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Kim, Dae Soon. "A political biography of Hungary's first post-Communist President, Árpád Göncz". Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2011. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/2578/.
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Hungary's political transformation of 1989 has been generally regarded as a peaceful revolution negotiated between the ruling Communists and the opposition. During the National Roundtable Negotiations, the fundamental framework of governance - including the amendment of the Constitution - was decided by members of Hungary's political elite. Hungary's mode of transition to democracy was an elite-led transformation and this was distinct from Czechoslovakia and Poland where the interests of society had been represented - to a large degree - by the likes of Vaclav Havel and Lech Walesa. In view of this, some critics argued that compared to Poland and Czechoslovakia, Hungary had no equivalent high-profile figure who could break with the Communist past and claim the ideas of a new democracy. Hungary, however, had its own figure with democratic credentials. Árpád Göncz, who came to prominence during the inter-war period has been one time or another, a student resistance leader during Nazi occupation in Hungary, a steelworker, an agriculturalist, a literary translator and, he subsequently became the first post-Communist President of Hungary. He experienced the major events of Hungarian history first hand, including the 1956 Hungarian Revolution. During this pivotal time, Göncz undertook a significant role in the resistance that followed the suppression of the Revolution; he was sentenced to life imprisonment as a result. His democratic activities were widely acknowledged by political elites and the general public alike. This, in turn, contributed to his election to the Presidency. Significantly, however, much of the existing literature on Hungary's post-Soviet political development has not attached a high degree of importance to Göncz's role in Hungarian history or his political achievements. At present, there are no biographies of Göncz either in English or Hungarian. Thus this thesis, as the first English language scholarly biography, addresses a gap in the literature through the narration of the story of Göncz's life; an expansive account of Göncz's life is situated within a framework of the wider historical, political and social concerns of his generation. Specifically, the following questions are addressed: how were Göncz's political beliefs developed and how did these beliefs later inform his term as the first post-Communist President of Hungary? Narrative analysis and elite interviewing are employed as the main research methods in order to explore the development of Göncz's political beliefs and their significance for the understanding of Hungarian politics. It is argued that as a whole, Göncz made important contributions to the development of Hungarian democracy. Though not born into a political family and constrained by external forces beyond his control, Göncz attempted to address some of the key social and political problems of the age. It is also argued that the decade of Göncz's Presidency was crucial for the shaping of the basic institutional tenets of governance in post-Soviet Hungary. Despite his lack of experience of governance, Göncz created a template for the role of President and significantly affected the demarcation of powers between president and government in the ever-evolving context of the process of political transformation. While his interpretation of the presidential powers and responsibility was not, and could not be regarded as positive in all respects, Göncz's Presidency was imbuded by his liberal and democratic values.
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Leipzig, Internationale Arbeitsgemeinschaft für die Musikgeschichte in Mittel und Osteuropa an der Universität. "Die Autoren der Beiträge". Musikgeschichte in Mittel- und Osteuropa ; 4 (1999), S. 259-263, 1999. https://ul.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A15543.
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Leipzig, Internationale Arbeitsgemeinschaft für die Musikgeschichte in Mittel und Osteuropa an der Universität. "Die Autoren der Beiträge". Musikgeschichte in Mittel- und Osteuropa ; 3 (1998), S. 267-271, 1998. https://ul.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A15484.
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Schneider, Miriam Magdalena. "The "sailor prince" in the age of empire : creating a monarchical brand in nineteenth-century Europe". Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/16627.
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This study examines the systemic function and public role of "Sailor Princes" within the context of the nineteenth-century revival of monarchy. It explores how, between 1850 and 1914, the reigning families of Britain, Denmark, Germany and Greece chose to educate their younger sons in the navy and thereby created powerful links with a mythically invested symbol of national identity and modernity, of bourgeois virtue, imperial integration and exotic adventure. All four countries perceived themselves as maritime powers defined by their long seafaring traditions and/or great hopes for a naval future, by their possession of (in)formal seaborne colonial empires and/or by their substantial imperial ambitions. By latching onto the prominent trend of the nineteenth-century lure of the sea and of naval enthusiasm, the dynasties of Saxe-Coburg, Glücksborg and Hohenzollern were able to adapt these mental geographies for their own purposes and thus to generate an appealing brand image for the emerging political mass market. Prince Alfred of Britain (1844-1900), Prince Heinrich of Prussia (1862-1929), Prince Valdemar of Denmark (1858-1939) and Prince Georgios of Greece (1869-1957) all became powerful personality brands of their respective monarchies. This study investigates the mechanisms and the agents responsible for their success. It examines the role of the sea and of maritime imageries in nineteenth-century national identities; the myths and realities of naval education and naval professionalism; the processes by which seaborne colonial empires and diaspora communities were integrated into larger imperial units and represented to each other via interimperial diplomacy; as well as the public reception, appropriation and recreation of the "Sailor Prince" brand in various popular media, e.g. family magazines, adventure fiction and consumer goods.
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Geller, Joseph. "The manuscript version of the memoirs of Dov Ber Birkenthal (Ber of Bolochew)". Thesis, McGill University, 1989. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=22375.
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This thesis is concerned with the manuscript of the memoirs of Dov Ber Birkenthal, Ber of Bolechow. The memoirs describe Jewish existence in eighteenth century Poland and provide valuable information regarding economic, social and cultural matters of that era. Uncovered in 1912, the manuscript was edited and published in Hebrew and translated into English by Dr. M. Vishnitzer.By primary supposition of the present thesis is that Dr. Vishnitzer's transcription of the manuscript is inaccurate, and for this reason, a re-working of the memoirs has been undertaken. In addition to providing an authentic transcription of the manuscript, this thesis also contains a description of Birkenthal's life, an analysis of the uniqueness of this somewhat exceptional person and an account of how the memoirs have been used in the literature. Moreover, the historical value of the memoirs has been assessed, and an indepth analysis of the flaws contained in Vishniter's transcription has been provided.
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Petro, Theodore D. "Returning home from the first crusade : an examination of three crusaders : Stephen of Blois, Robert Curthose, and Robert II of Flanders". Virtual Press, 1998. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1100450.
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Börngen, Michael y Mathias Deutsch. "Curt Weikinn (1888 – 1966) – ein Leben für die Erforschung der Witterungsgeschichte Europas". Universität Leipzig, 2016. https://ul.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A16707.
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Anlässlich des 50. Todestages von Curt Weikinn (1888–1966) werden sein Leben und sein wissenschaftliches Werk kurz geschildert. Weikinn ist vor allem durch seine „Quellentexte zur Witterungsgeschichte Europas von der Zeitwende bis zum Jahre 1850“ bekannt. Die zu seinen Lebzeiten nur teilweise publizierte Sammlung wird seit einigen Jahren schrittweise der Öffentlichkeit zugängig gemacht. Wichtige Arbeiten hierzu wurden mit finanzieller Unterstützung der DFG im Institut für Meteorologie der Universität Leipzig durchgeführt.On the occasion of the 50th anniversary of the death of Curt Weikinn (1888 - 1966) his life and scientific work are briefly described. Weikinn is above all known for his „Source Texts to Europe’s Weather History of the Christian Era until 1850“. The in his lifetime only partially published collection is made accessible gradually the public for several years. For this important work was carried out with financial support from the DFG in the Institute for Meteorology, University Leipzig.
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Maxson, Brian. "Review of Niccolò Machiavelli: An Intellectual Biography". Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2013. https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu-works/6207.
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Hall, Kyle Matthew. "Affecting Lives: The Politics of Biography in Modern Italy, 1850-1881". Thesis, Harvard University, 2013. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:10838.
