Literatura académica sobre el tema "Battista Del Moro"

Nell’esegesi contemporanea la teofania, che comprende la discesa dello Spirito di Dio, paragonata alla colomba, e la dichiarazione della voce dai cieli, viene analizzata separatamente dal battesimo di Gesu. Tale approccio non permette di scorgere il rapporto fra questi avvenimenti e il senso della loro sequenza per la teologia dei vangeli. Il paragone della discesa alla colomba fa riferire le parole della voce dai cieli soltanto a Gesu. In questo modo nella pericope due azioni di Gesu, la risposta data al Battista sui senso del battesimo e la visione dello Spirito, interpretano univocamente il senso delle azioni destinate a lui, cioe il battesimo e le parole del Padre.

Abstract This essay publishes the preliminary findings of a study of the personal prelatures established in Rome between the seventeenth and eighteenth century by some cardinals belonging to the Genoese aristocracy. Of particular importance in this context are the Pallavicino and Spinola prelatures, respectively founded by cardinals Lazzaro Pallavicino (in 1679) and Gio. Battista Spinola ‚il giovane‘ (in 1707). These ecclesiastical positions were established by means of a bequest assigning a significant annual income (alongside the use of a prestigious residence, fully furnished and endowed with a library, in the case of the Spinola prelature) to the kinsman who in each generation showed most promise among those who had entered the clergy. Above all, Lazzaro and Gio. Battista desired the beneficiaries of the bequest to take up permanent residence at the Papal court, thereby establishing a firm connection between the family and the Curia. Personal prelatures thus appear to be a further part of the larger social, political, and cultural picture of the nationes in Rome. The Spinola prelature, in particular, responded to the more specific aim of establishing a Cardinal’s court as a site of diplomacy, with spaces suitable for socializing and political negotiation.

Uruguay es un pequeño país sudamericano en el cual la enseñanza de la química está centralizada, desde 1929, en la Facultad de Química de la Universidad de la República. Una tradición centrada en la enseñanza de la comunidad académica de esta Facultad comenzó a virar hacia una fuerte importancia de la tarea investigativa en forma coincidente con la llegada del profesor Giovanni Marini Bettolo al país en 1948. En este trabajo se estudia la incidencia del profesor y de los investigadores entrenados por él y sus sucesores. Constituye una aproximación preliminar al estudio de la relevancia cuantitativa y cualitativa de este conjunto de docentes en la producción global de la investigación en química del país, a modo de avance o primer paso que siente las bases de investigaciones futuras sobre la química uruguaya.

Abstract Occultism has been present in popular music since the 1960s, but genuine occult content has been lacking in chart-topping bands, relegating more serious interactions between esoteric message and music to underground phenomena. An exception to this trend is Franco Battiato, who has sold in excess of three million records, one million of his masterpiece, La Voce del Padrone (The Voice of the Master, 1981), alone. This article analyses Battiato’s method of communicating occult lore through coded words, which couch esoteric meaning in exoteric forms of expressions. The article provides a substantial analysis of Battiato’s career, including his spiritual research through the works of Sufi masters, René Guénon and, especially, the teachings of the Armenian mystic G.I. Gurdjieff. Through a textual analysis of Battiato’s lyrics of his most mystical works (1979–1982), I aim to identify the Italian songwriter’s hidden references to the works of Gurdjieff and his disciple P.D. Ouspensky, proving that Battiato represents a rare case of a pop musician whose works are informed by occult knowledge, and who wants to communicate this hidden lore to listeners.

La libera muratoria (comunemente chiamata massoneria) viene trattata e presentata in molte pubblicazioni sotto diversi aspetti e svariati punti di vista. Dal punto di vista del diritto canonico non esistono pubblicazioni riguardanti la libera muratoria, manca­no anche approfonditi studi critici in materia condotti in un'ottica comparata con la filosofia, la teologia e il diritto dai studiosi cattolici. Nella nostra ricerca, passando attraverso un confronto delle disposizioni della Chie­sa previste per la libera muratoria, facciamo un riferimento diretto alla legislazione della Chiesa contenuta nel Codice di Diritto Canonico del 1917 e a numerosi docu­menti emanati dai Papi e dalle Congregazioni, per arrivare alle disposizioni del Codice di Diritto Canonico del 1983. Negli ultimi secoli la massoneria, fosse essa regolare, legittima, irregolare o «devia­ta», senza distinzioni, è stata condannata da diversi Papi ìn circa seicento documenti. La questione comunque è quanto mai attuale perché molti cattolici appartengono alla libera muratoria. La divisione fondamentale, a mio avviso, comprende la fase pre­istituzionale e la fase istituzionale. Nella fase preistituzionale emergeva la massoneria operativa propensa alla costruzione delle cattedrali, delle basiliche e delle chiese; nella fase istituzionale si sviluppa la massoneria moderna detta speculativa. I liberi muratori londinesi, il 24 giugno 1717, nella festa di S. Giovanni Battista costituivano la Gran Loggia d'Inghilterra, la Gran Loggia Madre del Mondo. Fin dall'inizio, in un testo diretto a tutti i fedeli, emerge la preoccupazione per la difficile definibilità, a livello concettuale e terminologico, della libera muratoria con i suoi effetti negativi a livello della Chiesa e della societa civile. Leone XIII, nell'enciclica programmatica Quod sectam massonum: Humanum Ge­nus, del 20 aprile 1884, in modo significativo sottolinea gli effetti negativi delle socie­ta clandestine. L'enciclica costituisce un documento fondamentale di quel periodo. Nel CIC del 1917 il legislatore menziona esplicitamente la setta massonica e le altre associazioni dello stesso genere le quali incorrono ipso facto nella scomunica riservata simpliciter alla S. Sede: «Chi si ascrive alla setta massonica o ad altre associazioni dello stesso genere, che macchinano contro la Chiesa o le legittime autorita civili, incorrono ipso facto nella scomunica riservata simpliciter alla S. Sede» (c. 2335). Un graduale approfondimento della natura e dei fini della massoneria svolto da par­te della Chiesa, prima dell'emanazione della Dichiarazione sulla massoneria del 26 novembre 1983, Quaesitum Est, permise alla Congregazione di accertare le posizioni dottrinali, filosofiche e morali dell'istituzione. Mariano Cordovani in un articolo pubblicato in prima pagina dall'Osservatore Romano sostiene che «fra le cose che risorgono e riprendono vigore, e non solo in Italia, c'è la massoneria con la sua ostilita sempre rinnovata contro la Religione Catto­lica». Egli rileva un fatto che appare nuovo: «la voce che si sparge, nei diversi ceti sociali, che la massoneria di un certo rito non sia piu in contrasto con la Chiesa, che anzi sia avvenuto un accordo tra la massoneria e la Chiesa, in forza del quale anche i cattolici possono tranquillamente iscriversi alla setta senza pericolo di scomuniche e dì riprovazione». Dopo 57 anni dall'entrata in vigore del «Codex» del 1917 «molti vescovi hanno posto il quesito a questa S. Congregazione (per la Dottrina della Fede) circa il valore el'interpretazione del can. 