Literatura académica sobre el tema "Black Affairs Council"

Do Talented Tenth and non–Talented Tenth Blacks support moral and socially conscious US foreign policies to the same degree? Utilizing a 2010 national sample from the Chicago Council on Global Affairs, we find statistical evidence that members of the Talented Tenth are more likely than other Blacks to support America’s role to combat global hunger and to provide economic aid to assist needy countries in developing their economies. An examination of the foreign policy attitudes of the Black Talented Tenth is an important undertaking because it provides insight into what our expectations should be for rising African Americans as more of them enter into its ranks. Should we expect the next generation of African Americans to be more conscientious as they increasingly assume the mantles of leadership and responsibility? The results in this article lay bare the enormous work the present generation of Black educators must undertake to ensure the next generation are ready to do so. By observing the internationalist attitudes of the present Talented Tenth, especially as those attitudes relate to creating a more just, equitable, and harmonious world, it is possible to find ways to critically engage and help the next generation to provide the type of leadership necessary to make a positive difference.

THE communication of current affairs like road safety in the mass media create some problems in multicultural societies like South Africa. In order to evaluate the campaigns in the mass media and the schools during Road Safety Year 1984, two surveys among Black, Coloured, Indian and White children between the ages of 10 and 17 years were undertaken by the HSRC in cooperation with The National Road Safety Council. The first survey was conducted prior to the commencement of Road Safety Year 1984 and the second during Septem- ber 1984. The results show that there is vast differences between the children of the vari- ous population groups with regard to their knowledge of subjects related to road safety and their sources of formal and infor- mal education in this regard. It appears that the electronic media reaches larger audi- ences than the print media.

Universities in South Africa seem to be struggling to create inclusive conditions for black students to succeed in their studies. The persistence of inequality in universities could be partly blamed on the use of the term ‘historically disadvantaged’, which is not defined in policy documents, and this has resulted in universities being unclear on what exactly to address in their transformation. Using the capability approach in this study, it is argued that policy should address the structural, institutional and environmental factors that contribute to student disadvantage, which prevent the development of opportunities and agency among students. Seven semi-structured interviews were conducted to collect qualitative data from key stakeholders who dealt with student affairs (university staff and student representative council [SRC] members) at one South African university with the aim of developing an understanding of student disadvantage from their perspective. The findings revealed that student disadvantage manifests through structural and institutional factors, namely a culture of racism, alienating university campuses, student poverty, university teaching, and gender inequality. The study recommends that universities consider addressing these factors in their transformation.

The article analyzes the actualization of a problem of renewed interpretation of the centuries-old Ukrainian-Polish confrontation, in particular, in the Liberation War of Ukrainian people in the mid-17th century. The researcher goes deep into the vision and interpretation of those events as excessive apologetization of the Polish knights "without fear and reproach" in Polish historiography and in the novel by G. Sienkiewicz "Fire and Sword". There is reminded a sharply negative remark was made by the Ukrainian historian V. Antonovich about work of G. Senkevich, and supported by historian-local historian Ya. Novitsky. Oppositionally critical opinion about G. Sienkiewicz's dominates in the novel by O. Sokolovsky "Bohun" – works is a multi-faceted, shows how the labor masses, Ukrainian peasants without rights, "claps" became the decisive force in gaining liberation. However, there is seen the ideological class approach on the direction of artistic