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This study examines the spread of in-life biographies (biographies written and published while their subjects were still alive) in Italy during the later years of the Risorgimento and the early years of Unification. These biographies, whose subjects ranged from the already famous to those being promoted as new political leaders, took a well-established literary form and applied it to the exigencies of the day. That this was a relatively new method of political engagement is seen through the numerous interventions by authors and editors justifying their choice of living subjects and excusing the fact that these were not traditional subjects with explanations of impartiality and necessity. As the Italian nation continued forward, such writings begin to be extended to less blatantly political subjects, such as the economic and social self-improvers touted by Michele Lessona (who followed the more famous Samuel Smiles of England) and the fictional Sicilian fishermen of Giovanni Verga's I Malavoglia. This continued push to describe in biographical terms the lives of living Italians reveals a widely neglected aspect of the biographical genre, namely that writing the life of a still-living figure is fundamentally different than writing the life of a deceased individual whose life course cannot be in any way changed by the publishing of a biography. The work that both begins and ends this study, a very early biography of Benito Mussolini, serves to illustrate the possibilities contained in this subgenre as well as the reasons for which it should continue to be studied as a form distinct from that of traditional biography.Romance Languages and Literatures
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Manetsch, Scott Michael 1959. "Theodore Beza and the quest for peace in France, 1572-1598". Diss., The University of Arizona, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/289544.
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Theodore Beza and the Quest for Peace in France examines the changing political strategies and religious attitudes of French Protestant leaders between the Saint Bartholomew's day massacres (1572) and the Edict of Nantes (1598). The hand-picked successor of John Calvin in 1564, Theodore Beza was an influential teacher, preacher, and power-broker in Geneva, as well as a prominent exiled leader of the French Reformed churches during the next four decades. Drawing on Beza's correspondence network, city archival materials and rare Huguenot pamphlets, I reconstruct the survival tactics of French Protestants in response to Catholic advances, document the decline in Huguenot expectations after 1572, and examine how social and political factors created widening ideological fissures within the Reformed movement by century's end. In highlighting the patterns of thought of the Huguenot leadership, my research contributes to an understanding of Protestant mentalities during the turbulent era of the French civil wars. In the aftermath of the massacres of 1572, Beza and other exiled leaders in Geneva were not only theorists of political resistance, but major players in Protestant agitation against the Valois monarchy. As the Reformed churches withered under royal persecution and Catholic missionary activities during the next decade, the reformer and his colleagues gradually aligned their political fortunes with Henri of Navarre. Beza tempered, but did not abandon his resistance theories when Navarre became presumptive heir to the French throne (1584). In return for a secret--hitherto unknown--annual stipend, Beza became Navarre's 'public relations agent' in Germany and Switzerland, raising money and mercenaries for Huguenot armies in the years prior to Henri's accession (1589). The bonds of friendship, patriotism and patronage made Beza a dedicated supporter of the person and program of Henri IV, even after the king converted to Catholicism in 1594. Thereafter, he urged the Reformed to trust the king's peace overtures, while attempting to silence 'moderates' who advocated doctrinal compromise in return for a political settlement. Though welcoming the Edict of Nantes, Beza and other Protestant leaders recognized that prospects for reform in France had been decisively curtained: 'the golden age has degenerated into a century of iron.'
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Labelle, Manon. "Au coeur de l'appareil judiciaire médiéval: La pratique de Pierre Christofle, notaire royal d'Orléans (1423--1444)". Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/27773.
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Les historiens qui ont produit l'histoire du notariat français ont isolé cette institution du monde judiciaire médiéval, alors que dans la pratique, un lien étroit unissait le notaire et la justice. Ce lien est perceptible à Orléans grâce aux registres du notaire Pierre Christofle, qui pratiqua dans le deuxième quart du XVe siècle. Sa principale tâche était de donner un caractère authentique à tout acte que les justiciables jugeaient opportuns. Cette fonction d'authentification, le notaire Christofle la devait au prévôt, seigneur judiciaire de la ville d'Orléans. À titre de clerc de la prévôté, et afin de répondre aux différents besoins des justiciables, Pierre Christofle rédigea plusieurs minutes qui touchaient de prés le monde judiciaire. Ce notaire doit par conséquent être considéré comme un auxiliaire de la justice et non pas comme un simple intermédiaire entre la justice et les justiciables.
En plus de la faculté d'authentifier, le prévôt détenait la faculté de juger, faculté dont il dut se départir au profit des juges. Certains historiens ont vu à tort cette attribution des fonctions du prévôt comme une division de la justice en deux juridictions, la première contentieuse, relevant des juges, et la deuxième gracieuse, relevant des notaires. Les accords de Pierre Christofle démontrent que ce notaire possédait les deux compétences; de plus, ces accords possédaient la même force probante et exécutoire que les jugements rendus par les juges, ce qui invalide la distinction historiographique entre les décisions rendues en justice et celles rendues par des pratiques infra judiciaires. Il faut plutôt voir les facultés de juger des juges et celles d'authentification des notaires comme des composantes complémentaires de ce que nous avons défini comme un appareil judiciaire médiéval. Cette conclusion renforce par conséquent le lien entre justice et notariat au Moyen Âge et rétablit le rôle et la place de Pierre Christofle au coeur du monde judiciaire orléanais.
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Arnold, Hannah. ""A minor Atlantic Goethe" : W.H. Auden's Germanic bias". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:061fdedc-d1f0-4cb0-a4a1-59b4b27d7ef3.
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This thesis is an account of the poet and critic W.H. Auden's relations with Germany and Germans over the course of his life (1907-1973), presented through a selection of influences that have received little critical attention in the corpus of secondary literature to date. While these connections and influences are manifold and sometimes disparate, they can serve as a prism to tell Auden's life-story from a particular, relatively unexplored angle and to illuminate his work. The thesis is divided into three chapters. Chapter One discusses Auden’s engagement with German literature before 1928, his reasons for spending nine months in Weimar Berlin 1928-29, and the formative influence of this experience on his life and work. Chapter Two explores Auden's relationship with his 'in-laws', the famous family of Nobel Prize winning author Thomas Mann, and Auden's choice of an international life-style. Chapter Three discusses various other, later German influences on Auden: his visit to Germany with the US Army and its traces in The Age of Anxiety; issues concerning the German translation of this text; his Ford Foundation residence in isolated West Berlin; and his intellectual friendship with Hannah Arendt. Introduction and Conclusion embed these three specific chapters, deliberating the topic more abstractly. A number of appendices bring together a wide range of unpublished sources – and their translations into English, if the original is composed in German. Translations of all German appendix material can be found in the appendix itself.
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Schütz, Johanna [Verfasser] y Thomas [Akademischer Betreuer] Klein. "Marital Biography and Health in Old Age: Insights from European Survey Data / Johanna Schütz ; Betreuer: Thomas Klein". Heidelberg : Universitätsbibliothek Heidelberg, 2019. http://d-nb.info/1177695537/34.
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Reid, Jonathan Andrew. "King's sister, queen of dissent: Marguerite of Navarre (1492-1549)and her evangelical network". Diss., The University of Arizona, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/289749.
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This study reconstructs the previously unknown history of the most important dissident group within France before the French Reformed Church formed during the 1550s. From edited and unpublished literary, institutional, diplomatic, and epistolary sources from across Europe, the dissertation demonstrates that King Francis I's sister, Marguerite of Navarre (1492-1549), and a network of more than two hundred nobles, royal officers, humanists, literary writers, and prelates collaborated to promote a reformation of the French church based on their evangelical views. To this end, they attempted to steer Francis I into alliances with Henry VIII, the Protestant powers of the Empire and Switzerland, as well as, for a time, the Pope that favored the adoption of their reform agenda. Within France they strove to disseminate their beliefs by exploiting their administrative powers, sponsoring evangelical preaching, and publishing hundreds of vernacular books, including many adaptations of German Reformation tracts. An opposing conservative party stymied these efforts, yet Marguerite and her network managed, in turn, to prevent it from unleashing full-scale persecution, thereby enabling a broad dissenting movement to grow. Meanwhile, French reformers in exile, led by Guillaume Farel and John Calvin, former members of Marguerite's network, became critical of their erstwhile colleagues and called on French evangelicals to reject the "papal" church. After Marguerite's death, members of her network and their heirs joined two successor parties during the Wars of Religion (1562-1598): the irenic royalists and the unyielding Calvinist Huguenots. Ultimately, the confessional historiographies of the Calvinist and Catholic 'victors' effaced the record of Marguerite and her network's campaign for moderate evangelical renewal. This account revises the received interpretations of Marguerite and the early Reformation in France. Although Marguerite is well-known as a literary figure with heterodox beliefs, her leadership of a dynamic evangelical network has never been seen or reconstructed. This network's actions reveal, moreover, that early sixteenth-century France was not, as it is universally portrayed, a period of "magnificent religious anarchy." These evangelicals were not divergent in their beliefs, disunified, and hence hopelessly ineffective. Amidst growing persecution they failed to secure the adoption of their beliefs, but they did disseminate them and obtain a foothold for religious dissent without which the Reformed churches could not have emerged.