2335 del C.I.C. che sotto pena di scomunica vieta ai cattolici d'iscriversi alle associazioni massoniche o ad altre dello stesso tipo. Il dialogo cattolico-massonico inizia con degli incontri informali tra esponenti della Chiesa Cattolica e della massoneria. Tali incontri ebbero iniziato in Austria, Italia e Germania. Per approfondire alcuni aspetti di questo tema, si possono consultare, an­che se in modo molto critico, diverse pubblicazioni. Negli anni 1974-1980 la Conferenza Episcopale Tedesca costituisce una Commis­sione ufficialmente incaricata di esaminare la compatibilità dell'appartenenza contem­poranea alla Chiesa cattolica e alla libera muratoria. La Commissione sostenne che «Indipendentemente da tutte le concezioni soggettive, l'essenza oggettiva si manifesta nei Rituali ufficiali della libera muratoria. Percio questi documenti vennero sottoposti ad un attento e lungo esame (negli anni 1974-1980); si tratta dei Rituali dei primi tre gradi, dei quali i massoni permisero di studiare i testi, anche se i colloqui non si riferi­rono solo ai Rituali». Il fatto che la libera muratoria metta in discussione la Chiesa in modo fondamentale non è mutato. La libera muratoria non e mutata nella sua essenza. L'appartenenza ad essa mette in questione i fondamenti dell'esistenza cristiana. L'esame approfondito dei Rituali della libera muratoria e del modo di essere massonico, come pure la odierna immutata autocomprensione di sé, mettono in chiaro che l'appartenenza contempora­nea alla Chiesa cattolica e alla Libera Muratoria è esclusa. Da diverse parti del mondo arrivavano domande alla S.C. per la Dottrina della Fede sul giudizio della Chiesa nei confronti della massoneria. La normativa penale del Co­dice non prevede nessuna sanzione per i fedeli che si iscrivono alla massoneria, perché la medesima non viene espressamente nominata dal legislatore; quindi prima dell'ema­nazione della Dichiarazione l'iscrizione non costituiva un delitto punibile con sanzioni a meno che la massoneria non entrasse nella categoria delle associazioni «che com­plottano contro la Chiesa» (can. 1374) e questo si doveva provare. La Dichiarazione invece afferma che gli «appartenenti alle associazioni massoniche sono in peccato gra­ve» e proibisce ai fedeli appartenenti alle associazioni massoniche l'esercizio del dirit­to soggettivo fondamentale dei fedeli di accedere alla S. Comunione. «Solo Gesù Cri­sto e, infatti, il Maestro della Verità e solo in Lui i cristiani possono trovare la luce e la forza per vivere secondo il disegno di Dio, lavorando al vero bene dei loro fratelli».

Durante la década de los años cincuenta del pasado siglo la ciudad de Milán creció a un ritmo acelerado al tratar de acomodar a la población que, como consecuencia de los movimientos migratorios acaecidos al final de la Segunda Guerra Mundial, se había ido alojando en la periferia. Algunas entidades, como la Diócesis de esta ciudad, trataron de dar ayuda espiritual a los habitantes de estas áreas en crecimiento, consolidándose esta iniciativa en un plan de construcción de nuevos complejos parroquiales en los alrededores de la ciudad. En el año 1955 es nombrado Arzobispo de Milán Giovanni Battista Montini, futuro Papa Pablo VI, que será una figura clave, el verdadero artífice tanto de este plan de construcción de iglesias como de la modernización de la imagen de la arquitectura sacra en Milán. Montini encargó muchos de los proyectos a arquitectos innovadores de experiencia probada, que trabajaban habitualmente en Milán o en otras zonas de Italia, pero también solicitó la redacción de algunos proyectos a jóvenes arquitectos que apenas tenían experiencia en el campo de la arquitectura eclesiástica. Con él, el ritmo de construcción de iglesias se incrementó considerablemente en los alrededores de la ciudad, llegando a levantarse en esos años más de cien nuevos edificios sacros. La intención de este texto es señalar, a través de una serie de ejemplos relevantes, entre los que destaca la iglesia Mater Misericoridae, cómo la Diócesis de Milán contribuyó, mediante una renovación de la imagen de la Iglesia como institución a través de su arquitectura, a definir la identidad de algunos barrios periféricos de la ciudad. En ellos, las nuevas construcciones eclesiásticas se convirtieron en hitos, símbolos de una importante renovación litúrgica que se había iniciado unas décadas antes en otros puntos de Europa Algunas de las nuevas propuestas arquitectónicas, en las que la Iglesia Católica apostó por apoyar la reconciliación entre arte moderno y arte sacro, se convirtieron en modelos de referencia en los que confluían tradición y modernidad. El caso concreto de la Iglesia Mater Misericordiae permite reconocer un alto grado de experimentación, muy por encima de otras arquitecturas coetáneas, tanto religiosas como civiles, muestra de la apuesta que la Diócesis milanesa, y en concreto el Cardenal Montini, hizo al apoyar la construcción de un proyecto renovador de verdadero carácter vanguardista.PALABRAS CLAVE: Milán de posguerra, arquitectura sacra, renovación litúrgica, iglesia y modernidad. During the 50s’ the city of Milan experienced a fast growth to accommodate the population that arrived into the city as a consequence of the migratory movements that took place at the end of the Second World War. Some organizations, such as the Archbishopric of the city, tried to provide with spiritual help to the inhabitants of this developing areas. This initiative turned into a plan for the construction of new parish churches in the settlements around the city. In the year 1955 Giovanni Battista Montini - who a few years later would become pope Paulus VI- Became archbishop of Milan and took over the management and planning for the construction of new churches. He was responsible for the modern image of sacred architecture in this city. Montini commissioned a group of innovative architects with proven experience that had already worked in Milan or other parts of Italy to deliver some of the Projects. At the same time, he appointed a group of young architects with relatively little experience in the field of ecclesiastical architecture and put them in charge of a second group of projects projects. Under Montini the rhythm of churches construction in the neighborhoods around Milan increased considerably and more than one hundred churches were constructed during this period and the following years. This paper discusses the contribution of the Diocese of Milan, within the renovation of the church as an institution through its architecture, to define the identity of some of the new peripheral areas of the city. For this purpose, some of the most interesting examples of architecture constructed during this period have been selected. Among all this constructions the church of Mater Misericordiae can be singled out for a number of reasons. These new sacred constructions became symbols of the important Liturgical renewal that had started a few decades before in some other parts of Europe. Some of these new architectural proposals, in which the Catholic Church tried to reconcile modern and sacred art, became new models of reference in which tradition and modernity went hand by hand. In the case of the church of Mater Misericordiae a high level of experimentation, well above some other contemporary sacred and civil constructions, can be recognized. This is an evidence of Montini’s commitment, to support a really avant-garde renewal project.KEYWORDS: Post-war Milan, Sacred Architecture, Liturgical renewal, church and modernity.