modeling against the Cossack elders. The story of Y. Kachur "Ivan Bogun" was seen by literary critic T. Syrotyuk as a polemical answer to O.Sokolovsky's novel. For the sake of the then goverment M. Sirotiuk emphasized that P. Panch in his novel "Rustling Ukraine" was able to clearly outline the social structure of the contemporary Ukrainian society, to convincingly show relations between its class parts, their place and role in the war. In analyzing of N. Rybak's novel "The Pereiaslav Council," the critic dared to criticize the tangible author's tendency to adorn Russian-Ukrainian relations of that time, the ideology of Tsar Alexei Mikhailovich, his ambassadors and voivods. The Critic V.Belyaev responded to the thrillion of Ivan Le "Khmelnytsky", joining the Soviet official vision: Hetman raised the people to fight for reunification with brotherly Russia.Particular feature of the historical story of Raisa Ivanchenko "Spilled steep banks" is a problematic field of reproduction of real, not fantasized events and phenomena, the accent on a very active participation in the peasantry's liberation war, the proof of the problem of "cruelty generates double cruelty". In the artistic modeling of the Pereyaslav Council, R. Ivanchenko, in contrast to N. Rybak, details the hetman's desire to make the tsar-autocrat to swear allegiance to Ukrainians as well as the boyars evasion from a direct answer. It was a significant writer's interest in the dramatic fate of Ukraine during the Ruin Time (60-70s of the 17th century). New aspects of the struggle of Voivodes groups for the Hetman's mace, the brutal interference of neighboring powerful powers in Ukrainian affairs, and the trial of man by the authorities included in the story of Yu.Mushketka "Getman, the son of Hetman" compared to the novels of P. Kulish "Black Council" and O. Pakhuchy “Yurys Khmelnychenko”. Good focused the problem of parents and children, the relationships of children 10-14 years in the story of Maria Morozenko "Ivan Sirko, a great magician."

Abstract Objectives The combination of obesity with age-related loss of muscle mass and strength creates a cumulative risk to function and the physical ability of older adults to sustain daily activities. The aim was to determine whether a higher protein intake can improve function and protect lean mass in older adults following a diet and exercise obesity intervention. Methods Obese (BMI ≥30 kg/m2) older (≥60 yrs) participants (female n = 50; male n = 15; 46% black) with functional limitations (Short Physical Performance Battery (SPPB) score = 9.1 ± 1.4 out of 12) were randomized to an RDA-level protein weight loss regimen (0.8 g/kg bw/d; Control; n = 33) or a higher protein arm (1.2 g/kg bw/d, with ≥30 g high quality protein (predominantly dairy) at each meal; Protein; n = 32). Both groups followed a hypo-caloric diet and participated in 2 supervised low-intensity chair exercise sessions per wk and 1 session/wk at home. Measurements at baseline, 3 and 6 months included body weight, SPPB, 6-minute walk time, 8-foot up and go test, and body composition (BODPOD). Results Mean baseline characteristics were BMI 35.0 ± 4.9 kg/m2 and age = 69.5 ± 6.2 yrs. At 6 months, weight loss and body fat reduction were significant (P < 0.001) in both Control (7.0% weight) and Protein (6.6% weight) with no group difference. The slight (<−1 kg) change in lean mass was not different between groups. At 3 and 6 months, SPPB scores significantly increased in both groups (P < 0.01) with no difference between groups. However, at 3 months, the Protein group had significantly greater improvements in distance walked in 6 minutes (Protein = 48.3 ± 71.7 m; Control = 3.4 ± 69.3 m; P = 0.01) and timed 8-foot up and go (Protein = −0.9 ± 1.0 s; Control = −0.3 ± 1.2 s; P = 0.04) compared to control; no difference between groups for either test at 6 months. Conclusions We found that a hypocaloric balanced, higher protein diet (predominantly low-fat dairy) improved distance walked in 6 minutes and 8-foot up and go times at the 3 month time point; this group difference was absent at 6 months, when the improvements in these tests, as well as SPPB were equal between groups. Further study is needed to assess the potential that higher protein intake accelerates function responses to a diet plus exercise intervention for obese older adults. Funding Sources The National Dairy Council and US Department of Veterans Affairs Rehabilitation Research and Development Program.

