Literatura académica sobre el tema "Bonaparte family – Political issues"

The author presents the complexity of the unrest in Herzegovina, neighbouring Bosnia and in other border regions (Dubrovnik, Dalmatia, Croatia and Serbia) at the turn of the nineteenth century, starting with the major tenets of the French Revolution and Napoleonic Wars, the subsequent unrest and its consequences in all of Europe. In this part of Europe, which was practically unknown to the average European of the time, direct and indirect consequences of the French Revolution and Napoleonic Wars and their attendant phenomena spread rapidly throughout Europe, the Ottoman and Russian Empires. As the French Revolution was losing its attraction for civil circles at the beginning of the nineteenth century, a military and organisational genius, Napoleon Bonaparte, emerged in its wake, becoming the worthiest bearer and disseminator of the legacy of the French Revolution, French civilisation and its imperial hegemony that inundated 108 Europe and attempted to abolish its old state, political, social and religious order (l'ancien régime).1 The perception of the spirit and nature of the French Revolution and the Napoleonic Wars in these countries will be shown as very complex and more antagonistic than acceptable. Keywords: French Revolution; Napoleonic Wars; Ottoman Empire; Dalmatia, Dubrovnik; Boka; Herzegovina; Bosnia; Nikola Ferić; Petar I. Petrović; Dadić family; Rizvanbegović family

This paper sets the context for a review of family preservation and family reunification research by briefly noting the national and international crisis that currently surrounds foster care. It then presents the recent family preservation and family reunification research from the US and Australia. Some of this material is drawn from the book by Maluccio, Ainsworth and Thoburn (2000), ‘Child welfare outcome research in the United States, the United Kingdom and Australia’. The decision to focus on the US material stems from the fact that these terms originated there in the 1980s and this is where the major research studies are to be found The final comments focus on the re-emphasis on permanency planning and adoption, at least in New South Wales (NSW), and the implications of this for family preservation and reunification services.

La Révolution française s’inscrit dès ses débuts dans un cadre international : tout au long des années 1780, les réformes entreprises dans les pays voisins de la France, mais aussi les crises politiques comme celle vécue par les Provinces-Unies, ont eu un large écho dans le débat politique intérieur. La signature du traité de commerce franco-anglais de 1786 est considérée comme une erreur politique dans un contexte qui voit l’opinion publique française s’alarmer du décrochage subi par l’économie du pays face au rival britannique. La Révolution remet en cause les bases fondamentales de la société française mais aussi ses rapports avec les puissances voisines, dont le langage diplomatique n’est plus compréhensible. L’entrée en guerre, en 1792, est inéluctable. Victorieuse sur le terrain militaire, la France n’est cependant pas pour autant épargnée par les crises politiques engendrées par les expérimentations constitutionnelles successives mises en place. En 1800, Napoléon Bonaparte s’empare du pouvoir et entreprend de consolider l’héritage révolutionnaire, à l’intérieur des frontières, mais aussi à l’extérieur. Bien qu’il prétende fermer le cycle commencé en 1789, Napoléon lui donne une nouvelle dimension dont la finalité est bien de construire un Empire. Cela sous-entend de reconstruire l’appareil diplomatique et de doter les États alliés ou satellites d’institutions inspirées du modèle qu’il incarne en reprenant à son profit les codes et symboles de la monarchie. Pourtant ce modèle n’est pas sans faiblesse. Le présent travail cherche à présenter le rôle de la famille Bonaparte dans l’appropriation des idées révolutionnaires et dans leur transmission à travers l’Europe
From its beginning, the French Revolution was the part of an international framework: throughout the 1780s, reforms and crisis in the foreign countries had a large echo in the internal political debate. The conclusion of the Franco-British commercial treaty in 1786 has been seen as a major political error by a growing part of the French public opinion. People were alarmed by the capability of the country’s economy to face the weight of British rival. The Revolution soon questions the fundamental bases of French society but also its relations with foreign powers, whose diplomatic language is no longer understandable. In 1792, the entry into the war was inevitable. Glorious in the military field, France was not however spared by the political crises engendered by the successive constitutional experiments. In 1800, the general Napoleon Bonaparte seized power and consolidated the revolutionary legacy, within the borders, but also abroad. Although he claimed to close the cycle started in 1789, Napoleon gave it a new dimension whose purpose was to build an Empire beyond natural borders. This implied a new diplomatic organisation and endowing allied or satellite states with institutions inspired by the model he personally embodied by using the codes and symbols of the monarchy for his own benefits. Yet this model was not without weakness. This work aims to present the role of the Bonaparte family in the appropriation of revolutionary ideas and in their transmission across Europe

AbstractIn this chapter we present the research questions motivating the book and outline key themes and issues guiding the chapters. We provide a broad overview of the Australian social, political and economic context to give readers an understanding of some of the key features of Australian society. We outline the structure of the book and present a brief synopsis of each chapter.