Abstract Background Abemaciclib is approved in 1st and 2nd line for hormone receptor (HR)-positive HER2-negative advanced breast cancer (ABC). However, outcomes on this agent are unclear in the real world.We determined the safety and efficacy profile of abemaciclib across 15 institutions in the United Kingdom. Methods We retrospectively identified HR-positive, HER2-negative ABC patients who received abemaciclib between July 2018 and June 2020. Demographics, disease characteristics, prior treatments, blood tests, toxicities, treatment delays and responses were recorded. Simple statistics, Fisher’s exact test, chi-squared method and Cox regression were used as appropriate. Results 228 patients identified had median age of 64 (31-93). 172 (75.4%) were postmenopausal and 209 (91.7%) had ECOG Performance Status 0-1. 145 (63.6%) had visceral involvement and 44 (19.3%) only bone disease. Patients received a median 1 (range 0-7) prior lines of treatment and 0 (range 0-5) prior chemotherapy lines.148 patients (64.9%) experienced diarrhoea (grade ≥3 in 16 [7.0%]). 146 patients (64.0%) developed neutropenia (grade ≥3 in 40 [17.5%]). 5 experienced febrile neutropenia (2.2%). 32 patients (14.0%) required hospitalisation due to toxicity (diarrhoea in 9 [3.95%]).Dose reductions were required in 107 patients (46.9%), mainly due to diarrhoea (55 [24.1%]) and to 50mg BD in 30 patients (13.2%). Dose delays were in median 14 (range 2-118). Abemaciclib was discontinued in 121 patients (53.1%) due to disease progression in 61 (26.7%) and toxicity in 48 (21.0%) (diarrhoea in 16 [7.0%]).Abemaciclib produced clinical benefit rate of 82.8% and overall response rate of 47.2% in 163 patients assessed. Overall, median progression-free survival (PFS) was 6.4 months (95% confidence interval [CI] 4.4-7.8) and median overall survival (OS) was 8.8 months (95% CI 7.6-10.6). Conclusions This a large real-world analysis of the safety and efficacy of abemaciclib in combination with endocrine therapy for advanced HR-positive breast cancer. In this analysis, the rates of diarrhoea were lower compared with the pivotal trial data, while neutropenia was more frequent. Although the PFS outcomes were similar to those previously reported, median OS was worse in this cohort which may reflect the different population of patients included, who were older and had more frequent visceral involvement. The selection of patients suitable for abemaciclib is crucial to ensure adequate efficacy and safety outcomes in this setting. Citation Format: Nicolò Matteo Luca Battisti, Laura Morrison, Tamsin Nash, Nishanti Senthivel, Samantha Kestenbaum, Parvin Begum, Mariam Obeid, William Hayhurst, Dorothy Yang, Shafiah Gafoor, Caroline Brown, Farah Rehman, Laura Kenny, Olivia Hatcher, Susan Susan, Jennet Williams, Anna Brown, Hamoun Rozati, Alexandros Alexandros, Elinor Sawyer, Charalampos Gousis, Eleni Karapanagiotou, Anna Rigg, Kleopatra Rapti, Rebecca Roylance, Mark Beresford, Abigail L Gee, Apostolos Konstantis, Judy King, Mark Nathan, Emma Spurrell, Mark Pearce, Dane Bradwell, Arshi Denton, Kate Swain, Sophie McGrath, Mark Allen, Alistair Ring, Stephen Johnston, Fharat Raja. Abemaciclib and endocrine therapy for hormone receptor-positive, HER2-negative advanced breast cancer: A real-world UK multicentre experience [abstract]. In: Proceedings of the 2021 San Antonio Breast Cancer Symposium; 2021 Dec 7-10; San Antonio, TX. Philadelphia (PA): AACR; Cancer Res 2022;82(4 Suppl):Abstract nr P1-17-08.

Lithium is a critical raw material for developing current lithium-ion batteries and prospective next-generation batteries. Its reserves are concentrated in a handful of countries. It is primarily extracted from continental brines, wherein Li+ is relatively concentrated (0.3 –1.5 wt%) in a complex mixture of many more components with relatively large water solubilities. Current practices to extract lithium from continental brines involve evaporation, i.e., >90% of water. Eventually, the concentration of Li+ intensifies up to 6–7%, in a brine which follows numerous chemical processing steps, to ultimately produce battery-grade lithium chemicals. Despite being the easiest and currently most cost-effective practices, these are inefficient and unsustainable (chemical-intensive, requires extensive land use and time, and delivers large volumes of waste), especially in the context of the sharp increase in the demand for lithium that is already happening and is expected to endure in the coming decades. To sustainably meet the future demand for lithium, it is imperative to develop more efficient extraction methods, which are faster, less climate/weather reliant, minimize waste production, and especially deal with water differently than current industrial processing (i.e., circumventing evaporation). Besides being applicable to concentrated lithium brines, characteristic of primary extraction, these methods should especially be applicable to dilute brines (i.e., geothermal, oilfield, seawater, wastewater,—which contain 0.01–0.3 mg of Li+ per L of brine), as these have more recently prospected for Li recovery. Together with lithium recycling from spent batteries, these hold the promise of delocalizing raw lithium sourcing. New extraction technologies have emerged within the past decade, including adsorption and the use of membranes. In addition to being insufficient for an effective recovery, some alternatives seem to imply a harsher environmental impact than current practices, whereas others would be disadvantageous to treat the large volumes of fluid associated with lithium extraction. Especially, electrochemical methods for Li+ recovery are (re)surging.[1] The use of Li+ insertion electrodes coupled to membranes and membrane electrolysis are notoriously thriving.[1,2] However, the first approach bears the limitation of requiring extremely thin and large area electrodes to process large brine volumes, and the second one suffers from being energy-intensive, plus current investigations show the constant addition of chemicals for pH adjustment, and produce chloride- and hypochlorite-anions rich solutions which are neither economic nor sustainable.[2] Furthermore, in membrane electrolysis swelling of the ion exchange membrane could be an issue[3] that has not been addressed in Li+ recovery studies; if excessive, this could lead to membrane deformations and ultimately to the blockage of the flow channels within the reactor. Despite the aforementioned limitations, electrochemical methods are a more sustainable and versatile option, with latent competitiveness vs. current industrial practices. Thus, ideal solutions should have the added value of circumventing the limitations of the state-of-the-art electrochemical approaches mentioned above. This aim was pursued in the present work. Gas diffusion electrodes (GDEs) are broadly used in electrochemical energy-conversion devices, such as fuel cells and metal-air batteries, as well as in electrolyzers aiming at chemical synthesis, like in the chlor-alkali industry, hydrogen peroxide production, CO2 conversions to fuels and fine chemicals, or N2 reduction to ammonia. Recently, the use of GDEs was pioneered for metal recovery in a process named gas-diffusion electrocrystallization (GDEx).