Slightly more than two years after the decapitation of Charles I, the Commonwealth of England inflicted the same punishment on the same block against his follower, Sir Henry Hyde. The failure to reach a settlement in the aftermath of the British civil war led to the king's beheading. Explaining Hyde's execution, however, requires a geographically broader context, for Sir Henry undertook his treasonable activities against the overseas interests of the English Commonwealth and Sir Thomas Bendysh, who had served as English ambassador in Istanbul since 1647, when he assumed the role of protector of English merchants. Although Bendysh later quarreled with his charges, the unexpected appearance of Henry Hyde in Istanbul in 1650 rallied the merchants behind him, for Hyde represented to them a return to the recent past, with its governmental interference and royal regulation of commercial activity. His presence also forced merchants to choose sides, thereby transposing upon Levantine commerce the divisions that had emerged during the civil war. Just as most Company members supported Parliament, so did their factors in the Levant back Bendysh, a known quantity, a clever negotiator, and a pragmatist. In his brief tenure, Bendysh had proven his ability to strike bargains with the Ottomans and stimulate commerce. He also personified the interests of the Council of State and the Levant Company directors, thereby linking the disparate but inter-dependent network of Levantine commerce.

The Dancemobile—an initiative of the Harlem Cultural Council and New York City (NYC) Department of Cultural Affairs—was a flatbed truck that brought free dance concerts to over one million New Yorkers, in all five boroughs, between 1966 and 1988. The program had an artistic aim to showcase the work of Black choreographers within communities of color, and thus became a vital forum for defining “Black dance” within the broader Black Arts Movement. But Dancemobile also had a political mission within the framework of violence prevention and “cool out,” aiming to provide communities with an outlet for channeling grievances into fellowship with neighbors. Dancemobile choreography addressed issues of importance to their audiences, including drug addiction, mass incarceration, and police brutality. This article examines Dancemobile’s origins, operations, and outcomes, revealing how the program used live performance as cultural activism, combatting the isolating effects of urban renewal with entertainment and political education.

AbstractFollowing the Black Death persecutions which started in 1348, the Jewish spiritual centres shifted from the Rhine eastwards. There was an important Yeshiva, for instance, in the Silesian town of Świdnica, where famous scholars learned and taught. Świdnica belonged to the Piast Duchy of Świdnica-Jawor, where – after the death of Bolko II in 1368 – his widow, Agnes of Austria, ruled up until her own death in 1392. In 1370 Agnes decreed a peace settlement for the Jews in her duchy, which can be seen as one of the first such arrangements. It impacted at various levels on internal Jewish affairs, for instance in stipulating that the community was to elect its »bishop«. This strengthened the parish council against the local scholars. The Jewish court, which, in accordance with Jewish law, decided on questions concerning marital and inheritance law and in civil process orders between Jewish parties, also answered to the Jewish »bishop« and his advisors. What was new in Duchess Agnes’ »Jewish Charter« was that the congregation could determine the level of taxes they would pay the Duchess.

Nationalism: Past as Prologue began as a single volume being compiled by Ad Akande, a scholar from South Africa, who proposed it to me as co-author about two years ago. The original idea was to examine how the damaging roots of nationalism have been corroding political systems around the world, and creating dangerous obstacles for necessary international cooperation. Since I (Bruce E. Johansen) has written profusely about climate change (global warming, a.k.a. infrared forcing), I suggested a concerted effort in that direction. This is a worldwide existential threat that affects every living thing on Earth. It often compounds upon itself, so delays in reducing emissions of fossil fuels are shortening the amount of time remaining to eliminate the use of fossil fuels to preserve a livable planet. Nationalism often impedes solutions to this problem (among many others), as nations place their singular needs above the common good. Our initial proposal got around, and abstracts on many subjects arrived. Within a few weeks, we had enough good material for a 100,000-word book. The book then fattened to two moderate volumes and then to four two very hefty tomes. We tried several different titles as good submissions swelled. We also discovered that our best contributors were experts in their fields, which ranged the world. We settled on three stand-alone books:” 1/ nationalism and racial