AbstractThis chapter explores young people’s political participation on and with social media from an ecosystemic perspective. Drawing from an analysis of interviews, ethnographic social media observations, and digital storytelling workshops conducted in Estonia, Greece, and the United Kingdom, we highlight the entanglement of young people’s participatory repertoires with social media, but also with their leisure and school lives and family relationships. We explore how young people invested in issues of racial justice, gender and LGBTQ justice, and climate justice, incorporate or push back against digital technologies, and how that is mediated by their perceptions of social media affordances, imaginary audiences, their sense of self-efficacy, political agency, and digital literacies. The findings shed light on the complex interplay between personal, structural, and environmental factors that shape young people’s political participation, and highlight the situational nature of how activism and politics are defined and the role that social media is attributed within both.

AbstractThis chapter presents the main areas of engagement of the state of Senegal with its diaspora. In the first part, it looks at the main institutions and policies geared towards the diaspora. In the second part, the chapter focuses specifically on diaspora policies in the area of social protection (unemployment, health care, family benefits, pensions, guaranteed minimum resources). If Senegal falls in the category of pioneer countries for some aspects of emigration policies (ministerial institutions, external voting, political representation), its policy for the diaspora in the field of social protection is rather scanty. As a developing country facing many structural economic issues, scaling up social protection in the homeland remains the top priority for the Government, relegating social protection for the diaspora as a secondary policy concern for now. Recent governmental policies towards the diaspora have focused primarily on tapping the resources of the diaspora in order to increase its contribution to economic development and facilitate productive investment by Senegalese abroad in their home country.

AbstractThis chapter will focus on the two decades after 1945, the period of the “post-war society” (1945–1967), which in the historical sciences is also characterized as a period of boom (keywords: “Wirtschaftswunder” (“economic miracle”), expansion of the welfare state, expansion of the educational sector, certainty about the future) and which comes to an end in the 1970s. Germany was undergoing a profound process of change: socio-structural changes in an advanced industrial society, structural changes in the family and a retreat into the private sphere, new opportunities in the areas of consumption and leisure due to the “Wirtschaftswunder,” urbanization and changes in communities, “Western Integration” (“Westbindung”), the ban on the KPD (Communist Party of Germany) in 1956, remilitarization, the development of the mass media and mass motorization, and the repression of the Nazi past were central social and sociological issues. At the same time, fascist tendencies were still virulent during the 1950s and 1960s. After 1945, sociology had to be rebuilt. Journals were refounded or newly founded, the German Sociological Association was restored and sociology was re-established as a teaching subject. Different “schools” and regional centers of sociology emerged. The so-called Cologne School centered around René König, the Frankfurt School around Adorno and Horkheimer, and the circle around Helmut Schelsky should be mentioned in particular; but also, Wolfgang Abendroth, Werner Hofmann, and Heinz Maus (Marburg School), Otto Stammer (Berlin), Arnold Bergstraesser (Freiburg i.Br.), and Helmuth Plessner (Göttingen). Despite their theoretical and political differences, up until the 1950s, they all had in common the decisive will for political and social enlightenment regarding the post-war situation. Furthermore, the particular importance that empirical social research and non-university research institutions had for the further development of sociology after 1945 is worth mentioning.At the end of the 1950s, field-specific dynamics gained momentum. The different “schools” and groups tried to secure and expand their position in the sociological field and their divergent research profiles became increasingly visible. The so-called civil war in sociology drove the actors further apart. Additionally, disciplinary struggles and camp-building processes during the first 20 years of West German sociology revolved around the debate on role theory and the dispute over positivism. By the end of the 1950s, an institutional and generational change can be observed. The so-called post-war generation, which included Ralf Dahrendorf, Jürgen Habermas, Niklas Luhmann, Erwin K. Scheuch, Heinrich Popitz, Hans Paul Bahrdt, M. Rainer Lepsius, and Renate Mayntz, assumed central positions in organizations, editorial boards of journals, and universities. While the early “schools” and circles (König, Schelsky, Adorno, and Horkheimer) initially focused on the sociology of the family and empirical research, the following generation concentrated foremost on industrial sociology, but also on topics of social structure and social stratification as well as on social mobility.