[4–7] This talk will explain the underlying principles of GDEx and its successful application in the recovery of highly dilute lithium (<300 mg L-1) in synthetic brines containing up to 150 mg L-1 NaCl, as well as in real geothermal brines with Li+ concentrations below 50 mg L-1. Up to 50% of direct lithium extraction from the brine can be achieved, selectively, forming solid materials with lithium concentrations >0.5%, which are promising as a starting material for the direct conversion into battery-grade lithium hydroxide or carbonate. References: [1] Battistel A., et al. (2020) Adv Mater 32, 1905440. [2] Torres W.R., et al. (2020) J Membrane Sci, 615, 118416. [3] Paidar, M., Faleev V., Bouzek K. (2016) Electrochim Acta, 209, 737. [4] Prato et al. (2019) Sci Rep https://doi.org/10.1038/s41598-019-51185-x [5] Prato et al. (2020) J Mat Chem A https://doi.org/ 10.1039/D0TA00633E [6] Pozo et al. (2020) Nanoscale https://doi.org/10.1039/C9NR09884D [7] Eggermont et al. (2021) React Chem Eng https://doi.org/10.1039/D0RE00463D Acknowledgements: This research has received funding from the European Union’s Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under grant agreement No 654100 (CHPM2030 project). Support from the Flemish SIM MaRes programme, under grant agreement No 150626 (Get-A-Met project) is also acknowledged. The author thanks Elisabet Andres Garcia, Luis Fernando Leon Fernandez and Erwin Maes for their valuable contributions to this work.

“Siempre cederemos terreno ante el honor. Será para nosotros como un contable público, justo, practico y prudente en el medir. El pesar, el considerar el evaluar y tasar todo o que hagamos, logremos, pensemos y deseemos.” Leon Battista Alberti (1440) [1] Este epígrafe, tomado de la obra Della Famiglia de Leon Battista Alberti (1404-1472) autor renacentista que abordó diversos campos del conocimiento desde las matemáticas, la pintura, la filosofía, las artes y el comercio -como buen florentino renacentista- nos muestra la figura del contable desde las costumbres de la edad media, y mejor aún, nos deja entrever que los problemas derivados de la contabilidad y la sociedad alrededor de ella, si bien han cambiado en muchas cosas, en otras siguen siendo un reflejo tanto de la sociedad, como de las tensiones que genera en esta.La cita de Alberti, muestra que los dilemas de la contabilidad desde su origen “moderno” abordan no sólo el problema de contar, reflejar o interpretar el mundo de los negocios alrededor de nuestras sociedades comerciales, pues tal y como ese reflejo denota en la edad media, existe desconfianza, permanente alerta sobre la actividad del contable, la recurrencia de fraudes, riesgos en los negocios, interpretaciones contradictorias sobre las cifras, y sobre todo la interferencia de una gran variedad de agentes y de sus intereses particulares. Así entonces los problemas contables no pertenecen exclusivamente a un campo propio o único a nivel del conocimiento. En el último siglo la interacción con diversas disciplinas ha hecho necesario que o bien la contabilidad sirva a otras disciplinas o bien que tomó enfoques, métodos y perspectivas de otras ciencias.El fin del mundo medieval entre el s. XXIV y el s. XV ha sido explicado desde diversas perspectivas en las ciencias sociales. el enfoque historicista más interesante sobre el desarrollo y expansión de las técnicas de medición y cuantificación en occidente es el de Crosby (1998), quien plantea que la ventaja del mundo europeo occidental al final de la edad media radica en particular no en la ciencia y tecnología de la cual eran herederos, sino la utilización de hábitos de pensamiento que en su momento les permitieron avanzar rápidamente en ciencia y tecnología, y que en particular les dieron habilidades administrativas, comerciales, industriales, navales e incluso militares que fueron decisivamente importantes en la expansión de la Europa mercantil. Es precisamente en la baja edad media entre el siglo XIII y el siglo XIV que aparece un nuevo modelo de realidad, un modelo basado en la cuantificación y la medición de la realidad circundante. Este modelo de realidad cuantificadora abarcó todas las disciplinas que en ese momento se estaban desarrollando desde las artes como la pintura, la música, la escultura, la arquitectura, e incluso el desarrollo de las nuevas técnicas comerciales y de la medición de las transacciones. En otras palabras, la aparición de la contabilidad moderna que permite la cuantificación y control de los negocios. Los banqueros del final de la edad media y los empresarios que administraban las nuevas sociedades comerciales como las sociedades anónimas, en comandita ilimitadas que aparecen en la ciudades italianas como Venecia, Génova y Florencia permitieron a algunas familias amasan enormes riquezas y controlar enormes torrentes de flujos de dinero recién adquiridos por medio del comercio de las especias a través de la rutas comerciales a Asia y posteriormente a América.Las pugnas políticas, económicas y territoriales entre las grandes familias y reinos del feudalismo llevan a una considerable expansión en busca de nuevos focos de riqueza, esto explica en parte la aparición de instituciones comerciales -banca, créditos, empréstitos, teneduría de libros, gremios especializados, entre otros- y también de la aparición de técnicas y tecnologías que jalonan distintas disciplinas que anteriormente no existían, entre estas técnicas tenemos la aparición la contabilidad por partida doble o contabilidad “a la veneciana” que desde algunos enfoques históricos es nada más y ni nada menos que el lenguaje con el cual se desarrolla el capitalismo comercial del cual somos herederos en la actualidad.Hacia 1494, y tras la reciente invención de la imprenta por Gutenberg aparece una de las obras más relevantes en el origen de la contabilidad moderna que es la Summa Arithmética, geometría, proportioni et proportionalita de fray Luca Pacioli, quien traslada, recomienda y difunde de manera un poco académica pero en lenguaje popular entre los comerciantes (el italiano romance y no en latín) una práctica ya frecuente entre los comerciantes venecianos, el uso de la partida doble, la aplicación de los números indoarábigos que no llevan más de 200 años en Europa, y técnicas de registro y control de las transacciones entre estas sociedades comerciales emergentes. Pero aparte de resaltar las ventajas y beneficios de estas técnicas de cuantificación, Pacioli también resalta que la actividad del contable está sumergida en medio de muchas tensiones derivadas de los intereses de diversos agentes económicos. “Es conveniente, por tanto, primeramente presuponer e imaginar que cada comerciante (operante) es movido por un fin, y que para aquello debidamente conseguir, habrá de poner todo su esfuerzo, ya que la finalidad de cualquier comerciante (traficantes) en la de obtener lícita y competente ganancia para su sustentación. Y luego, que siempre debe sus negocios comenzar en el nombre de Dios, y el principio de cualquier escritura (teneduría) su santo nombre tener en mente y para ello, lo primero que ser diligentemente inventario, de modo que siempre escriban un folio en un libro parte todo lo que tienen el mundo en muebles e inmuebles comenzando por las cosas de más valor y que son más fáciles de perderse, como son el dinero contante” (Pacioli; 1523)[2]. Como vemos en esta cita del texto más famoso de la contabilidad, el que un comerciante llevara correctamente los libros le salvaba de un caos o una torre de Babel por decirlo así. Ahora bien, la técnica que permite salvar este caos es precisamente el uso de partida doble y de una correcta disposición moral tanto del contable como del comerciante. Ya muchos autores del final de la edad media mencionaban los enormes dilemas que tenían que enfrentar tanto