justice. Our first volume grew as the growth of Black Lives Matter following the brutal killing of George Floyd ignited protests over police brutality and other issues during 2020, following the police assassination of Floyd in Minneapolis. It is estimated that more people took part in protests of police brutality during the summer of 2020 than any other series of marches in United States history. This includes upheavals during the 1960s over racial issues and against the war in Southeast Asia (notably Vietnam). We choose a volume on racism because it is one of nationalism’s main motive forces. This volume provides a worldwide array of work on nationalism’s growth in various countries, usually by authors residing in them, or in the United States with ethnic ties to the nation being examined, often recent immigrants to the United States from them. Our roster of contributors comprises a small United Nations of insightful, well-written research and commentary from Indonesia, New Zealand, Australia, China, India, South Africa, France, Portugal, Estonia, Hungary, Russia, Poland, Kazakhstan, Georgia, and the United States. Volume 2 (this one) describes and analyzes nationalism, by country, around the world, except for the United States; and 3/material directly related to President Donald Trump, and the United States. The first volume is under consideration at the Texas A & M University Press. The other two are under contract to Nova Science Publishers (which includes social sciences). These three volumes may be used individually or as a set. Environmental material is taken up in appropriate places in each of the three books. * * * * * What became the United States of America has been strongly nationalist since the English of present-day Massachusetts and Jamestown first hit North America’s eastern shores. The country propelled itself across North America with the self-serving ideology of “manifest destiny” for four centuries before Donald Trump came along. Anyone who believes that a Trumpian affection for deportation of “illegals” is a new thing ought to take a look at immigration and deportation statistics in Adam Goodman’s The Deportation Machine: America’s Long History of Deporting Immigrants (Princeton University Press, 2020). Between 1920 and 2018, the United States deported 56.3 million people, compared with 51.7 million who were granted legal immigration status during the same dates. Nearly nine of ten deportees were Mexican (Nolan, 2020, 83). This kind of nationalism, has become an assassin of democracy as well as an impediment to solving global problems. Paul Krugman wrote in the New York Times (2019:A-25): that “In their 2018 book, How Democracies Die, the political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt documented how this process has played out in many countries, from Vladimir Putin’s Russia, to Recep Erdogan’s Turkey, to Viktor Orban’s Hungary. Add to these India’s Narendra Modi, China’s Xi Jinping, and the United States’ Donald Trump, among others. Bit by bit, the guardrails of democracy have been torn down, as institutions meant to serve the public became tools of ruling parties and self-serving ideologies, weaponized to punish and intimidate opposition parties’ opponents. On paper, these countries are still democracies; in practice, they have become one-party regimes….And it’s happening here [the United States] as we speak. If you are not worried about the future of American democracy, you aren’t paying attention” (Krugmam, 2019, A-25). We are reminded continuously that the late Carl Sagan, one of our most insightful scientific public intellectuals, had an interesting theory about highly developed civilizations. Given the number of stars and planets that must exist in the vast reaches of the universe, he said, there must be other highly developed and organized forms of life. Distance may keep us from making physical contact, but Sagan said that another reason we may never be on speaking terms with another intelligent race is (judging from our own example) could be their penchant for destroying themselves in relatively short order after reaching technological complexity. This book’s chapters, introduction, and conclusion examine the worldwide rise of partisan nationalism and the damage it has wrought on the worldwide pursuit of solutions for issues requiring worldwide scope, such scientific co-operation public health and others, mixing analysis of both. We use both historical description and analysis. This analysis concludes with a description of why we must avoid the isolating nature of nationalism that isolates people and encourages separation if we are to deal with issues of world-wide concern, and to maintain a sustainable, survivable Earth, placing the dominant political movement of our time against the Earth’s existential crises. Our contributors, all experts in their fields, each have assumed responsibility for a country, or two if they are related. This work entwines themes of worldwide concern with the political