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Sneh, Itai. "Hayim Zelig Slonimski and the founding of ha-Tsefirah : the early career of an East European Jewish enlightener and popularizer of science, 1810-1862". Thesis, McGill University, 1991. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=61049.
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There has been relatively little historical analysis of the life and work of Hayim Zelig Slonimski (1810-1904), the foremost popularizer of the sciences in the Eastern European Jewish Enlightenment movement. Initially inspired by the rationalist trend and discussion of scientific matters in the classical Jewish religious sources, he succeeded in linking these traditionally sanctioned modes of thought to the burgeoning field of nineteenth century science.Slonimski thought that the dissemination of scientific knowledge among the traditionalist Jewish readership would strengthen their commitment to rationalism and the belief in progress, fundamental principles of liberalism, and thus facilitate the secularization and modernization of Eastern European Jewry. He was eminently successful in his strategy of using the holy tongue, Hebrew, to popularize modern science among his traditional readers. His periodical Ha-Tsefirah (The Herald) represents a significant and unique contribution to the advancement of the Jewish Enlightenment's program among Eastern European Jewry.
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Donato, Carla di. "Alexandre Salzmann et le théâtre du XX siècle". Paris 3, 2008. http://www.theses.fr/2008PA030146.
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Alexandre Salzmann (S. ) est un « protagoniste paradoxal » du théâtre des premières années du XX siècle: on ne le voit jamais vraiment parmi les protagonistes, mais on le trouve toujours dans des évènements de tout premier plan, dont il constitue semble-t-il un des moteurs secrets. Inventeur de génie (dans la triade qu’il forme avec Appia et Dalcroze) d’un système d’éclairage ad hoc pour le spectacle chef d’oeuvre Orphée et Eurydice acclamé par tous les réformateurs et les artistes inquiets du début du Vingtième, S. Est célébré dans toute l’Europe comme le maître des lumières (Craig) et des variations les plus imperceptibles dans les tonalités de couleurs. Son itinéraire, et celui de sa femme Jeanne, épouse ensuite celui de Gurdjieff et de son Institut pour le Développement Harmonique de l’Homme (Fontainebleau-Avon, 1922). La reconstruction historiographique de l’activité de S. à Hellerau, d’abord, et de sa collaboration avec Gurdjieff, ensuite, trouve dans cette étude ses bases dans la recherche du lien existant entre sa première activité et celle avec Gurdjieff, au delà du rapport avec sa (future) femme Jeanne, et des liens existant entre les évènements et les relations qui, pour le théâtre qui ne termine pas dans le spectacle (Grotowski), l’a amené directement au centre de la “science du Mouvement”, fondement de la science du processus créatif, coeur quant à elle du théâtre du Vingtième. En conclusion, dans l’histoire du théâtre, le cœur du parcours de S. Se trouve dans les croisements entre personnes, évènements et lieux, en regardant, volontairement, dans la direction inverse: avec un regard “tête en bas”Alexandre Salzmann (S. ) can be considered a «paradoxical protagonist» of the beginning of the XX Century theatre: he can never be clearly identified among the protagonists, but he can always be discovered in all major events, which he appears to be one of the hidden engines of. Genial inventor (in Hellerau triad with Adolphe Appia and Émile Jaques-Dalcroze) of a lighting system created ad hoc for the masterpiece performance Orphée et Eurydice (1913), highly praised by all the theatre reformers and restless artists of the first half of the XX Century, S. Is celebrated all over Europe as maître des lumières / master of lights (Craig) and of the most imperceptible variations between shades of colours. Afterwards his itinerary (together with his wife, Jeanne) joins the one of Gurdjieff and his Institute for the Harmonious Development of Man (Fontainebleau-Avon, 1922). In this research the historical reconstruction of S. Professional experience in Hellerau, first, and collaboration with Gurdjieff, then, has its foundations laid in the following questions: how were the two mentioned experiences linked, out of his relationship with his (future) wife Jeanne? Which was the junction of events and relationships that, as per the theatre that does not end into the performance (Grotowski), led him straight to the centre of the “science of the Movement”, as hinge of the science of the creative process, heart of the theatre of the XX Century? To conclude, in the history of theatre the core of S. Itinerary can only be intercepted in the complex entanglement of people, events and sites, while intentionally looking at it with an “upside-down” approach
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Lee, Sai-chong Jack y 李世莊. "Painting in western media in early twentieth century Hong Kong". Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1996. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31214344.
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Jérome, Vanessa. "Militants de l’autrement : sociologie politique de l’engagement et des carrières militantes chez Les Verts et Europe écologie-Les Verts (EELV)". Thesis, Paris 1, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA010290.
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Mêlant approche biographique et enquête ethnographique, et combinant les concepts d'habitus, d'institution et de carrière, nous avons analysé l'ensemble des logiques sociales, biographiques et partisanes qui structurent l'engagement et les carrières des militants verts. Retraçant leurs trajectoires sociales depuis la création du parti en 1984, nous avons découvert la présence prépondérante d'(ex)-catholiques et de plusieurs générations distinctes de soixante-huitards. En ascension sociale et souvent politisés très tôt, il partage les dispositions à l'ascèse et à l'empathie avec les minorités actives qui leur permettent de résister à la dureté du processus d'idéologisation et de socialisation partisane. Forts de la restructuration de leur habitus sur le monde "minoritaire", les militants s'envisagent comme une avant-garde politique et sociale, et entendent se distinguer dans l'espace des (prise de) positions politiques en incarnant un idéal de "politique autrement". Ils forment un collectif toujours renouvelé - mais numériquement constant - de militants intéressés à l'élaboration d'une offre politique autonome et à la compétition électorale. Acquérant ou reconvertissant quelques capitaux, ils entrent en politique, en faisant le plus souvent valoir quelque expertise sectorielle, et élaborent et mettent en œuvre les politiques publiques dont ils ont la charge. Mais rapidement cantonnés dans des "niches" politiques et institutionnelles malgré un apprentissage réussi du métier politique et une capacité à jouer stratégiquement de leurs différents rôles, ils ne parviennent généralement qu'à se maintenir dans le statut coûteux de (semi)professionnels de la politiqueMixing biographic approach and ethnographical survey, and combining habitus, institution and career, we analysed all the social, biographic and partisan logics which ctructure the commitment and the careers of the green activists. Redrawing their social trajectories since the creation of the party in 1984, we discovered the dominating presence of (ex)-Catholics and of several different generations from participants in the student and workers' protest movement of May 1968. In upward social mobility and often politicized very early, they share capacities in the asceticism and in the empathy with the active minorities which allow them to resist the hardness of the processes of ideologization and the partisan socialization. Forts of the restructuring of their habitus on the "minority" mode, the activists envisage as a political and social avant-garde ans claim to distinguish themselves in the space of the grips of political positions by embodying and ideal of "politics otherwise". They form a collective always renewed - but numerically constant - interested in the elaboration of an autonomous political offer and in the electoral competition. Acquiring or reconverting some ressources, they enter politics, by asserting most of the time some sectorial expertise, and develop and elaborate then the policies they are responsible for. But quickly confined in political and institutional "niches" in spite of a successful learning of the political job and a capacity to strategically play their various roles, they succeed generally only in remaining in the expensive status of (semi) professionals of the politics
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Holtgrefe, Jon Mark 1987. "The characterization of civil war: Literary, numismatic, and epigraphical presentations of the 'year of the four emperors'". Thesis, University of Oregon, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/11626.