los contables, como los comerciantes a la hora de explicar y clarificar sus actividades, pues se prestaban para muchos malentendidos e inconvenientes, que incluso podían llevar a problemas de carácter legal o personal (precisamente en ello radica el origen de las primeras regulaciones comerciales y de carácter punitivo sobre los negocios).Uno los textos más famosos de la edad media, que ahonda de una manera fresca y sin intereses moralistas las tradiciones y hábitos de la gente del común, son los cuentos de Canterbury de Geoffrey Chaucer (1343-1400). En donde en varias ocasiones se muestran algunas de las tensiones alrededor de esta contabilidad naciente y del mundo de los negocios. Allí se menciona que incluso hasta la contabilidad más honrada si era inexacta, daba lugar a muchos malentendidos, los cuales producían pérdidas y las pérdidas provocaban estallidos en cólera de algunos de los comerciantes o ya bien de otros de los socios de estas primigenias empresas.En “el cuento del marino” de Chaucer (1973) que aparece en su compilación de anécdotas de la vida medieval de los cuentos de Canterbury, se narran las peripecias de un contable con respecto al comerciante quien debía dar cuentas. Las malinterpretaciones de la información no eran desconocidas dado que los mercaderes tenían a veces serios problemas tanto para interpretar como para disponer de la información contable.“¿cuánto tiempo vas a estar contando repasando tus sumas y tus libros y tus cosas? ¡Que el diablo se lleve todos los cálculos!” (Chaucer; 1973)[3]Ya otros autores de la baja edad media como Datini, Cotrugli, Alberti, Schwartz, y posteriormente grandes figuras de la literatura como Shakespeare (en su Mercader de Venecia) y el mismo Miguel de Cervantes (quien tuvo una etapa de su vida como contable) manifiestan este tipo de dilemas entre los contables y los comerciantes. Estos conflictos de intereses estaban basados esencialmente en el desconocimiento y la aparente complejidad de los números y las técnicas de registro de los contables como suspicazmente lo relaciona Chaucer, pero también se debían a veces a la pereza, o al uso de antiguas prácticas de nemotecnia que no eran muy fiables pues intentaban retener si para números y negocios en la memoria.Las prácticas de control a las que ha origen la contaduría por partida doble si bien garantizaban cierta claridad, no garantizaban la honradez. La especulación con las cifras financieras ha estado con nosotros desde el origen de la partida doble pero es evidente que esta técnica utilizada por unos que mercaderes italianos y que poco a poco se fue expandiendo por el resto del mundo europeo permitía por medio de registros cuantitativos precisos y claros que comprendieran y controlaran la multitud de detalles de la vida económica. Y así como el renacimiento fue el origen de múltiples mecanismos de tecnologías que aún nos acompañan como la impresión y el libro moderno, el reloj mecánico, el uso de la geometría y las matemáticas en la música, en la pintura, como en la arquitectura; a su vez la contabilidad permitía medir con cierto grado de confiabilidad los negocios.A pesar de que han transcurrido más de 500 años desde la consolidación de las prácticas de la contabilidad moderna en el seno de la economía de mercado, algunos de estos mismos dilemas siguen siendo pan de cada día en las decisiones, imaginarios y en las perspectivas desde las cuales analizamos la profesión contable. Los dilemas de la práctica son esencialmente dilemas de lo ético, por ello las referencias literarias y culturales tienen ese grado de universalidad de los clásicos. Esa universalidad que permite leer entre comillas y que nos permite trascender más allá de las fronteras, la misma singularidad de las distintas lenguas, que trasciende las barreras geográficas, e incluso históricas, pero que permite construir la identidad cultural de una comunidad en particular, o de un grupo social, como es el caso de los contables.Es en la actualidad cuando vemos el surgimiento de regulaciones casuísticas como los códigos de ética de la IFAC, el surgimiento también de mecanismos punitivos de la actuación de los contables, y los escándalos financieros que involucran tanto a los administradores, socios y propietarios de grandes organizaciones, y a quienes aseguran los distintos contratos contables en medio de una lucha de fuerzas e intereses económicos muy diversos, que la salvedad de Alberti sigue teniendo vigencia a pesar de las grandes diferencias entre el mundo de la edad media y el nuestro.[1] Leon Battista Alberti, Della Famiglia (también conocido como Della amicitá). Traducción tomada de La medida de la Realidad (Crosby, A.; 1998) Ed. Crítica; Barcelona, España.[2] Pacioli, L. (1994) Summa Arithmetica Proportioni et proportionalitá. Distinctio Nona Tractatus XI De computis et scripturis (de las cuentas y la escritura) traducción, prólogo y revisión Giorgio Berni, sobre la segunda edición (1523) . Instituto Mexicano de contadores públicos, México Distrito Federal; 1994.[3] Chaucer, G. (1973) Los cuentos de Canterbury. editorial Iberia; Madrid, 1973

By most accounts, “resilience” is a pretty resilient concept. Or policy instrument. Or heuristic tool. It’s this last that really concerns us here: resilience not as a politics, but rather as a descriptive device for attempts in the humanities—particularly in rhetoric and cultural studies—to adequately describe a discursive event. Or rather, to adequately describe a class of discursive events: those that involve rhetorical resistance by victimised subjects. I’ve argued elsewhere (Munro, Descriptive; Reading) that Peircean semiosis, inflected by a rhetorical postulate of genre, equips us well to closely describe a discursive event. Here, I want briefly to suggest that resilience—“discursive” resilience, to coin a term—might usefully supplement these hypotheses, at least from time to time. To support this suggestion, I’ll signal some uses of resilience before turning briefly to a case study: a sensational Argentine homicide case, which occurred in October 2002, and came to be known as the caso Belsunce. At the time, Argentina was wracked by economic crises and political instability. The imposition of severe restrictions on cash withdrawals from bank deposits had provoked major civil unrest. Between 21 December 2001 and 2 January 2002, Argentines witnessed a succession of five presidents. “Resilient” is a term that readily comes to mind to describe many of those who endured this catastrophic period. To describe the caso Belsunce, however—to describe its constitution and import as a discursive event—we might appeal to some more disciplinary-specific understandings of resilience. Glossing Peircean semiosis as a teleological process, Short notes that “one and the same thing […] may be many different signs at once” (106). Any given sign, in other words, admits of multiple interpretants or uptakes. And so it is with resilience, which is both a keyword in academic disciplines ranging from psychology to ecology and political science, and a buzzword in several corporate domains and spheres of governmental activity. It’s particularly prevalent in the discourses of highly networked post-9/11 Anglophone societies. So what, pray tell, is resilience? To the American Psychological Association, resilience comprises “the process of adapting well in the face of adversity.” To the Resilience Solutions Group at Arizona State University, resilience is “the capacity to recover fully from acute stressors, to carry on in the face