growth of nationalism because leaders with such a worldview are disinclined to co-operate internationally at a time when nations must find ways to solve common problems, such as the climate crisis. Inability to cooperate at this stage may doom everyone, eventually, to an overheated, stormy future plagued by droughts and deluges portending shortages of food and other essential commodities, meanwhile destroying large coastal urban areas because of rising sea levels. Future historians may look back at our time and wonder why as well as how our world succumbed to isolating nationalism at a time when time was so short for cooperative intervention which is crucial for survival of a sustainable earth. Pride in language and culture is salubrious to individuals’ sense of history and identity. Excess nationalism that prevents international co-operation on harmful worldwide maladies is quite another. As Pope Francis has pointed out: For all of our connectivity due to expansion of social media, ability to communicate can breed contempt as well as mutual trust. “For all our hyper-connectivity,” said Francis, “We witnessed a fragmentation that made it more difficult to resolve problems that affect us all” (Horowitz, 2020, A-12). The pope’s encyclical, titled “Brothers All,” also said: “The forces of myopic, extremist, resentful, and aggressive nationalism are on the rise.” The pope’s document also advocates support for migrants, as well as resistance to nationalist and tribal populism. Francis broadened his critique to the role of market capitalism, as well as nationalism has failed the peoples of the world when they need co-operation and solidarity in the face of the world-wide corona virus pandemic. Humankind needs to unite into “a new sense of the human family [Fratelli Tutti, “Brothers All”], that rejects war at all costs” (Pope, 2020, 6-A). Our journey takes us first to Russia, with the able eye and honed expertise of Richard D. Anderson, Jr. who teaches as UCLA and publishes on the subject of his chapter: “Putin, Russian identity, and Russia’s conduct at home and abroad.” Readers should find Dr. Anderson’s analysis fascinating because Vladimir Putin, the singular leader of Russian foreign and domestic policy these days (and perhaps for the rest of his life, given how malleable Russia’s Constitution has become) may be a short man physically, but has high ambitions. One of these involves restoring the old Russian (and Soviet) empire, which would involve re-subjugating a number of nations that broke off as the old order dissolved about 30 years ago. President (shall we say czar?) Putin also has international ambitions, notably by destabilizing the United States, where election meddling has become a specialty. The sight of Putin and U.S. president Donald Trump, two very rich men (Putin $70-$200 billion; Trump $2.5 billion), nuzzling in friendship would probably set Thomas Jefferson and Vladimir Lenin spinning in their graves. The road of history can take some unanticipated twists and turns. Consider Poland, from which we have an expert native analysis in chapter 2, Bartosz Hlebowicz, who is a Polish anthropologist and journalist. His piece is titled “Lawless and Unjust: How to Quickly Make Your Own Country a Puppet State Run by a Group of Hoodlums – the Hopeless Case of Poland (2015–2020).” When I visited Poland to teach and lecture twice between 2006 and 2008, most people seemed to be walking on air induced by freedom to conduct their own affairs to an unusual degree for a state usually squeezed between nationalists in Germany and Russia. What did the Poles then do in a couple of decades? Read Hlebowicz’ chapter and decide. It certainly isn’t soft-bellied liberalism. In Chapter 3, with Bruce E. Johansen, we visit China’s western provinces, the lands of Tibet as well as the Uighurs and other Muslims in the Xinjiang region, who would most assuredly resent being characterized as being possessed by the Chinese of the Han to the east. As a student of Native American history, I had never before thought of the Tibetans and Uighurs as Native peoples struggling against the Independence-minded peoples of a land that is called an adjunct of China on most of our maps. The random act of sitting next to a young woman on an Air India flight out of Hyderabad, bound for New Delhi taught me that the Tibetans had something to share with the Lakota, the Iroquois, and hundreds of other Native American states and nations in North America. Active resistance to Chinese rule lasted into the mid-nineteenth century, and continues today in a subversive manner, even in song, as I learned in 2018 when I acted as a foreign adjudicator on a Ph.D. dissertation by a Tibetan student at the University of Madras (in what is now in a city called Chennai), in southwestern India on resistance in song during Tibet’s recent history. Tibet is one of very few places on Earth where a young dissident can get shot to death for singing a song that troubles China’s Quest for Lebensraum. The situation in