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viii, 113 p.This thesis analyzes various literary, numismatic, and epigraphical narratives of the Roman civil war of 69CE, and the representations of the four emperors who fought in it. In particular the focus is on how the narratives and representations relate to one another. Such an investigation provides us with useful insight into the people and events of 69 and how contemporaries viewed the actors and the events. These various presentations, most notably the works of five ancient historians and biographers, give 69 the distinction of being one of the best documented years in all antiquity. Historical scholarship has typically sought to determine which of these authors was the most accurate on the points which they disagreed. These points of difference, largely subjective opinion and therefore equally valid, illuminate instead the diverse ways in which an event can be interpreted. This thesis will focus on why there is such diversity and its usefulness to the historian.
Committee in charge: Dr. John Nicols, Chair; Dr. Sean Anthony, Member; Dr. Mary Jaeger, Member
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Baker, Anastasia Christine. "Anna of Denmark: Expressions of Autonomy and Agency as a Royal Wife and Mother". PDXScholar, 2012. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/713.
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Anna of Denmark (12 December 1574 - 2 March 1619), the wife of King James VI/I of Scotland, England, and Ireland, was an intelligent and interesting woman who has, up until recently, been largely ignored by history. It has only been within the past two decades that any in-depth analysis of Anna has been done, and most of that analysis has focused on Anna's work with the Stuart court masque. The intent of this thesis has been to expand upon current scholarship regarding Anna, as well as to synthesize the various facets of Anna's life in order to put together a more comprehensive understanding of who Anna was and the various ways in which she expressed personal agency and autonomy as a queen consort as opposed to a queen regnant, and how she used the roles of royal wife and mother to further her own goals and interests. The work is divided into an introduction, three chapters, and a conclusion. The introduction offers a brief analysis of the primary and secondary sources, and details how these sources were used within the broader scope of the paper. This introductory section also examines Anna's early life in Denmark, her wedding, and her initial journey to Scotland. The second chapter focuses on Anna's relationships with her husband and children, and particularly how Anna established a niche for herself within first the Scottish, and later the English courts. By studying these relationships it is possible to study the ways in which Anna, as a queen consort, was able to create a court presence for herself. Chapter three analyzes Anna's relationships with other courtiers and, more specifically, what these relationships tell modern scholars about how Anna was able to exercise political influence and power both directly and indirectly. Anna's interactions with her courtiers illustrate how well she understood not only human nature, but the nature of court culture and politics. The fourth chapter presents an in-depth study of Anna's masquing career, and looks at how Anna used the court masque to not only establish a female presence on the stage, but also to fashion a public image for herself. Anna used the Stuart court masque in a way that no one had previously: she used it to express her social and political opinions, and through the court masque Anna was able to portray both who she was and how she wanted to be perceived. The final chapter covers Anna's final days and her lasting impact on English history. Anna of Denmark deserves to be brought out of the shadows of history, and this thesis has attempted to do just that. She was a bright, engaging young woman who, unfortunately, has largely been overshadowed by her husband and children. By studying Anna's various roles as wife, mother, friend, benefactor, and patron, it has been possible to bring forth a much more complete understanding of who this queen consort was and why she is important to a broader understanding of early modern English history.
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Hauser, Allen Nolan. "Patterns in creativity : an examination of Viennese culture and politics at the turn of the century". PDXScholar, 1988. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3818.
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This examination explores the Viennese cultural milieu at the turn of the century in an effort to show the commonality of backgrounds and interests among those who created the culture during that period. In this the study aims at illustrating the similarities among those artists, intellectuals, and politicians in spite of the fact that their ideas helped lay the basis for the breakdown in integration of twentieth century culture which was illustrated by Carl E. Schorske in his Fin-De-Siecle Vienna: Politics and Culture. All this is in pursuance of the overall issue of the origin of the ideas which have dominated this century, an issue dealt with only tangentially in this study.
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Lambrichs, Anne. "József Vágó (1877-1947) : un architecte hongrois entre l'art nouveau et le mouvement moderne". Paris 4, 2001. http://www.theses.fr/2001PA040012.
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Architecte renommé en Hongrie avant la Première Guerre mondiale, dessinateur, théoricien, urbaniste et écrivain, l'architecte hongrois Jozsef Vago (1877-1947) travaille à Budapest (1900-1919 ; 1926-1940), à Rome (1919-1926) et à Genève (1927-1935) avant de s'établir en France (19401947). Sa filiation, au cours de la première partie de sa carrière, avec l'école sécessionniste de Odon Lechner ; sa collaboration avec l'avant-garde artistique à Budapest (A. Korosfoi-Kriesh, Sandor Nagy, Jozsef Rippl-Ronai et Karoly Kernstock) et les missions officielles qu'il exerce dans son pays jusqu'au renversement de la république des conseils de Bela Kun permettent de mettre en évidence sa réflexion artistique et politique mais aussi la spécificité de la scène hongroise par rapport à l'histoire de l'architecture occidentale. Exilé à Rome entre 1920 et 1926, Vago participe à la vie architecturale italienne et aux grands concours internationaux de l'entre-deux-guerres avant de gagner le concours de la Société des nations à Genève en 1927 avec huit autres lauréats. Ses démêlés avec ses associes - Nénot, Flegenheimer, Lefèvre et Broggi et avec le Corbusier au cours de la réalisation du projet de la SDN à Genève vont le conduire, dans les années trente et quarante, à rechercher une synthèse entre les idéaux de l'art nouveau et du mouvement moderne. Cette recherche, qui apparait dans son grand ouvrage théorique, à travers les villes (1930), et dans son projet d'urbanisation de Budapest (1933-1937), trouve son aboutissement dans son grand projet théorique de reconstruction opposé aux préceptes des CIAM et de la charte d'Athènes : la ville de l'avenir (1940-1945).
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Desaix, Jean-Frédéric. "Radiographie de l'homme politique européen : Christian Pineau, 1904-1995". Paris 8, 1999. http://www.theses.fr/1999PA081591.
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Ce travail est la manifestation d'une volonte de comprendre comment les processus sociaux englobant, et que nous ne saisissons communement que dans leur definition la plus large, ont ete portes par des trajectoires individuelles. L'homme politique est aujourd'hui, presque par definition voue a etre radiographie dans toutes ses dimensions : sociale, privee, partisane, historique. . . L'itineraire dechristian pineau offre un champ d'exploration de l'oeuvre politique. Il permet de s'attarder sur deux dynamiques particulieres de notre epoque : la question de l'homme politique et son destin europeen. Sa trajectoire permet de donner une dimension sensible a l'analyse que les sciences politiques donnent de l'histoire. Christian pineau appartient a une nouvelle generation de syndicalistes. Ces syndicalistes n'ont pas connu les grandes heures du mouvement ouvrier d'avant-guerre. Ils se presentent comme des specialistes de l'economie, des finances, ou des techniciens de l'industrie. L'engagement syndical permettait une analyse politique critique ainsi qu'une structure d'organisation dont pineau saura profiter le premier dans l'histoire de la resistance. Le mecanisme de la construction de l'homme politique etait desormais engage, puis definitivement scelle lorsqu'il integre la sfio. L'europe donne une raison profonde a son parcours personnel et politique. L'analyse du parcours de christian pineau donne le sentiment que l'esperance de l'unite a ete galvaudee par la necessite de l'union. Il existe ainsi une contradiction fondatrice de la communaute europeenne. La demarche de pineau regroupe en meme temps, une volonte de rassembler la plus grande partie de l'opinion publique autour d'un projet precis et structure par des traites, et une volonte de mobiliser cette meme opinion sur un projet suffisamment flou, mettant en avant l'imaginaire et le souhait d'un nouveau monde, pour que les desirs des uns et des autres puissent s'y integrer.
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Joly, Rachel. "Henry Corot (1864-1941) et ses correspondants, les acteurs de l'archéologie préhistorique sous la IIIe République". Thesis, Paris 1, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA010631/document.