of chronic difficulties: to regain one’s balance after losing it.” To the Stockholm Resilience Centre, resilience amounts to the “capacity of a system to continually change and adapt yet remain within critical thresholds,” while to the Resilience Alliance, resilience is similarly “the capacity of a system to absorb disturbance and still retain its basic function and structure” (Walker and Salt xiii). The adjective “resilient” is thus predicated of those entities, individuals or collectivities, which exhibit “resilience”. A “resilient Australia,” for example, is one “where all Australians are better able to adapt to change, where we have reduced exposure to risks, and where we are all better able to bounce back from disaster” (Australian Government). It’s tempting here to synthesise these statements with a sense of “ordinary language” usage to derive a definitional distillate: “resilience” is a capacity attributed to an entity which recovers intact from major injury. This capacity is evidenced in a reaction or uptake: a “resilient” entity is one which suffers some insult or disturbance, but whose integrity is held to have been maintained, or even enhanced, by its resistive or adaptive response. A conjecturally “resilient” entity is thus one which would presumably evince resilience if faced with an unrealised aversive event. However, such abstractions ignore how definitional claims do rhetorical work. On any given occasion, how “resilience” and its cognates are construed and what they connote are a function, at least in part, of the purposes of rhetorical agents and the protocols and objects of the disciplines or genres in which these agents put these terms to work. In disciplines operating within the same form of life or sphere of activity—disciplines sharing general conventions and broad objects of inquiry, such as the capacious ecological sciences or the contiguous fields of study within the ambit of applied psychology—resilience acts, at least at times, as a something of a “boundary object” (Star and Griesemer). Correlatively, across more diverse and distant fields of inquiry, resilience can work in more seemingly exclusive or contradictory ways (see Handmer and Dovers). Rhetorical aims and disciplinary objects similarly determine the originary tales we are inclined to tell. In the social sciences, the advent of resilience is often attributed to applied psychology, indebted, in turn, to epidemiology (see Seery, Holman and Cohen Silver). In environmental science, by contrast, resilience is typically taken to be a theory born in ecology (indebted to engineering and to the physical sciences, in particular to complex systems theory [see Janssen, Schoon, Ke and Börner]). Having no foundational claim to stake and, moreover, having different purposes and taking different objects, some more recent uptakes of resilience, in, for instance, securitisation studies, allow for its multidisciplinary roots (see Bourbeau; Kaufmann). But if resilience is many things to many people, a couple of commonalities in its range of translations should be drawn out. First, irrespective of its discipline or sphere of activity, talk of resilience typically entails construing an object of inquiry qua system, be that system an individual, a community of circumstance, a state, a socio-ecological unit or some differently delimited entity. This bounded system suffers some insult with no resulting loss of structural, relational, functional or other integrity. Second, resilience is usually marshalled to promote a politics. Resilience talk often consorts with discourses of meliorative action and of readily quantifiable practical effects. When the environmental sciences take the “Earth system” and the dynamics of global change as their objects of inquiry, a postulate of resilience is key to the elaboration and implementation of natural resource management policy. Proponents of socio-ecological resilience see the resilience hypothesis as enabling a demonstrably more enlightened stewardship of the biosphere (see Folke et al.; Holling; Walker and Salt). When applied psychology takes the anomalous situation of disadvantaged, at-risk individuals triumphing over trauma as its declared object of inquiry, a postulate of resilience is key to the positing and identification of personal and environmental resources or protective factors which would enable the overcoming of adversity. Proponents of psychosocial resilience see this concept as enabling the elaboration and implementation of interventions to foster individual and collective wellbeing (see Goldstein and Brooks; Ungar). Similarly, when policy think-tanks and government departments and agencies take the apprehension of particular threats to the social fabric as their object of inquiry, a postulate of resilience—or of a lack thereof—is critical to the elaboration and implementation of urban infrastructure, emergency planning and disaster management policies (see Drury et al.; Handmer and Dovers). However, despite its often positive connotations, resilience is well understood as a “normatively open” (Bourbeau 11) concept. This openness is apparent in some theories and practices of resilience. In limnological modelling, for example, eutrophication can result in a lake’s being in an undesirable, albeit resilient, turbid-water state (see Carpenter et al.; Walker and Meyers). But perhaps the negative connotations or indeed perverse effects of resilience are most apparent in some of its political uptakes. Certainly, governmental operationalisations of resilience are coming under increased scrutiny. Chief among the criticisms levelled at the “muddled politics” (Grove 147) of and around resilience is that its mobilisation works to constitute a particular neoliberal subjectivity (see Joseph; Neocleous). By enabling a conservative focus on individual responsibility, preparedness and adaptability, the topos of resilience contributes critically to the development of neoliberal governmentality (Joseph). In a practical sense, this deployment of resilience silences resistance: “building resilient subjects,” observe Evans and Reid (85), “involves the deliberate disabling of political habits. […] Resilient subjects are subjects that have accepted the imperative not to resist or secure themselves from the difficulties they are faced with but instead adapt to their enabling conditions.” It’s this prospect of practical acquiescence that sees resistance at times opposed to resilience (Neocleous). “Good intentions not withstanding,” notes Grove (146), “the effect of resilience initiatives is often to defend and strengthen the political economic status quo.” There’s much to commend in these analyses of how neoliberal uses of resilience constitute citizens as highly accommodating of capital and the state. But such critiques pertain to the governmental mobilisation of resilience in the contemporary “advanced liberal” settings of “various Anglo-Saxon countries” (Joseph 47). There are, of course, other instances—other events in other times and places—in which resilience indisputably sorts with resistance. Such an event is the caso Belsunce, in which a rhetorically resilient journalistic community pushed back, resisting some of the excesses of a corrupt neoliberal Argentine regime. I’ll turn briefly to this infamous case to suggest that a notion of “discursive resilience” might afford us some purchase when it comes to describing discursive events. To be clear: we’re considering resilience here not as an anticipatory politics, but rather