AbstractGender equality is an increasingly topical issue, but it has deep historical roots. The principle of gender equality found its legitimacy, even if limited to salary, in the 1957 Treaty of Rome, establishing the European Economic Community (EEC). This treaty, in Article 119, sanctioned the principle of equal pay between male and female workers. The EEC continued to protect women’s rights in the 1970s through equal opportunity policies. These policies referred, first, to the principle of equal treatment between men and women regarding education, access to work, professional promotion, and working conditions (Directive 75/117/EEC); second, to the principle of equal pay for male and female workers (Directive 76/207/EEC); and finally, enshrined the principle of equal treatment between men and women in matters of social security (Directive 79/7/EEC). Since the 1980s, several positive action programmes have been developed to support the role of women in European society. Between 1982 and 2000, four multiyear action programmes were implemented for equal opportunities. The first action programme (1982–1985) called on the Member States, through recommendations and resolutions by the Commission, to disseminate greater knowledge of the types of careers available to women, encourage the presence of women in decision-making areas, and take measures to reconcile family and working life. The second action programme (1986–1990) proposed interventions related to the employment of women in activities related to new technologies and interventions in favour of the equal distribution of professional, family, and social responsibilities (Sarcina, 2010). The third action programme (1991–1995) provided an improvement in the condition of women in society by raising public awareness of gender equality, the image of women in mass media, and the participation of women in the decision-making process at all levels in all areas of society. The fourth action programme (1996–2000) strengthened the existing regulatory framework and focused on the principle of gender mainstreaming, a strategy that involves bringing the gender dimension into all community policies, which requires all actors in the political process to adopt a gender perspective. The strategy of gender mainstreaming has several benefits: it places women and men at the heart of policies, involves both sexes in the policymaking process, leads to better governance, makes gender equality issues visible in mainstream society, and, finally, considers the diversity among women and men. Among the relevant interventions of the 1990s, it is necessary to recall the Treaty of Maastricht (1992) which guaranteed the protection of women in the Agreement on Social Policy signed by all Member States (except for Great Britain), and the Treaty of Amsterdam (1997), which formally recognised gender mainstreaming. The Treaty of Amsterdam includes gender equality among the objectives of the European Union (Article 2) and equal opportunity policies among the activities of the European Commission (Article 3). Article 13 introduces the principle of non-discrimination based on gender, race, ethnicity, religion, or handicaps. Finally, Article 141 amends Article 119 of the EEC on equal treatment between men and women in the workplace. The Charter of Fundamental Rights of the Nice Union of 2000 reaffirms the prohibition of ‘any discrimination based on any ground such as sex’ (Art. 21.1). The Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union also recognises, in Article 23, the principle of equality between women and men in all areas, including employment, work, and pay. Another important intervention of the 2000s is the Lisbon strategy, also known as the Lisbon Agenda or Lisbon Process. It is a reform programme approved in Lisbon by the heads of state and governments of the member countries of the EU. The goal of the Lisbon strategy was to make the EU the most competitive and dynamic knowledge-based economy by 2010. To achieve this goal, the strategy defines fields in which action is needed, including equal opportunities for female work. Another treaty that must be mentioned is that of Lisbon in 2009, thanks to which previous treaties, specifically the Treaty of Maastricht and the Treaty of Rome, were amended and brought together in a single document: the Treaty on European Union (TEU) and the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU). Thanks to the Lisbon Treaty, the Charter of Fundamental Rights has assumed a legally binding character (Article 6, paragraph 1 of the TEU) both for European institutions and for Member States when implementing EU law. The Treaty of Lisbon affirms the principle of equality between men and women several times in the text and places it among the values and objectives of the union (Articles 2 and 3 of the TEU). Furthermore, the Treaty, in Art. 8 of the TFEU, states that the Union’s actions are aimed at eliminating inequalities, as well as promoting equality between men and women, while Article 10 of the TFEU provides that the Union aims to ‘combat discrimination based on sex, racial or ethnic origin, religion or belief, disability, age, or sexual orientation’. Concerning the principle of gender equality in the workplace, the Treaty, in Article 153 of the TFEU, asserts that the Union pursues the objective of equality between men and women regarding labour market opportunities and treatment at work. On the other hand, Article 157 of the TFEU confirms the principle of equal pay for male and female workers ‘for equal work or work of equal value’. On these issues, through ordinary procedures, the European Parliament and the Council may adopt appropriate measures aimed at defending the principle of equal opportunities and equal treatment for men and women. The Lisbon Treaty also includes provisions relating to the fight against trafficking in human beings, particularly women and children (Article 79 of the TFEU), the problem of domestic violence against women (Article 8 of the TFEU), and the right to paid maternity leave (Article 33). Among the important documents concerning gender equality is the Roadmap (2006–2010). In 2006, the European Commission proposed the Roadmap for equality between women and men, in addition to the priorities on the agenda, the objectives, and tools