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En introduction générale, est dressé un état de la Recherche sur trois thématiques : l’histoire et l’épistémologie de l’archéologie, le genre biographique, les archives et les correspondances scientifiques. Il est suivi d’une présentation du sujet de thèse et de ses problématiques. La première partie est une biographie consacrée à Henry Corot (1864-1941), figure emblématique de l’archéologie pré- et protohistorique en région Bourgogne. Sa vie et son œuvre sont appréhendées, principalement, au travers l’exploitation de son fonds d’archives – lequel comprend des centaines de dossiers de travail et une correspondance de 2500 lettres -. La deuxième partie est consacrée aux correspondants de H. Corot. Un répertoire biographique, comptant 490 entrées, rassemble les notices biographiques et les publications de ces archéologues. Suivent : le recrutement géographique et le recrutement sociologique de ces savants, le thème de la sociabilité à l’époque de H. Corot à travers l’analyse de sa correspondance, enfin, l’analyse des publications de ces archéologues, soit un corpus de 1300 références. Cette thèse permet à travers la biographie singulière de H. Corot d’envisager une perspective plus large, celle de biographies collectives, qui à leur tour rendent possible l’élargissement du propos à l’histoire et à l’épistémologie de la recherche protohistorique sous la Troisième République venant ainsi combler une importante lacune dans la production universitaire intéressant l’histoire de l’archéologieThe general introduction sets up a state of research on three themes : history and epistemology of archaeology, biographical genre, archives and scientists correspondences. Next, there is a presentation of thesis subject and its problematic. The first part is about Henry Corot’s biography (1864-1941). He was an emblematic figure in prehistoric and protohistoric archeology in Bourgogne area. His life and his work are apprehended thanks to the study of his archives containing hundreds of working folders and a correspondence of 2500 letters. The second part focus on H. Corot’s correspondents. A biographic directory includes biographical information and all publications of 490 French and foreign archaeologists. To follow, this thesis centers on: the geographical and sociological recruitment of these archaeologists, the topic of sociability at the time of H. Corot through the analysis of his correspondence, and the examination of the publications of these archaeologists (corpus of 1300 references). To conclude, this thesis allows, through the H. Corot’s singular biography, to consider a broader view, the collective biographies, which in turn make it possible the enlargement at history and epistemology of research in prehistory from the Third Republic and fill an important gap in the academic production about archaeology history
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Rönneburg, Vivien. "“[We] have shed our European mendtality” - Identitätskonstruktionen in Memoiren aus Deutschland in die USA geflohener Jüdinnen und Juden". HATiKVA e.V. – Die Hoffnung Bildungs- und Begegnungsstätte für Jüdische Geschichte und Kultur Sachsen, 2020. https://slub.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A70998.
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Kuße, Holger. "„Der russische Europäer: Fedor A. Stepun (1884–1965)“: 18.09. – 19.09.2015 an der TU Dresden". De Gruyter, 2016. https://tud.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A38604.
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Der russische Philosoph, Schriftsteller und Publizist Fedor A. Stepun (1884–1965) emigrierte 1922 nach Deutschland und wurde 1926 zum Professor für Soziologie an die damalige Technische Hochschule Dresden berufen. Bis zu seiner Entlassung 1937 war er neben Victor Klemperer und Paul Tillich am „Kulturwissenschaftlichen Institut“ der TH tätig. Nach dem Krieg erhielt er eine Professur in München, wo er 1965 verstarb. Aus Anlass des nunmehr fünfzigsten Todesjahres veranstaltete das Institut für Slavistik der TU Dresden zusammen mit Kolleginnen und Kollegen von der Hochschule für Ökonomie in Moskau eine zweisprachige (russisch-deutsche) Tagung, die Stepun mit einem Begriff des Moskauer Philosophen und Publizisten Vladimir Kantor als „russischen Europäer“ vorstellte.
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Lee, Tony Chih-chi. "L'esprit chinois : l'analyse psychoculturelle à distance du comportement politique et du conflit diplomatique de la Chine". Paris, EHESS, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012EHES0130.
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Cette thèse s’intéresse à « l’esprit chinois », c’est-à-dire aux caractères nationaux de la Chine en faisant l’hypothèse que des causes psychologiques sont une clé pour comprendre et expliquer le fonctionnement de l’Etat chinois. C’est dans une perspective « psychoculturelle » que l’auteur analyse le comportement politique et le conflit diplomatique de la Chine. Ce dernier est approché par l’entremise des deux derniers présidents et secrétaires généraux du Parti communiste, Jiang Zemin et Hu Jintao. Les comportements du chef d’Etat chinois sont donc considérés comme des indices des comportements de l’Etat lui-même. Empiriquement, deux terrains d’enquête sont mobilisés pour comprendre ces personnalités : d’une part leur biographie (la première partie de la thèse) et d’autre part leur comportement lors de crises bilatérales (deuxième partie de la thèse) – lequel comportement est saisi par l’intermédiaire de centaines de textes signés de deux dirigeants en ces occasions. Parallèlement à l’utilisation de références propres à la psychologie politique ou à l’histoire des idées, l’auteur s’appuie sur une méthode quantitative, l’analyse du discours, qui consiste à décoder les textes de discours prononcés par Jiang et par Hu des années 1989-2011 afin d’évaluer la pertinence du facteur « psychoculturel ». Sept concepts les plus sollicités dans la culture politique de la Chine sont mis en exergue permettant de tester des hypothèses relatives à la « psychoculture » des dirigeants et de produire des données quantitatives (statistiques, graphiques, index) : nationalisme-patriotisme, harmonie, hiérarchie, piété filiale, face, guanxi (relation interpersonnelle), et la crainte du luan (désordre). Combiné d’analyse qualitative et quantitative, ce travail met en évidence l’influence pesante de la « psychoculture », bien supérieur qu’un simple calcul d’intérêts, dans le comportement de l’Etat chinois dans les contextes de crises diplomatiquesThis dissertation deals with "the Chinese mind", which means the national character of China. Its main argument is that psychological variable is the key to understand and to explain how China behaves. In fact, the author uses a "psycho-cultural" approach to analyze Chinese political behaviors and diplomatic crises. To do so, two heads of State, Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao, are studied. The behaviors of these Chinese leaders are therefore supposed to refer to the State’s behaviors. Empirically, two exercises are involved to psychologically study these political figures: their biography for one part (in the first part of the dissertation) and their conducts during bilateral crises for another (in the second part of the dissertation) – The author collects hundreds of public and private speeches of the two Chinese leaders in order to scientifically analyze their psychological patterns. Alongside the content analysis, the author heavily relies on a quantitative method, the discourse analysis, to decode the speeches of Jiang and Hu from 1989 to 2011 and to assess, at a distance, the two Chinese leaders’ psychocultural profile. Seven concepts the most pronounced in the political culture of China are selected in the exercise. These elements are treated as indices to generate quantitative data from speeches and to test the validity of such “psychocultural” hypothesis. These seven concepts are: nationalism-patriotism, harmony, hierarchy, filial piety, face, guanxi (interpersonal relationship), and the fear of luan (chaos). Combined qualitative and quantitative analysis, this research successfully proves the constant influence of "psychoculture" in China’s behaviors, particularly in the circumstances of diplomatic crises
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Schwenk, Tina. "Maximilian I : a Habsburg on Montezuma's throne". Thesis, University of Stirling, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/3433.
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The life and fate of Maximilian I, the last emperor of Mexico, has attracted a substantial amount of research since his death in 1867. However, these works either only deal with the last few years of Maximilian’s life, from his candidature for the Mexican throne to his death at the hands of the Mexican liberals, or with other aspects of his life such as his time as governor of Lombardy-Venetia. Thus the main aim of this thesis is to offer a biography of Maximilian, which will not only look at Maximilian’s reign as emperor of Mexico but will also examine the Habsburg aspect of the story. It is thus necessary to look at the extent to which his Habsburg upbringing, his education and his experiences as governor of Lombardy-Venetia shaped his idea of kingship; how his travels and his time in Italy conditioned him to regard the “other” in a certain imperial way; and how all these essentially Habsburg experiences and ideas played a part in his failure and demise in Mexico. This thesis will thus aim to give a rounded picture the life and death of Maximilian I by examining his upbringing, his education, and his experiences in the navy and in Lombardy-Venetia. For without an understanding of these it is impossible to fully comprehend Maximilian’s actions in Mexico.
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Boivin, Hélène. "Louis Terrenoire, un fidèle à l’ombre du général de Gaulle 1908-1992". Electronic Thesis or Diss., Sorbonne université, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019SORUL105.