Xinjiang region, where close to a million Muslims have been interned in “reeducation” camps surrounded with brick walls and barbed wire. They sing, too. Come with us and hear the music. Back to Europe now, in Chapter 4, to Portugal and Spain, we find a break in the general pattern of nationalism. Portugal has been more progressive governmentally than most. Spain varies from a liberal majority to military coups, a pattern which has been exported to Latin America. A situation such as this can make use of the term “populism” problematic, because general usage in our time usually ties the word into a right-wing connotative straightjacket. “Populism” can be used to describe progressive (left-wing) insurgencies as well. José Pinto, who is native to Portugal and also researches and writes in Spanish as well as English, in “Populism in Portugal and Spain: a Real Neighbourhood?” provides insight into these historical paradoxes. Hungary shares some historical inclinations with Poland (above). Both emerged from Soviet dominance in an air of developing freedom and multicultural diversity after the Berlin Wall fell and the Soviet Union collapsed. Then, gradually at first, right wing-forces began to tighten up, stripping structures supporting popular freedom, from the courts, mass media, and other institutions. In Chapter 5, Bernard Tamas, in “From Youth Movement to Right-Liberal Wing Authoritarianism: The Rise of Fidesz and the Decline of Hungarian Democracy” puts the renewed growth of political and social repression into a context of worldwide nationalism. Tamas, an associate professor of political science at Valdosta State University, has been a postdoctoral fellow at Harvard University and a Fulbright scholar at the Central European University in Budapest, Hungary. His books include From Dissident to Party Politics: The Struggle for Democracy in Post-Communist Hungary (2007). Bear in mind that not everyone shares Orbán’s vision of what will make this nation great, again. On graffiti-covered walls in Budapest, Runes (traditional Hungarian script) has been found that read “Orbán is a motherfucker” (Mikanowski, 2019, 58). Also in Europe, in Chapter 6, Professor Ronan Le Coadic, of the University of Rennes, Rennes, France, in “Is There a Revival of French Nationalism?” Stating this title in the form of a question is quite appropriate because France’s nationalistic shift has built and ebbed several times during the last few decades. For a time after 2000, it came close to assuming the role of a substantial minority, only to ebb after that. In 2017, the candidate of the National Front reached the second round of the French presidential election. This was the second time this nationalist party reached the second round of the presidential election in the history of the Fifth Republic. In 2002, however, Jean-Marie Le Pen had only obtained 17.79% of the votes, while fifteen years later his daughter, Marine Le Pen, almost doubled her father's record, reaching 33.90% of the votes cast. Moreover, in the 2019 European elections, re-named Rassemblement National obtained the largest number of votes of all French political formations and can therefore boast of being "the leading party in France.” The brutality of oppressive nationalism may be expressed in personal relationships, such as child abuse. While Indonesia and Aotearoa [the Maoris’ name for New Zealand] hold very different ranks in the United Nations Human Development Programme assessments, where Indonesia is classified as a medium development country and Aotearoa New Zealand as a very high development country. In Chapter 7, “Domestic Violence Against Women in Indonesia and Aotearoa New Zealand: Making Sense of Differences and Similarities” co-authors, in Chapter 8, Mandy Morgan and Dr. Elli N. Hayati, from New Zealand and Indonesia respectively, found that despite their socio-economic differences, one in three women in each country experience physical or sexual intimate partner violence over their lifetime. In this chapter ther authors aim to deepen understandings of domestic violence through discussion of the socio-economic and demographic characteristics of theit countries to address domestic violence alongside studies of women’s attitudes to gender norms and experiences of intimate partner violence. One of the most surprising and upsetting scholarly journeys that a North American student may take involves Adolf Hitler’s comments on oppression of American Indians and Blacks as he imagined the construction of the Nazi state, a genesis of nationalism that is all but unknown in the United States of America, traced in this volume (Chapter 8) by co-editor Johansen. Beginning in Mein Kampf, during the 1920s, Hitler explicitly used the westward expansion of the United States across North America as a model and justification for Nazi conquest and anticipated colonization by Germans of what the Nazis called the “wild East” – the Slavic nations of Poland, the Baltic states, Ukraine, and Russia, most of which were under