necessary to achieve full gender equality. The Roadmap defines six priority areas, each of which is associated with a set of objectives and actions that makes it easier to achieve them. The priorities include equal economic independence for women and men, reconciliation of private and professional life, equal representation in the decision-making process, eradication of all forms of gender-based violence, elimination of stereotypes related to gender, and promotion of gender equality in external and development policies. The Commission took charge of the commitments included in the Roadmap, which were indirectly implemented by the Member States through the principle of subsidiarity and the competencies provided for in the Treaties (Gottardi, 2013). The 2006–2010 strategy of the European Commission is based on a dual approach: on the one hand, the integration of the gender dimension in all community policies and actions (gender mainstreaming), and on the other, the implementation of specific measures in favour of women aimed at eliminating inequalities. In 2006, the European Council approved the European Pact for Gender Equality which originated from the Roadmap. The European Pact for Gender Equality identified three macro areas of intervention: measures to close gender gaps and combat gender stereotypes in the labour market, measures to promote a better work–life balance for both women and men, and measures to strengthen governance through the integration of the gender perspective into all policies. In 2006, Directive 2006/54/EC of the European Parliament and Council regulated equal opportunities and equal treatment between male and female workers. Specifically, the Directive aims to implement the principle of equal treatment related to access to employment, professional training, and promotion; working conditions, including pay; and occupational social security approaches. On 21 September 2010, the European Commission adopted a new strategy to ensure equality between women and men (2010–2015). This new strategy is based on the experience of Roadmap (2006–2010) and resumes the priority areas identified by the Women’s Charter: equal economic independence, equal pay, equality in decision-making, the eradication of all forms of violence against women, and the promotion of gender equality and women’s empowerment beyond the union. The 2010–2015 Strategic Plan aims to improve the position of women in the labour market, but also in society, both within the EU and beyond its borders. The new strategy affirms the principle that gender equality is essential to supporting the economic growth and sustainable development of each country. In 2010, the validity of the Lisbon Strategy ended, the objectives of which were only partially achieved due to the economic crisis. To overcome this crisis, the Commission proposed a new strategy called Europe 2020, in March 2010. The main aim of this strategy is to ensure that the EU’s economic recovery is accompanied by a series of reforms that will increase growth and job creation by 2020. Specifically, Europe’s 2020 strategy must support smart, sustainable, and inclusive growth. To this end, the EU has established five goals to be achieved by 2020 and has articulated the different types of growth (smart, sustainable, and inclusive) in seven flagship initiatives. Among the latter, the initiative ‘an agenda for new skills and jobs’, in the context of inclusive growth, is the one most closely linked to gender policies and equal opportunities; in fact, it substantially aims to increase employment rates for women, young, and elderly people. The strategic plan for 2010–2015 was followed by a strategic commitment in favour of gender equality 2016–2019, which again emphasises the five priority areas defined by the previous plan. Strategic commitment, which contributes to the European Pact for Gender Equality (2011–2020), identifies the key actions necessary to achieve objectives for each priority area. In March 2020, the Commission presented a new strategic plan for equality between women and men for 2020–2025. This strategy defines a series of political objectives and key actions aimed at achieving a ‘union of equality’ by 2025. The main objectives are to put an end to gender-based violence and combat sexist stereotypes, ensure equal opportunities in the labour market and equal participation in all sectors of the economy and political life, solve the problem of the pay and pension gap, and achieve gender equality in decision-making and politics. From the summary of the regulatory framework presented, for the European Economic Community first, then for the European Community, and finally for the European Union, gender equality has always been a fundamental value. Interest in the issues of the condition of women and equal opportunities has grown over time and during the process of European integration, moving from a perspective aimed at improving the working conditions of women to a new dimension to improve the life of the woman as a person, trying to protect her not only professionally but also socially, and in general in all those areas in which gender inequality may occur. The approach is extensive and based on legislation, the integration of the gender dimension into all policies, and specific measures in favour of women. From the non-exhaustive list of the various legislative interventions, it is possible to note a continuous repetition of the same thematic priorities which highlights, on the one hand, the poor results achieved by the implementation of the policies, but, on the other hand, the Commission’s willingness to pursue the path initially taken. Among the achievements in the field of gender equality obtained by the EU, there is certainly an increase in the number of women in the labour market and the acquisition of better education and training. Despite progress, gender inequalities have persisted. Even though women surpass men in terms of educational attainment, gender gaps still exist in employment, entrepreneurship, and public life (OECD, 2017). For example, in the labour market, women continue to be overrepresented in the lowest-paid sectors and underrepresented in top positions (according to the data released in the main companies of the European Union, women represent only 8% of CEOs).