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Grand oublié de l’histoire du gaullisme, Louis Terrenoire en est pourtant l’un des représentants les plus attestés. Rien ne prédisposait ce Lyonnais d’origine, issu d’une famille modeste, d’abord engagé dans les actions du catholicisme social puis du syndicalisme chrétien à connaître une carrière politique inscrite en tout point dans le sillage du Général. Monté à Paris en 1932 pour entrer au journal L’aube lancé par Francisque Gay, Louis Terrenoire noue des premiers contacts avec les milieux politiques de la démocratie chrétienne. Il se distingue surtout par son engagement en tant que journaliste dans la lutte contre les fascismes. Mobilisé en 1939, il part au combat avec la volonté de défendre la patrie ainsi que ses valeurs républicaines et chrétiennes. Refusant l’armistice, il gagne très tôt les rangs de la Résistance, non en réponse à l’Appel du 18 juin qu’il n’entend pas mais pour prolonger un combat antifasciste entamé dans les années 1930. C’est au cours de ses années de résistance puis en déportation que Louis Terrenoire se découvre gaulliste et commence à se construire une identité politique indissociable du Général. En 1945-1946, il débute une carrière de parlementaire sous l’étiquette MRP. Après la rupture du « parti de la fidélité » avec le Général, Louis Terrenoire décide de le quitter en 1947 pour servir le général de Gaulle. Battu en 1951, il redevient député en 1958 et le reste jusqu’en 1973. Il participe à l’exercice du pouvoir au cours de la guerre d’Algérie en tant que ministre de l’Information, puis ministre délégué aux Relations avec le Parlement de février 1961 à avril 1962 en même temps que porte-parole d’un Général très ouvert au débat en conseil des ministres. Cet itinéraire politique est placé sous le signe d’une fidélité indéfectible à un homme – le général de Gaulle –, à ses idées, et à son œuvre, qui en fait un « baron » à part jusqu’à mortGreatly forgotten in the history of Gaullism, Louis Terrenoire is nevertheless one of the most attested representatives of it. Nothing predisposed this Lyonnais, from a modest family, first engaged in the actions of social Catholicism and then Christian trade unionism, to have a political career that was in every respect in the wake of the General. Louis Terrenoire went to Paris in 1932 to join the newspaper “L'aube” launched by Francisque Gay, and made his first contacts with the political circles of Christian Democracy. He stands out above all for his commitment as a journalist in the fight against fascism. Mobolized in 1939, he went into battle with the will to defend the country as well as its republican and christian values. Refusing the armistice, he very early won the ranks of the Resistance, not in response to the Appeal of June 18 that he did not hear but to prolong an antifascist struggle begun in the 1930s. It was during his years of resistance and then in deportation that Louis Terrenoire discovered himself to be a Gaullist and began to build a political identity inseparable from the General. In 1945-1946, he began a parliamentary career under the MRP label. After the break-up of the “loyalty party” with the General, Louis Terrenoire decided to leave him in 1947 to serve General de Gaulle. Beaten in 1951, he became a Member of Parliament again in 1958 and the rest until 1973. He took part in the exercice of power during the Algerian war as Minister of Information, then as Minister Delegate Relations with Parliament from February 1961 to April 1962 and at the same time as spokeman for a General who was very open to debate in the Council of Ministers.This political itinerary is based on an unfailing loyalty to a man- General de Gaulle-, to his ideas and to his work, which makes him a “ baron” apart until his death
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BÖHMER, Maria Dorothee. "The making and travelling of knowledge : a biography of a medical case history in 19th century Europe". Doctoral thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/28030.
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Defence date: 14 June 2013Examining Board: Professor Antonella Romano (EUI, Supervisor) Professor Lucy Riall (EUI) Professor Gianna Pomata (Johns Hopkins University) Professor Flurin Condrau (Institute and Museum of the History of Medicine, University of Zurich).
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
The thesis introduces a biography of a medical case history published by a Venetian physician in 1806 that reports on a public self-crucifixion attempt: Cesare Ruggieri's Storia della crocifissione di Mattio Lovat da se stesso eseguita. Due to different editions and translations, this case history travelled into a European context and was discussed in various professional and lay discourses in Germany, France, England and Italy throughout the 19th century. The study first investigates the 'making' of the case as well as the writing of the case history in the social, cultural, political and medical context of Venice. Second, by analyzing the specific ways in which the narrative was appropriated, i.e. received, read, commented on, used and transformed by foreign authors, the thesis examines the Europe-wide 'circulation' of the case history. Thereby, it ties in with recent approaches from the fields of the history of science, history of medicine and history of psychiatry and seeks to offer new perspectives on the 'transnational' character of case histories. Although originally addressed to a medical readership in the specific form of a medical case history, Ruggieri's publication appealed to a much wider readership. The thesis reveals that the great potential of the narrative to travel and to arouse public attention and curiosity can be attributed first and foremost to the fact that it combined the medical problem of 'insanity' with a problematization of religious issues. These two topics were of great interest, not only in the context of nascent disciplines in 19th century Europe such as psychiatry in which working with cases was an epistemic method, but also in the realm of literature where casuistic writing was popular. The thesis demonstrates that the ways in which the case history circulated in the four countries depended on distinct national cultures of reception as well as on different media scenes. Despite thematic similarities, the way in which the case history was appropriated in the four national contexts therefore varied remarkably.
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"AUTOREN". SLUB Dresden, 2017. https://slub.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A16249.
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CORNELIUSSEN, Claus. "Dr. Heerfordt : a private political entrepreneur and his federal plans for nordic and european unity in the interwar period". Doctoral thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/6338.
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Defence date: 17 October 2006Examining board: Prof. Bo Stråth (supervisor) ; Prof. Martin van Gelderen ; Prof. Uffe Østergård ; Prof. Kim Salomon
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
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Dohm, Alexandra Maria Ethlyn. "Nazis or fairy tales: The career of Leni Riefenstahl (Germany)". Thesis, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/1911/13943.
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Riefenstahl's career is examined through criticism which only allows two images: Riefenstahl as a Nazi film propagandist or Riefenstahl as a pure artist. My research shows that Riefenstahl is a complex person; therefore, it is impossible to place her into categories. Through her memoirs, Die Macht der Bilder, Das Blaue Licht, Triumph des Willens, Olympia, Tiefland, her Nuba material, and her underwater work it becomes clear that her career must be examined within the context of its time. Her films and photographs are considered for their artistic qualities as well as for their innovative elements.
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Haas, Ron. "The death of the angel: Guy Hocquenghem and the French cultural revolution after May 1968". Thesis, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1911/20613.
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A leader of the student movements in 1968, a pioneer of homosexual liberation in the 1970s, and a lifelong critic and polemist of French society, Guy Hocquenghem published some twenty books and literally hundreds of articles before his premature death in 1988. This dissertation is a biography of Guy Hocquenghem. However, although it makes ample use of personal interviews and other biographical information, its chief aim is not to psychologize but to contextualize. Its primary orientation is that of the history of ideas, an approach that is more concerned with the relationship between ideas and society than with the logical consistency of the ideas themselves. The present work endeavors, first of all, to explain the evolution of Hocquenghem's ideas and assess his impact as both a philosopher and a militant on French society after 1968. In addition, because Hocquenghem's career is, in many respects, emblematic of the journeys of the French '68ers, it uses his intellectual and political trajectory to describe general patterns that he shared with his generation. More specifically, it relies on Hocquenghem's career to illuminate a critical but often overlooked and misunderstood dimension of the May '68 revolt and its legacies: the eruption of "everyday life" into French politics. Finally, this dissertation aims to contribute to the rehabilitation of Hocquenghem's reputation as key militant, significant philosopher, and consummate polemist of the French '68 generation. In doing so, it is not Hocquenghem's ideas themselves that it seeks to redeem so much as his unique utopian perspective.
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Graur, Mina. "An "anarchist rabbi": The life and teachings of Rudolf Rocker". Thesis, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/1911/16234.
