plants to the United States. Currently, there is no database on the amount of hazardous waste transported from these firms, the pattern of shipments (from what origins to what destinations), and the nature of the risks to the population and environment along the shipment routes. In addition, there is a growing need to develop a risk assessment model and framework to focus on the transport of hazardous waste in the United States–Mexico border region, given the anticipated changes resulting from implementation of the North American Free Trade Agreement. Results of the data collection and analysis task and the risk assessment model formulation task are presented. The methodology is demonstrated in a case-study area of the United States–Mexico border region, namely, the Arizona-Sonora border area, and should be a valuable tool for evaluating various transport risk management scenarios of importance to the border area.
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Heyman, Josiah McC. "The Mexico-United States Border in Anthropology: A Critique and Reformulation." Journal of Political Ecology 1, no. 1 (1994): 43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2458/v1i1.21156.
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This paper criticizes the use of the Mexico-United States border in cultural anthropology as an image for conveying theoretical abstractions. Instead, the paper outlines a focused model of political ecology on the border. It delineates territorialized state processes, deterritorialized capital processes, and sets of social relationships and cultural practices characteristic of this region.Keywords: U.S.-Mexico border; anthropological theory; postmodernism; difference; public policy; states; capitalism; bureaucracies; brokers; households; immigration.
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Zhang, Ruidie. "Canada-United States Relations in the Environmental Field." Lecture Notes in Education Psychology and Public Media 5, no. 1 (2023): 562–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2753-7048/5/20220707.
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With the globalization of environmental issues, the impact of environmental pollution on people's lives has become increasingly important. Environmental issues have become increasingly urgent for governments and people in Canada and the United States, primarily due to the growing popularity of industrialization and urbanization. With the longest Canada-U.S. border in the world, the two countries' environmental relationship will directly impact environmental issues on both sides of the border. In terms of environmental policies and diplomatic relations, both countries played an excellent role as the first group of developed countries to emerge from the environmental movement. Based on many scholars' explorations and perspectives on the environmental relationship between Canada and the United States. This article will focus on the environmental policies of the two countries in the mid-to-late 20th century, exploring cross-governmental interactions as well as cross-border scientific and technological collaboration in the context of environmental policies from both countries. Meanwhile, the United States, the most powerful country of the period, has been a role model and an object of imitation in the environmental field for Canada and other countries. However, as the closest neighborhood, the United States has influenced Canada's environmental development positively and negatively, either directly or indirectly.
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Morales, Maria Cristina, and Juan Mendoza. "Seeking the American Dream Along the United States – Mexico Border." Practicing Anthropology 40, no. 3 (2018): 31–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.17730/0888-4552.40.3.31.
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Abstract Largely missing from public policy discussions on education and border crossing at the U.S. Mexico border are the experiences of transnational students. In this article, we illustrate some of the struggles of transnational students crossing from Ciudad Juárez, Chihuahua, México to El Paso, Texas, U.S.A. in pursue of an American education. These students are in K-12 and higher education and their daily commute (or almost daily) entail a start time before sunrise to cross the international port of entry to attend American schools. The majority of these students are U.S. citizens that reside on the Mexican side of the border. In this paper, we provide a glimpse into these students struggles for a U.S. education and discuss some political implications of this phenomena.
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Herzog, Lawrence A. "Border commuter workers and transfrontier metropolitan structure along the United States‐Mexico Border." Journal of Borderlands Studies 5, no. 2 (1990): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08865655.1990.9695393.
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Jabbari, Siavash, Toni Fitzmaurice, Fatima Munoz, Connie Lafuente, Philip Zentner, and Jose Guadalupe Bustamante. "Cross-Border Collaboration in Oncology: A Model for United States–Mexico Border Health." International Journal of Radiation Oncology*Biology*Physics 92, no. 3 (2015): 509–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ijrobp.2015.02.052.
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