This chapter examines the main themes of feminism and the role that feminism plays in political theory. Much progress has been made towards sex equality, but there is still a long way to go. The chapter first considers the three theses that all feminists support, in one form or another: the entrenchment of gender, the existence of patriarchy, and the need for change. It then discusses the role of family life, the distinction between sex and gender, feminism and liberalism, and the relevance of sex and violence to feminism. A case study on pornography is presented, along with Key Thinkers boxes featuring Andrea Dworkin and Catharine A. MacKinnon.

As the core content of corporate governance, sustainable human resource management is valued by managers to achieve the related purposes of ensuring the safety and sustainable development of corporate assets, especially for family businesses. The level of sustainable human resource management of the family business will directly influence the management level of the family business, even becoming a key indicator to measure the prosperity and decline of the family business. From this point of view, the article is mainly based on human resource management experiences in family businesses in the world, assesses the current situation of human resource management in family businesses in Vietnam, and clarifies specific causes of human resource management issues and the main challenges for sustainable human resource management in family businesses in Vietnam, and on that basis, some suitable solutions are proposed to optimize the level of human resources management of family businesses in Vietnam.

Our research work on women's entrepreneurship in Algeria has allowed us to identify the social reality of women's entrepreneurship in Algeria, and thus to identify the difficulties and obstacles it faces. To understand the reasons for these obstacles, it became clear to us through these results the necessity of testing the hypothesis “that the difficulties faced by the enterprises are due to the environment in which they are located” and that is through their assessment of this environmental environment. To carry out this research, we relied on the methodology applied by the International Labor Organization. The evaluation framework for the environment of women's entrepreneurship revolves around six variables as follows, first, the existence of a legal and regulatory system sensitive to the gender dimension that contributes to the economic empowerment of women; Secondly ،the position of women entrepreneurship in the national politics, thirdly, the existence of programs for gendersensitive financial interests, fourthly, benefiting from interests to support the development of gendersensitive institutions, fifth, access to markets and access to technology, sixth, representation of women entrepreneurs and their participation in political dialogue. To achieve this research of assessing the environmental environment of women's business in Algeria, we interviewed 42 women entrepreneurs using the focal-loop technique from the states: Algiers, Bejaia, Annaba, Oran and El Bayadh. An assessment of the legal and political ecosystem for women's business in Algeria allowed us to conclude that laws and labor legislation do not constitute a major obstacle for women entrepreneurs who are active in the formal sector, but the practice and reality of the field negatively affect women's micro-enterprises. On the institutional level, the Ministry of Solidarity, Family and Women's Issues has a directorate charged with promoting women. Among its tasks is the development of women's entrepreneurship. The political interest in the development of women's entrepreneurship, the interest of employers in promoting the spirit of entrepreneurship among women, and the contribution of women's entrepreneurship associations to the promotion of quality entrepreneurship, translates into a consensus of various actors in the political, economic and social sphere on the strategic importance of developing women's entrepreneurship. However, access to information remains the weak point for women entrepreneurs

A succession of policy changes to the immigration and refugee system has been made in Canada in recent years by the Conservative federal government. Since most people’s understandings about immigration issues come from exposure to the news, the media have an important role in producing and reproducing prevalent public opinions to support and legitimize, or criticize, social and political actions. The present study examines how the immigration and refugee policy changes have been represented in mainstream print media and provides an important interface between recent political decision-making and society with regard to immigration issues. In our analysis, we demonstrate that there is a construction of the existing system as facing crisis due to rampant frauds to legitimize the implementation of more restrictive “get-tough” policies as pragmatic and commonsensical interventions. On the other hand, there is a privileging of framing immigration as being necessary for society, albeit in economic rather than sociocultural terms. In the media, social categorizations of immigrants into “good” and “bad,” and refugee claimants into “genuine” and “bogus,” are deployed to support the policy changes for a market-driven immigration system while restricting the admission of refugees and family-class immigrants, who are often portrayed as a burden on public resources.