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Rudolf Rocker was born in 1873 in Mainz, Germany, and died in 1958 in New York. During his life, Rocker witnessed a rapidly changing world, and he extensively documented these changes. In a microcosm, Rocker's life reflects the development of the various trends within the anarchist movement, of which he was a prominent member. He joined the anarchist ranks at an early age, and to his last breath he remained an ardent believer in the goals and principles of anarchism. Rocker's main philosophical concern had been personal freedoms and the ability of society to protect these freedoms by non-coercive means. Rocker rejected the morality of all forms of authority, whether state, party or privileged minority. The only form of organization condoned by him was that of workers' federations or syndicates. In Rocker's vision, these federations would serve as the basis for creating a federated Europe, and ultimately a federated world order.
A disciple of Peter Kropotkin, Rocker established his prominence in anarchist philosophy as the ideologue of anarchosyndicalism, his main contribution being the combination of theoretical anarchist theses with a practical syndicalist platform of action. Rocker's most important contribution to political philosophy, Nationalism and Culture, contains both a comprehensive analysis of the rise of national sentiments, and a theoretical attempt to refute the morality of the state.
Rocker left his mark on anarchist history not only as a theoretician, but also as a practitioner. He was particularly active among the Jewish immigrants in London's East End, where he organized a cohesive and militant anarchist group. He led the local workers in industrial struggles against the "sweating system," and for two decades Rocker, a gentile with no knowledge of Yiddish, edited the Jewish anarchist organ, the Arbeter Fraint. In 1923, Rocker became known internationally due to his role in founding the Syndicalist International, the aim of which was to halt the growing influence of the Comintern.
Despite his political activities and writings, Rocker's life remained a neglected chapter in the history of anarchism. Drawing extensively on Yiddish sources, this work attempts to save Rocker from his undeserved oblivion.
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Wauck, Martin Peter. "Religion, reason, responsibility: James Martineau and the transformation of theological radicalism in Victorian Britain, 1830--1900". Thesis, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1911/20666.
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This dissertation is a study of the shifting presence of religious groups in nineteenth-century British public life. It concentrates on Unitarians, a denomination little studied by historians but who were one of the key groups enfranchised in the period around 1830, and examines how religious leaders made sense of both increasing political opportunities and increasing religious sectarianism. Its focus is James Martineau and the generation of denominational leaders who came of age after 1830 and their use of Romanticism to transform the traditional Nonconformist principle of religious liberty into a call for free theological inquiry. Making use of letters, diaries, newspapers, pamphlets and magazine articles, this dissertation shows how Martineau and his allies moved beyond the theological legacy of Joseph Priestley, transformed congregational life, reformed the denomination and reached out to other religious liberals in mid-Victorian Britain. They were among the first religious thinkers to endorse developmental science and German Biblical scholarship. In sharp contrast to many evangelical Nonconformists who radicalized religious liberty into a campaign for the abolition of Established Churches, Martineau and his followers hoped that the government would guarantee free theological inquiry. Martineau hoped to reform the Church of England into a non-dogmatic national religious community, but the growth of agnostic science and the Liberal embrace of popular politics undermined Martineau's vision. Although Martineau's career ended in failure, the demise of a vision of public life grounded in Nonconformist principles underscores the paradoxically conservative nature of religious change in nineteenth-century Britain. Martineau and his allies played a crucial role in broadening British religious and intellectual life, but the Anglican Church and its associated educational institutions proved much more successful representatives of that culture.
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"The worst of times: Recollections of a Polish-Jewish survivor". Tulane University, 2002.
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This paper is the memoir of a Polish-Jewish survivor of the Holocaust, annotated with historical references and an introduction written by the narrator's daughter. It is based on the narrator's taped recollections, as told to and edited by her daughter. The narrator was born and raised in Siedlce, Poland, a city located fifty miles east of Warsaw. She describes life in Siedlce before World War II and then recounts the events that took place in Siedlce following the German invasion of Poland in September 1939. The narrator and her husband were among the few Jews to survive the liquidation of the community. Fearing denunciation, they assumed false identities and went to Germany to work. She recounts their experiences working in a factory in Kassel and on a farm near Wtirzburg. The memoir depicts their liberation and their life as displaced persons in the American zone of Germany, concluding with their emigration to the United States in 1949acase@tulane.edu
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Hunt, Jamer Kennedy. "Absence to presence: The life history of Sylvia [Bataille] Lacan (France)". Thesis, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/1911/16832.
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Sylvia (Bataille) Lacan (1908-1993) was a french film actress who was married to the philosopher Georges Bataille and to the psychoanalyst Jacques Lacan. Despite this fact, she is virtually absent from the critical accounts of her two husbands' work. This is an account of her life and the forces that have functioned to keep her out of the historical record. In addition, I address the ways in which her two husbands' work contributes to that occlusion. I write the life of Sylvia (Bataille) Lacan in a variety of different frames and genres.
In the section on theories of gender and exchange, I trace the genealogy of the concept of the "exchange of women." Starting with Marcel Mauss and moving onto Claude Levi-Strauss, Georges Bataille, and Jacques Lacan, I argue, following Gayle Rubin, that those theorists could only have relegated women to the status of exchanged object by reifying women into abstractions, divorced from the power and agency that they do have.
In the section on the cultural context of Sylvia (Bataille) Lacan's life, I show that a variety of cultural forces were competing to define the appropriate roles for women after World War II. I contend that in Surrealist art, for example, many of the artists encouraged other female painters and writers, while in their own work they relied upon stereotypical, infantilizing, and objectifying depictions of women.
In the section on film theory, I closely examine Une Partie de campagne, a Jean Renoir film in which Sylvia Bataille starred. I map out the ways in which the film structures the spectator's gaze, configuring it as masculine, so that the tumultuous love scene at the film's climax is drained of its possible reading as a scene of rape.
I include a biographical chapter in which I piece together the rare fragments of text that do attest to Sylvia (Bataille) Lacan's life. Finally, I conclude with an interview that I conducted with her about her life and the influence she had on her husbands.
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Hanssen, Susan Elizabeth. "Discovering England: G. K. Chesterton and English national identity, 1900--1936". Thesis, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1911/18087.
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G. K. Chesterton (1874--1936), an English journalist and man-of-letters, gained an broad audience for his cultural criticism in the first decades of the twentieth century. This dissertation presents an explanation for Chesterton's widespread popularity based on a reading of contemporary reviews of Chesterton's work. It argues that one of the chief reasons for Chesterton's popularity was that he provided an understanding of English national identity at a time when this was problematic for the British public. His early literary criticism on Charles Dickens and Robert Browning, written in the context of the Anglo-Boer War and widespread anti-war agitation, questioned the Kiplingesque glorification of the British Empire and the racial identifications of Englishness. In attempting to create a spiritual or cultural rather than racial genealogy for Englishness, Chesterton got involved in debates over England's religious heritage, the Church of England's establishment, and the role of religion in state education, the nature of English liberalism, and the possibilities for a native English brand of socialism. These debates led him eventually to reformulate the Whig history of England---particularly in his epic poem of King Alfred, The Ballad of the White Horse (1911), his propaganda during World War I, and his Short History of England (1918)---to tell a tale in which the persistence of Christian orthodoxy was the key to England's peculiar liberal cultural inheritance. After his death in 1936, Chesterton's conception of England as a nation with a past rooted in European Christendom contributed to rhetorical understandings of England's identity and role during World War II.
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"Leading public figures in the Second Empire as seen in Merimee's correspondence". Tulane University, 1988.