as an analytic device to supplement the descriptive tools of Peircean semiosis and a rhetorical postulate of genre. As such, it’s more an instrument than an answer: a program, perhaps, for ongoing work. Although drawing on different disciplinary construals of the term, this use of resilience would be particularly indebted to the resilience thinking developed in ecology (see Carpenter el al.; Folke et al.; Holling; Walker et al.; Walker and Salt). Things would, of course, be lost in translation (see Adger; Gallopín): in taking a discursive event, rather than the dynamics of a socio-ecological system, as our object of inquiry, we’d retain some topological analogies while dispensing with, for example, Holling’s four-phase adaptive cycle (see Carpenter et al.; Folke; Gunderson; Gunderson and Holling; Walker et al.). For our purposes, it’s unlikely that descriptions of ecosystem succession need to be carried across. However, the general postulates of ecological resilience thinking—that a system is a complex series of dynamic relations and functions located at any given time within a basin of attraction (or stability domain or system regime) delimited by thresholds; that it is subject to multiple attractors and follows trajectories describable over varying scales of time and space; that these trajectories are inflected by exogenous and endogenous perturbations to which the system is subject; that the system either proves itself resilient to these perturbations in its adaptive or resistive response, or transforms, flipping from one domain (or basin) to another may well prove useful to some descriptive projects in the humanities. Resilience is fundamentally a question of uptake or response. Hence, when examining resilience in socio-ecological systems, Gallopín notes that it’s useful to consider “not only the resilience of the system (maintenance within a basin) but also coping with impacts produced and taking advantage of opportunities” (300). Argentine society in the early-to-mid 2000s was one such socio-political system, and the caso Belsunce was both one such impact and one such opportunity. Well-connected in the world of finance, 57-year-old former stockbroker Carlos Alberto Carrascosa lived with his 50-year-old sociologist turned charity worker wife, María Marta García Belsunce, close to their relatives in the exclusive gated community of Carmel Country Club, Pilar, Provincia de Buenos Aires, Argentina. At 7:07 pm on Sunday 27 October 2002, Carrascosa called ambulance emergencies, claiming that his wife had slipped and knocked her head while drawing a bath alone that rainy Sunday afternoon. At the time of his call, it transpired, Carrascosa was at home in the presence of intimates. Blood was pooled on the bathroom floor and smeared and spattered on its walls and adjoining areas. María Marta lay lifeless, brain matter oozing from several holes in her left parietal and temporal lobes. This was the moment when Carrascosa, calm and coherent, called emergency services, but didn’t advert the police. Someone, he told the operator, had slipped in the bath and bumped her head. Carrascosa described María Marta as breathing, with a faint pulse, but somehow failed to mention the holes in her head. “A knock with a tap,” a police source told journalist Horacio Cecchi, “really doesn’t compare with the five shots to the head, the spillage of brain matter and the loss of about half a litre of blood suffered by the victim” (Cecchi and Kollmann). Rather than a bathroom tap, María Marta’s head had met with five bullets discharged from a .32-calibre revolver. In effect, reported Cecchi, María Marta had died twice. “While perhaps a common conceit in fiction,” notes Cecchi, “in reality, dying twice is, by definition, impossible. María Marta’s two obscure endings seem to unsettle this certainty.” Her cadaver was eventually subjected to an autopsy, and what had been a tale of clumsiness and happenstance was rewritten, reinscribed under the Argentine Penal Code. The autopsy was conducted 36 days after the burial of María Marta; nine days later, she was mentioned for the second time in the mainstream Argentine press. Her reappearance, however, was marked by a shift in rubrics: from a short death notice in La Nación, María Marta was translated to the crime section of Argentina’s dailies. Until his wife’s mediatic reapparition, Carroscosa and other relatives had persisted with their “accident” hypothesis. Indeed, they’d taken a range of measures to preclude the sorts of uptakes that might ordinarily be expected to flow, under functioning liberal democratic regimes, from the discovery of a corpse with five projectiles lodged in its head. Subsequently recited as part of Carrascosa’s indictment, these measures were extensively reiterated in media coverage of the case. One of the more notorious actions involved the disposal of the sixth bullet, which was found lying under María Marta. In the course of moving the body of his half-sister, John Hurtig retrieved a small metallic object. This discovery was discussed by a number of family members, including Carrascosa, who had received ballistics training during his four years of naval instruction at the Escuela Nacional de Náutica de la Armada. They determined that the object was a lug or connector rod (“pituto”) used in library shelving: nothing, in any case, to indicate a homicide. With this determination made, the “pituto” was duly wrapped in lavatory paper and flushed down the toilet. This episode occasioned a range of outraged articles in Argentine dailies examining the topoi of privilege, power, corruption and impunity. “Distinguished persons,” notes Viau pointedly, “are so disposed […] that in the midst of all that chaos, they can locate a small, hard, steely object, wrap it in lavatory paper and flush it down the toilet, for that must be how they usually dispose of […] all that rubbish that no longer fits under the carpet.” Most often, though, critical comment was conducted by translating the reporting of the case to the genres of crime fiction. In an article entitled Someone Call Agatha Christie, Quick!, H.A.T. writes that “[s]omething smells rotten in the Carmel Country; a whole pile of rubbish seems to have been swept under its plush carpets.” An exemplary intervention in this vein was the work of journalist and novelist Vicente Battista, for whom the case (María Marta) “synthesizes the best of both traditions of crime fiction: the murder mystery and the hard-boiled novels.” “The crime,” Battista (¿Hubo Otra Mujer?) has Rodolfo observe in the first of his speculative dialogues on the case, “seems to be lifted from an Agatha Christie novel, but the criminal turns out to be a copy of the savage killers that Jim Thompson usually depicts.” Later, in an interview in which he correctly predicted the verdict, Battista expanded on these remarks: This familiar plot brings together the English murder mystery and the American hard-boiled novels. The murder mystery because it has all the elements: the crime takes place in a sealed room. In this instance, sealed not only because it occurred in a house, but also in a country, a sealed place of privilege. The victim was a society lady. Burglary is not the motive. In classic murder mystery novels, it was a bit unseemly that one should kill in order to rob. One killed either for a juicy sum of money, or for revenge, or out of passion. In those novels there were neither corrupt judges nor fugitive lawyers. Once Sherlock Holmes […] or Hercule Poirot […] said ‘this