The article is devoted to the study of Mongolian-Chinese literary relations during the Middle Ages. The literary process of medieval Mongolia is characterized by the development in a wide context of literary and cultural relationships with the literatures of Central Asia, South Siberia and the Far East, which was due to both the geographical location and the socio-political situation of the country, starting from the 13th century. When studying the problems of Mongolian-Chinese relations, it is important for us to consider the creative synthesis of two neighboring cultures, which stimulates the development and mutual enrichment of literary and folklore traditions. Mongolian-Chinese literary relations are characterized by development in two stages. The first stage is associated with the formation of the Yuan dynasty of the Mongols in China (1271–1368). It was during this period that the foundations were laid for the unification, synthesis of two different cultures within the framework of one state and the further development of the process of historical and cultural relations. The second stage is characterized by the entry of Mongolia into the Manchu Qing Dynasty of China (1644–1911). It was during this period that the synthesis of the Mongolian-Chinese folklore and literary traditions reached its apogee: a new genre appeared called “book tale” (bensen uliger); numerous translations of Chinese narrative prose, in particular novels, lead to the creation of the genre of the novel — historical, family and everyday — in Mongolian literature. A notable achievement in this genre was the work of the outstanding writer, the first Mongolian author of novels, V. Injannash.

In Brazil's sociopolitical scenario, Christian discourses emerge that defend the cis-heteropatriarchal family model. This phenomenon gains strength in the face of resistance to the Human Rights agenda with an emphasis on gender issues, capturing the attention of religious neoconservative segments condemning the supposed insertion of gender ideology in education. This situation directly influences the curricular policies of Basic Education, notably in the controversies and prohibitions related to the National Common Curricular Base (BNCC), which directs the formulation of Pedagogical Political Projects (PPP) of educational institutions, with legal guidance providing for active co-participation faculty in this process. Considering the female predominance in teaching, we seek to understand how evangelical teachers manage and integrate religious knowledge and beliefs in the development of the curriculum. Through a qualitative approach, which includes interviews and focus groups, the management of teachers' curricular knowledge is investigated. The analysis of the collected data uses the Content Analysis technique. The purpose is to unveil the dialogues between religion and education, with the aim of promoting inclusive, secular, democratic pedagogical practices and valuing cultural and religious plurality.

The Cypriot Orthodox Church has been recognized as an independent and autocephalous church since 431, by the decision of the Third Ecumenical Council with the 8th canon. The current 76s. the archbishop bears the title: New Justiniana and all of Cyprus. The Holy Synod is the supreme body of the Church of Cyprus and acts according to the Church Constitution. According to Article 138 of the Church Constitution from 1914, it entered into force on the day of publication. Archbishop Macarius the Third proposed a new revision of the Constitution, but from 1955 to 1961 and 1974, this period was characterized by armed struggles for the liberation of Cyprus, so the final drafting of the new Constitution became a priority from 1980. The new Constitution entered into force in 2010, with the consent and presence of the island's political leadership. According to Article 110, Paragraph 1 of the Cyprus State Constitution, the organization and management of the internal affairs of the church and its property is carried out in accordance with the holy canons and the Constitution of the Church of Cyprus since 1914. Legislative authority is recognized to the Church of Cyprus in Article 111, Paragraph 1 of the State Constitution of Cyprus. The establishment of criminal procedure regulations of church law, which actually refer to the proportional application of state criminal procedure legislation, is evaluated as positive and more modern. For the first time in the history of the Constitution of the Church of Cyprus, issues of criminal church law are regulated. As for family law, for the first time since the Byzantine Empire, it is fully aligned with Article 111 of the Cyprus State Constitution. The Church has reserved its right to grant spiritual dissolution of marriage.