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With the publication by Maurice Parturier between 1941 and 1964 of the complete letters of Prosper Merimee--which number more than 5,000--a correspondence rivaling that of Voltaire in depth, beauty, wit, and especially style was revealed in its fullness. In these letters Merimee, who served both as Inspector of Historical Monuments and senator, and was an intimate of the court, observed the personages and events of the Second Empire and often expressed his feelings and judgments on them to a number of close friends. This thesis surveys his views on several important historical and political figures glimpsed or discussed in the letters, including Napoleon III; Count Alexandre Walewski; Emile Ollivier; Victor Hugo; Adolphe Thiers; Achille Fould; Charles Auguste, Duc de Morny; Edouard Drouyn de Lhuys; Eugene Rouher; Victor Fialin de Persigny and Jules Baroche. Such a survey is intended as a scholarly aid for students of his correspondence and literary works, as well as those doing research in nineteenth-century French history The study of the individual figures is preceded by a background chapter that sets forth and evaluates Merimee's political views, which are visible throughout the letters. Acquaintance with these views is essential for a proper assessment of his judgments on his contemporaries. It becomes clear, from examination of his correspondence, that he was both anticlerical and conservative; he thought the parliamentary system unsuited to France. Although he was not a creative political theorist, he did develop his own understanding of governance and in particular of the authoritarian regime that he believed suitable for his nation. He proposed notably a code of political conduct that he wanted to see followed, based on courtesy, orderliness, and fairness. He viewed such a code as pragmatic, a means of achieving stability and longevity in government. These political views did not, however, prevent him from giving perceptive and balanced appreciations of those who did not share his assumptions about government. Whether he was regaling his friends with caricatures or lamenting the fate of France in the hands of unwise statesmen, Merimee, the honnete homme, made a plea for statesmen loyal to the regime, behaving in accordance with common courtesyacase@tulane.edu
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Cyr, Frédéric. "Rebelle devant les extrêmes : Paul Levi, une biographie politique". Thèse, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/6188.
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Cette thèse de doctorat est une biographie politique de Paul Levi, militant marxiste qui a fait carrière en Allemagne durant la période de l’entre-deux-guerres. Dès 1914, Levi incarne un courant radical à l’intérieur du Parti social-démocrate d’Allemagne (SPD). Il dénonce, entre autres, aux côtés de Rosa Luxemburg l’appui du parti à l’effort militaire national. Levi s’inspire également de Lénine qu’il rencontre pour la première fois en Suisse en 1916-1917. Lorsqu’il prend les commandes du Parti communiste d’Allemagne (KPD) en 1919, Levi dirige celui-ci d’une main de fer, selon le concept du « centralisme démocratique ». Il fait également tout en son pouvoir pour faire éclater la révolution ouvrière en Allemagne afin d’installer une dictature du prolétariat qui exclurait toutes les classes non ouvrières du pouvoir. En ce sens, Levi imagine un État socialiste semblable à celui fondé par Lénine en Russie en 1917. Contrairement à l’historiographie traditionnelle, notre thèse montre conséquemment que Levi n’était guère un « socialiste démocrate ». Il était plutôt un militant marxiste qui, par son radicalisme, a contribué à diviser le mouvement ouvrier allemand ce qui, en revanche, a fragilisé la république de Weimar.
Cette thèse fait également ressortir le caractère résolument rebelle de Paul Levi. Partout où il passe, Levi dénonce les politiques bourgeoises des partis non-ouvriers, mais aussi celles de la majorité des organisations dont il fait partie, c’est-à-dire les partis ouvriers de la république de Weimar et le Reichstag. Son tempérament impulsif fait de lui un homme politique isolé qui, d’ailleurs, se fait de nombreux ennemis. En 1921, à titre d’exemple, il se brouille avec d’importants bolcheviques, ce qui met fin à sa carrière au sein du KPD. Les communistes voient désormais en lui un ennemi de la classe ouvrière et mènent contre lui de nombreuses campagnes diffamatoires. Levi, de son côté, dénonce ouvertement la terreur stalinienne qui, selon lui, est en train de contaminer le mouvement communiste européen. Notre travail montre également que Levi, cette fois en tant qu’avocat juif, lutte corps et âme contre les nazis. En 1926, dans le cadre d’une commission d’enquête publique du Reichstag chargée de faire la lumière sur des meurtres politiques commis en Bavière, il tente par tous les moyens d’inculper certains criminels nazis. Levi est conséquemment la cible de la presse antisémite allemande. Il refuse toutefois de céder à l’intimidation et choisit plutôt de poursuivre en justice quelques-uns des plus importants membres du Parti nazi, dont Alfred Rosenberg et Hitler lui-même, en plus de forcer de nombreux autres nazis à comparaître devant la commission d’enquête du Reichstag. Bref, si ce travail se veut critique envers la pensée révolutionnaire de Levi, il souligne aussi l’intégrité politique de cet homme dont les convictions sont demeurées inébranlables face aux dérives criminelles des extrêmes idéologiques de son époque.This Ph.D. thesis is a political biography of Paul Levi, a German Marxist of the interwar period. Already in 1914, Levi embodied a radical faction within the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD). Alongside Rosa Luxemburg, the leader of this same left wing, he is contesting, above all, the party’s participation in the national war effort. But Levi is also inspired by Lenin, who he met in Switzerland in 1916-1917. In fact, when taking over the leadership of the German Communist Party (KPD) in March 1919, Levi ruled with an iron fist according to the theory of “democratic centralism”. As Lenin has done in Russia in October 1917, Levi also did everything in his power to promote a workers’ revolution in Germany in order to set in power a dictatorship of the proletariat, which would exclude all other social classes from sitting in the government. Consequently, in opposition to traditional historiography, this thesis shows that Levi was not a “democratic Socialist” of the Luxemburg school, but rather a Marxist whose political thought resembled that of the Bolsheviks. In fact, his action contributed to further weaken an already frail Weimar Republic and all its democratic institutions. This study also shows that Levi’s outstanding career was in large part the result of his rebellious character. Throughout his life, Levi consistently denounced the bourgeois politics of the non-workers’ parties, but he also systematically went against the majority within the political organizations in which he took part: the workers’ parties and the Reichstag. His impulsive nature set him apart as a solitary politician. In fact, Levi had many enemies. In 1921, he ran afoul of major Bolshevik leaders, which caused him to lose the leadership of the KPD. The Communists subsequently saw him as an enemy of the working class, slandering him in the press and in the Reichstag. Levi denounced, for his part, the Stalinist terror and made a mockery of the KPD, which had become, according to him, no more than a Soviet puppet. But this thesis also reveals that Levi, as a Jewish lawyer, led a major political campaign against the Nazis. In 1926, for example, as he served on a Reichstag public commission investigating Bavarian political assassinations, he tried by all possible means to charge important Nazis with murder. The Nazi press replied with a vicious anti-Semitic press campaign against him. Levi, however, refused to kneel before such intimidation and rather chose to sue important Nazi leaders, such as Alfred Rosenberg and Hitler himself before the court, in addition to summoning many others before the above-mentioned Reichstag commission. In the end, despite the fact that this study very critically evaluates Levi’s ideology, it praises his political integrity, which remained unshakable though faced with adversity and the criminal drift of the political extremes of the interwar period.
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"The Baroness Pontalba". Tulane University, 1990.
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The Baroness Pontalba is a biography of Micaela Almonester de Pontalba. The work begins with a discussion of New Orleans at the time of her birth in 1795, when streets were surrounded by mud and alligators, and the most prominent citizens were Cabildo Magistrates such as her father, Andres Almonester. At the age of fifteen, Michaelle, as she was called, married into a Creole family that envied her father's success. The Pontalbas looked on the marriage as a kind of business merger that would facilitate the transfer of the Almonester fortune into their hands. Michaelle went to live in France with the Pontalbas; there, surrounded by hostility and a legal system that deprived women of all rights, she fought to maintain control over her inheritance Michaelle's husband Celestin was apparently torn between his domineering father and his domineering wife; but he evidently loved Michaelle and was sometimes swayed by her. During one period, when Michaelle was attempting to get a legal separation, she apparently pried some concession from her husband which enraged her father-in-law. The elder Pontalba locked her in a bedroom and shot her three times. Though critically injured, Michaelle survived; but the old man killed himself The French courts at last allowed Michaelle to live apart from her husband and his family. She then started investing her fortune in buildings. In 1839 she began construction of a mansion in Paris that is now the residence of the United States ambassador; in 1849 she began the massive Pontalba Buildings in New Orleans. In her later years she remained in France with her three sons. She lived through the seige of Paris after the Franco-Prussian War, and the savage civil war of 1871, which was fought mainly in her neighborhood in the elegant Faubourg Saint-Honore of Paris. Her last twenty years were spent caring for her husband, who became ill and senile. She died in 1874 at the age of seventy nineacase@tulane.edu