control of the Soviet Union. The Volga River (in Russia) was styled by Hitler as the Germans’ Mississippi, and covered wagons were readied for the German “manifest destiny” of imprisoning, eradicating, and replacing peoples the Nazis deemed inferior, all with direct references to events in North America during the previous century. At the same time, with no sense of contradiction, the Nazis partook of a long-standing German romanticism of Native Americans. One of Goebbels’ less propitious schemes was to confer honorary Aryan status on Native American tribes, in the hope that they would rise up against their oppressors. U.S. racial attitudes were “evidence [to the Nazis] that America was evolving in the right direction, despite its specious rhetoric about equality.” Ming Xie, originally from Beijing, in the People’s Republic of China, in Chapter 9, “News Coverage and Public Perceptions of the Social Credit System in China,” writes that The State Council of China in 2014 announced “that a nationwide social credit system would be established” in China. “Under this system, individuals, private companies, social organizations, and governmental agencies are assigned a score which will be calculated based on their trustworthiness and daily actions such as transaction history, professional conduct, obedience to law, corruption, tax evasion, and academic plagiarism.” The “nationalism” in this case is that of the state over the individual. China has 1.4 billion people; this system takes their measure for the purpose of state control. Once fully operational, control will be more subtle. People who are subject to it, through modern technology (most often smart phones) will prompt many people to self-censor. Orwell, modernized, might write: “Your smart phone is watching you.” Ming Xie holds two Ph.Ds, one in Public Administration from University of Nebraska at Omaha and another in Cultural Anthropology from the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Beijing, where she also worked for more than 10 years at a national think tank in the same institution. While there she summarized news from non-Chinese sources for senior members of the Chinese Communist Party. Ming is presently an assistant professor at the Department of Political Science and Criminal Justice, West Texas A&M University. In Chapter 10, analyzing native peoples and nationhood, Barbara Alice Mann, Professor of Honours at the University of Toledo, in “Divide, et Impera: The Self-Genocide Game” details ways in which European-American invaders deprive the conquered of their sense of nationhood as part of a subjugation system that amounts to genocide, rubbing out their languages and cultures -- and ultimately forcing the native peoples to assimilate on their own, for survival in a culture that is foreign to them. Mann is one of Native American Studies’ most acute critics of conquests’ contradictions, and an author who retrieves Native history with a powerful sense of voice and purpose, having authored roughly a dozen books and numerous book chapters, among many other works, who has traveled around the world lecturing and publishing on many subjects. Nalanda Roy and S. Mae Pedron in Chapter 11, “Understanding the Face of Humanity: The Rohingya Genocide.” describe one of the largest forced migrations in the history of the human race, the removal of 700,000 to 800,000 Muslims from Buddhist Myanmar to Bangladesh, which itself is already one of the most crowded and impoverished nations on Earth. With about 150 million people packed into an area the size of Nebraska and Iowa (population less than a tenth that of Bangladesh, a country that is losing land steadily to rising sea levels and erosion of the Ganges river delta. The Rohingyas’ refugee camp has been squeezed onto a gigantic, eroding, muddy slope that contains nearly no vegetation. However, Bangladesh is majority Muslim, so while the Rohingya may starve, they won’t be shot to death by marauding armies. Both authors of this exquisite (and excruciating) account teach at Georgia Southern University in Savannah, Georgia, Roy as an associate professor of International Studies and Asian politics, and Pedron as a graduate student; Roy originally hails from very eastern India, close to both Myanmar and Bangladesh, so he has special insight into the context of one of the most brutal genocides of our time, or any other. This is our case describing the problems that nationalism has and will pose for the sustainability of the Earth as our little blue-and-green orb becomes more crowded over time. The old ways, in which national arguments often end in devastating wars, are obsolete, given that the Earth and all the people, plants, and other animals that it sustains are faced with the existential threat of a climate crisis that within two centuries, more or less, will flood large parts of coastal cities, and endanger many species of plants and animals. To survive, we must listen to the Earth, and observe her travails, because they are increasingly our own.