Aim/Purpose: This paper provides the results of the preliminary analysis of the findings of an ongoing study that seeks to examine the social media use, cultural and political awareness, civic engagement, issue prioritization, and social activism of Gen Z students enrolled at four different institutional types located in the Mid-Atlantic region of the United States. The aim of this study is to look at the group as a whole as well as compare findings across populations. The institutional types under consideration include a mid-sized majority serving or otherwise referred to as a traditionally white institution (TWI) located in a small coastal city on the Atlantic Ocean, a small Historically Black University (HBCU) located in a rural area, a large community college located in a county that is a mixture of rural and suburban and which sits on the border of Maryland and Pennsylvania, and graduating high school students enrolled in career and technical education (CTE) programs in a large urban area. This exploration is purposed to examine the behaviors and expectations of Gen Z students within a representative American region during a time of tremendous turmoil and civil unrest in the United States. Background: Over 74 million strong, Gen Z makes up almost one-quarter of the U.S. population. They already outnumber any current living generation and are the first true digital natives. Born after 1996 and through 2012, they are known for their short attention spans and heightened ability to multi-task. Raised in the age of the smart phone, they have been tethered to digital devices from a young age with most having the preponderance of their childhood milestones commemorated online. Often called Zoomers, they are more racially and ethnically diverse than any previous generation and are on track to be the most well-educated generation in history. Gen Zers in the United States have been found in the research to be progressive and pro-government and viewing increasing racial and ethnic diversity as positive change. Finally, they are less likely to hold xenophobic beliefs such as the notion of American exceptionalism and superiority that have been popular with by prior generations. The United States has been in a period of social and civil unrest in recent years with concerns over systematic racism, rampant inequalities, political polarization, xenophobia, police violence, sexual assault and harassment, and the growing epidemic of gun violence. Anxieties stirred by the COVID-19 pandemic further compounded these issues resulting in a powder keg explosion occurring throughout the summer of 2020 and leading well into 2021. As a result, the United States has deteriorated significantly in the Civil Unrest Index falling from 91st to 34th. The vitriol, polarization, protests, murders, and shootings have all occurred during Gen Z’s formative years, and the limited research available indicates that it has shaped their values and political views. Methodology: The Mid-Atlantic region is a portion of the United States that exists as the overlap between the northeastern and southeastern portions of the country. It includes the nation’s capital, as well as large urban centers, small cities, suburbs, and rural enclaves. It is one of the most socially, economically, racially, and culturally diverse parts of the United States and is often referred to as the “typically American region.” An electronic survey was administered to students from 2019 through 2021 attending a high school dual enrollment program, a minority serving institution, a majority serving institution, and a community college all located within the larger mid-Atlantic region. The survey included a combination of multiple response, Likert scaled, dichotomous, open ended, and ordinal questions. It was developed in the Survey Monkey system and reviewed by several content and methodological experts in order to examine bias, vagueness, or potential semantic problems. Finally, the survey was pilot tested prior to implementation in order to explore the efficacy of the research methodology. It was then modified accordingly prior to widespread distribution to potential participants. The surveys were administered to students enrolled in classes taught by the authors all of whom are educators. Participation was voluntary, optional, and anonymous. Over 800 individuals completed the survey with just over 700 usable results, after partial completes and the responses of individuals outside of the 18-24 age range were removed. Findings: Participants in this study overwhelmingly were users of social media. In descending order, YouTube, Instagram, Snapchat, Twitter, Facebook, Pinterest, WhatsApp, LinkedIn and Tik Tok were the most popular social media services reported as being used. When volume of use was considered, Instagram, Snapchat, YouTube and Twitter were the most cited with most participants reporting using Instagram and Snapchat multiple times a day. When asked to select which social media service they would use if forced to choose just one, the number one choice was YouTube followed by Instagram and Snapchat. Additionally, more than half of participants responded that they have uploaded a video to a video sharing site such as YouTube or Tik Tok. When asked about their familiarity with different technologies, participants overwhelmingly responded that they are “very familiar” with smart phones, searching the Web, social media, and email. About half the respondents said that they were “very familiar” with common computer applications such as the Microsoft Office Suite or Google Suite with another third saying that they were “somewhat familiar.” When asked about Learning Management Systems (LMS) like Blackboard, Course Compass, Canvas, Edmodo, Moodle, Course Sites, Google Classroom, Mindtap, Schoology, Absorb, D2L, itslearning, Otus, PowerSchool, or WizIQ, only 43% said they were “very familiar” with 31% responding that they were “somewhat familiar.” Finally, about half the students were either “very” or “somewhat” familiar with operating systems such as Windows. A few preferences with respect to technology in the teaching and learning process were explored in the survey. Most students (85%) responded that they want course announcements and reminders sent to their phones, 76% expect their courses to incorporate the use of technology, 71% want their courses to have course websites, and 71% said that they would rather watch a video than read a book chapter. When asked to consider the future, over 81% or respondents reported that technology will play a major role in their future career. Most participants considered themselves “informed” or “well informed” about current events although few considered themselves “very informed” or “well informed” about politics. When asked how they get their news, the most common forum reported for getting news and information about current events and politics was social media with 81% of respondents reporting. Gen Z is known to be an engaged generation and the participants in this study were not an exception. As such, it came as no surprise to discover that, in the past year more than 78% of respondents had educated friends or family about an important social or political issue, about half (48%) had donated to a cause of importance to them, more than a quarter (26%) had participated in a march or rally, and a quarter (26%) had actively boycotted a product or company. Further, about 37% consider themselves to be a social activist with another 41% responding that aren’t sure if they would consider themselves an activist and only 22% saying that they would not consider themselves an activist. When asked what issues were important to them, the most frequently cited were Black Lives Matter (75%), human trafficking (68%), sexual assault/harassment/Me Too (66.49%), gun violence (65.82%), women’s rights (65.15%), climate change (55.4%), immigration reform/deferred action for childhood arrivals (DACA) (48.8%), and LGBTQ+ rights (47.39%). When the schools were compared, there were only minor differences in social media use with the high school students indicating slightly more use of Tik Tok than the other participants. All groups were virtually equal when it came to how informed they perceived themselves about current events and politics. Consensus among groups existed with respect to how they get their news, and the community college and high school students were slightly more likely to have participated in a march, protest, or rally in the last 12 months than the university students. The community college and high school students were also slightly more likely to consider themselves social activists than the participants from either of the universities. When the importance of the issues was considered, significant differences based on institutional type were noted. Black Lives Matter (BLM) was identified as important by the largest portion of students attending the HBCU followed by the community college students and high school students. Less than half of the students attending the TWI considered BLM an important issue. Human trafficking was cited as important by a higher percentage of students attending the HBCU and urban high school than at the suburban and rural community college or the TWI. Sexual assault was considered important by the majority of students at all the schools with the percentage a bit smaller from the majority serving institution. About two thirds of the students at the high school, community college, and HBCU considered gun violence important versus about half the students at the majority serving institution. Women’s rights were reported as being important by more of the high school and HBCU participants than the community college or TWI. Climate change was considered important by about half the students at all schools with a slightly smaller portion reporting out the HBCU. Immigration reform/DACA was reported as important by half the high school, community college, and HBCU participants with only a third of the students from the majority serving institution citing it as an important issue. With respect to LGBTQ rights approximately half of the high school and community college participants cited it as important, 44.53% of the HBCU students, and only about a quarter of the students attending the majority serving institution. Contribution and Conclusion: This paper provides a timely investigation into the mindset of generation Z students living in the United States during a period of heightened civic unrest. This insight is useful to educators who should be informed about the generation of students that is currently populating higher education. The findings of this study are consistent with public opinion polls by Pew Research Center. According to the findings, the Gen Z students participating in this study are heavy users of multiple social media, expect technology to be integrated into teaching and learning, anticipate a future career where technology will play an important role, informed about current and political events, use social media as their main source for getting news and information, and fairly engaged in social activism. When institutional type was compared the students from the university with the more affluent and less diverse population were less likely to find social justice issues important than the other groups. Recommendations for Practitioners: During disruptive and contentious times, it is negligent to think that the abounding issues plaguing society are not important to our students. Gauging the issues of importance and levels of civic engagement provides us crucial information towards understanding the attitudes of students. Further, knowing how our students gain information, their social media usage, as well as how informed they are about current events and political issues can be used to more effectively communicate and educate. Recommendations for Researchers: As social media continues to proliferate daily life and become a vital means of news and information gathering, additional studies such as the one presented here are needed. Additionally, in other countries facing similarly turbulent times, measuring student interest, awareness, and engagement is highly informative. Impact on Society: During a highly contentious period replete with a large volume of civil unrest and compounded by a global pandemic, understanding the behaviors and attitudes of students can help us as higher education faculty be more attuned when it comes to the design and delivery of curriculum. Future Research This presentation presents preliminary findings. Data is still being collected and much more extensive statistical analyses will be performed.