is the murderer’, that was that. That’s to say, once fingered in the climactic living room scene, with everyone gathered around the hearth, the perpetrator wouldn’t resist at all. And everyone would be happy because the judges were thought to be upright persons, at least in fiction. […] The violence of the crime of María Marta is part of the hard-boiled novel, and the sealed location in which it takes place, part of the murder mystery (Alarcón). I’ve argued elsewhere (Munro, Belsunce) that the translation of the case to the genres of crime fiction and their metaanalysis was a means by which a victimised Argentine public, represented by a disempowered and marginalised fourth estate, sought some rhetorical recompense. The postulate of resilience, however, might help further to describe and contextualise this notorious discursive event. A disaffected Argentine press finds itself in a stability domain with multiple attractors: on the one hand, an acquiescence to ever-increasing politico-juridical corruption, malfeasance and elitist impunity; on the other, an attractor of increasing contestation, democratisation, accountability and transparency. A discursive event like the caso Belsunce further perturbs Argentine society, threatening to displace it from its democratising trajectory. Unable to enforce due process, Argentina’s fourth estate adapts, doing what, in the circumstances, amounts to the next best thing: it denounces the proceedings by translating the case to the genres of crime fiction. In so doing, it engages a venerable reception history in which the co-constitution of true crime fiction and investigative journalism is exemplified by the figure of Rodolfo Walsh, whose denunciatory works mark a “politicisation of crime” (see Amar Sánchez Juegos; El sueño). Put otherwise, a section of Argentina’s fourth estate bounced back: by making poetics do rhetorical work, it resisted the pull towards what ecology calls an undesirable basin of attraction. Through a show of discursive resilience, these journalists worked to keep Argentine society on a democratising track. 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Il sesto libro de madrigali a cinque voci, Marco da Gagliano's final book in the genre, was published in 1617, nine years after its predecessor. In the book's dedication Gagliano indicated that its music was composed the year before, and not earlier in the gap between the two books. Book 6 was popular enough that it was reprinted in 1620, and although he lived another twenty-six years, Gagliano published no more madrigals. There are sixteen compositions in the book, fourteen of them by Gagliano, one by Lodovico Arrighetti, and one by an unnamed composer who was most certainly Ferdinando Gonzaga, duke of Mantua. The poets now recognized as authors of the texts are Giovanni Battista Guarini, Torquato Tasso, Francesco Petrarca, Ottavio Rinuccini, Gabriello Chiabrera, Gasparo Murtola, and Antonio Ongaro. In the diversity of their style, the madrigals of the Sesto libro provide a conspectus of the compositional craft evinced in Gagliano's earlier books: now the rush and brevity of canzonetta-influenced madrigals like those in the fourth and fifth books stand next to madrigals with the more traditional manner of text setting so often found in his first three books. There is also a drinking song that alternates duets with a refrain and a seven-voiced concertato piece, both taken from Medici court entertainments. One of the most telling madrigals in the book, “Filli, mentre ti bacio,” is an abbreviation and a recasting of the madrigal as it appears in his Primo libro, thereby disclosing the remarkable change in Gagliano's aesthetic thinking about the genre during the fifteen years that lie between his first and last books. Shortly after the appearance of the Sesto libro, a vicious attack on its madrigals and on Gagliano himself was made by Mutio Effrem. Although its condemnation of the book on theoretical grounds is misguided and without merit, Effrem's Censure seems to have damaged Gagliano's standing in Florence and to some degree may have influenced his decision to abandon the genre.

Catalan has been taught at the University of Venice since 1974 when it was established through a reformation of the range of options previously in force. Giovanni Battista De Cesare was actually the first teacher of Catalan, even though in earlier decades at least two former professors of Spanish language and literature were also familiar with Catalan culture: Marco Antonio Canini (1822-91) and Giovanni Maria Bertini (1900-95). Catalan was offered once again two years later (in 1976) with a more fortunate new start. Carlos Romero Muñoz taught Catalan in Venice from that date until 1998-1999 and helped to make the study of Catalan in Venice less precarious. Following the Bologna process, at the beginning of the new millennium, the Italian degree-courses were adapted to the new cycles, which created some problems for the teaching of Catalan in Italian universities. Despite all that, Catalan is still alive and kicking, and has stalwartly borne itself up against both the competition of the most widely-spoken European languages and the laws for the reformation of the university system.

The walls of Cartagena de Indias through methodological experimentation and survey systems protocols. Digital tools comparison for the study of the Antonelli’s defense systemCartagena de Indias, one of the main Spanish commercial ports in the Caribbean Sea, was strategically built on a system of islands and peninsulas that formed a lacustrine system along the coast of Tierra Firme, known today as Colombia. For several centuries, Cartagena fortifications have been at the fore-front of Spanish military technologies. This site became the scene of action of the main military engineers at the service of the Spanish crown. In 1586 Battista Antonelli received from King Philipe II the task to design this monumental defensive system. The first project for the Cartagena wall enclosure (1595) is due to Battista and it was continued and modified by his nephew Cristoforo Roda. Nowadays, Antonelli walls still fit into the urban fabric of the city and delineate the perimeter of the historic city. The research project follows the previous research experiments conducted by the Lab DAda-LAB of the University of Pavia in the territory of Panama for the study of the Antonelli fortifications systems of Portobello and San Lorenzo del Chagres. It concerned an extensive action aimed at the documentation and to the study of the entire fortified system of the historic center of Cartagena. The perimeter walls of the old city and the fort of San Felipe de Barajas have been documented through the use of a mobile laser scanner that uses SLAM technology, evaluating the most effective performed strategies for fast survey activities. In parallel, a more specific action was conducted on the portion of the Baluarte of Santa Catalina walls, where it was possible to give a comparison between different methods and instruments, in order to verify the reliability of the 3D databases. Analysis protocols have been developed for the documentation and study of the defensive system. The paper will highlight the construction technologies that qualify the fortresses of Cartagena de Indias and the results obtained by the comparison between different data acquisition technologies to evaluate the quality of the models for the development of documentation strategies for heritage enhancement and protection.