Chapter 4 examines how Bethune and National Council of Negro Women (NCNW) navigate the challenges of World War II and their response to decolonization efforts. Bethune saw the opportunity for Black women to participate in war efforts as a vital step towards the world recognizing Black women as being participants in world affairs and advocated fiercely for their involvement. As decolonization efforts intensified, Bethune became a part of the movement through her support of the Council on African Affairs, aligning herself with one of the leading anti-colonial organizations of its time. In 1945 Bethune served as an associate consultant for the founding charter of the United Nations, alongside W.E.B. DuBois and Walter White and the trio took a bold stance against colonization, speaking for oppressed people of color around the world. The chapter captures a pivotal point in her activism because her voice would now be heard among world leaders and being in the space unlocked access to people whom she would not have met otherwise, including Vijayalakshmi Pandit.

During the postwar decade leading up to the Brown v. Board of Education decision, Austin played a central role in increasing black voter registration, working with the Durham Committee on Negro Affairs, leading to the election of the first black member of the Durham city council in 1953. He also made important efforts to integrate public facilities. He organized an integrated football game in Durham, between a white team and a black team, which was hailed as the first racially integrated football game in the South. Austin continued to prioritize the fight for equitable public education for African Americans in the postwar years. Austin pursued a dual strategy, pressing for integration, particularly in higher education, while fighting for equal funding for black schools and equal salaries for black teachers.

Chapter 3 explores the 1935 founding of National Council of Negro Women (NCNW) and how Bethune begins to internationalize the work of the U.S. based organization. Throughout the chapter Bethune simultaneously serves as Director of the Division of Negro Affairs for the Franklin D. Roosevelt administration where she calls for attention to the plight of Black America while also forging relationships throughout the African Diaspora. Sue Bailey Thurman, Dorothy Porter, and Eunice Hunton, were a few of the women that Bethune brought together to implement her global agenda for NCNW. The organization's travels to Cuba, cultural exchanges with Ethiopian women and the publishing of Aframerican Journal are important aspects that are examined.

This chapter exposes how Maxwell overcame frustrating encounters with oblivious administrators and faculty and intersectional affronts of racism and sexism to lead UNC Charlotte’s Black Studies/Afro-American and African Studies Program (BSP/AAAS) to department status from 1974 to 1986, even as other Black Studies programs faltered. Maxwell relied on diverse advocates who included benefactor Alice Tate, colleague Ann Carver, and assistant BSP/AAAS director and religious studies professor, minister Herman Thomas. Maxwell strengthened local ties by serving on nonprofit executive boards. Even though Maxwell contributed to the institutionalization of Black Studies as the founder of the National Council for Black Studies in 1975, her role as an early practitioner and community advocate became eclipsed as the field diminished the call for community service and emphasized scholarly achievement. After serving as the first female vice president for academic affairs at Johnson C. Smith University for eighteen months, Maxwell returned to UNC Charlotte in 1978 and retired in 1986.

Abstract In defeating the challenge of Populism, men who led the successful campaigns for redemption identified a threat not only from alleged black criminals and anarchists but from politically active women. Though Republicans like Ellen Foster were reassuringly loyal, women’s overall encroachment into political affairs disturbed Republican men as well as Democrats. By the 1890s women no longer limited their expressions of partisanship to demure handkerchief waving from the balconies of party rallies. Many spoke from the stump, canvassed wards, sought access to parties’ decision-making councils, and even ran for office. Some men who had welcomed women’s assistance in campaign work now began to describe the trend as a danger to political order.