The construction of a certified passive house in a rural, red state signals the successful completion of a case-study project that has had far-reaching effects beyond initial expectations. Instituting passive house principles into the curriculum of a newly established professional degree program was highlighted by the design, construction, certification, sale and monitoring of this single-family home. And while the house is the most visible manifestation, the ongoing influence of the larger initiative may prove to be its most important legacy. This includes a solidifying curriculum that teaches passive strategies, environmental stewardship and professional responsibility, and further establishes the department’s role in community design, leading by example in an underserved region. The cycle of certified houses, established by PH01:BRK, now seeks to enter a self-sustaining mode of developing projects. The PHIUS certified PH01:BRK serves as a model to successor projects that hone technical, budgetary and curricular constraints while continuing the momentum established by the first house. This paper describes the initiative within a pedagogical context, as a forerunner of sustainable building within the regional building industry, and as a political marker in a state that rejects regulation and often the notion of climate change altogether. This cultural condition has even created a difficult framework for the continuation of the initiative within the university itself. This paper also summarizes and speculates on the initiative as a unique pedagogical model for design-build studio and supporting technical and professional coursework. Students were exposed to many of the design challenges that we have come to expect from a design-build studio in terms of process, outcomes, and challenges. This does not diminish the student’s effort and embrace of the project. It does, however, bring attention to the positive effects that have been seen in the resulting curricular and service roles of the department and the recognition throughout the community. This is especially significant in a rural state with no residential energy code and negligible building code enforcement, suggesting issues that go beyond pedagogy and are measured against the region’s cultural and sociopolitical landscape.