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1

Yurlova, Eugenia S. "B. R. AMBEDKAR’S INTERNATIONAL EXPERIENCE: USA, ENGLAND, GERMANY". Journal of the Institute of Oriental Studies RAS, n.º 4 (26) (2023): 161–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2618-7302-2023-4-161-170.

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Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar, an untouchable from the caste of mahars, was educated abroad with the support of the maharaja of Baroda. The goal of his studies at the Columbia University in New York was to learn about the struggle of the Black Americans. African Americans and their leaders influenced his ideology and policy regarding Indian untouchables, as the struggle of the dalits and the Blacks and their social situation are somewhat similar. Ambedkar’s works reflect the learnings from his American experience. In countrast with the multiple castes and subcastes of the untouchables, the Blacks are an endogamous group, and it is easier for them to unite in their struggle. As the Chairman of the Constitutional Committee, Ambedkar included in the Constitution a number of articles to protect the rights of the scheduled castes. He turned to Buddhism as a result of his quest to reform the caste system in order to end social discrimination of the Dalits. Ambedkar showed that each caste maintained its identity and that is why it was impossible to unite all untouchable castes. However, his accomplishments in the struggle for equal rights for all people allow hope that this historic goal will be achieved.
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2

Zelliot, Eleanor. "Understanding Dr. B. R. Ambedkar". Religion Compass 2, n.º 5 (21 de julio de 2008): 804–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1749-8171.2008.00094.x.

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3

Habib, SK. "Dr B R Ambedkar as a Visionary Educationist". International Journal of Trend in Scientific Research and Development Volume-2, Issue-2 (28 de febrero de 2018): 1418–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.31142/ijtsrd10714.

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4

Khiamniungan, Chiangmong. "On the Editions of Dr B. R. Ambedkar’s The Buddha and His Dhamma". Studies in Indian Politics 11, n.º 1 (junio de 2023): 85–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/23210230231166190.

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This article seeks to outline the history of the addition of references to what is often considered Dr B. R. Ambedkar’s magnum opus, his posthumously published The Buddha and His Dhamma (1957). It discusses the original edition, the 1961 Hindi translation by Bhadant Anand Kausalyayan, which was the first to add references, the 1992 reprint of the original edition as Volume 11 of the collection Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings and Speeches published by the Government of Maharashtra, and the 2011 ‘critical edition’ edited by Aakash Singh Rathore and Ajay Verma and published by Oxford University Press. Through a critical appraisal of these editions, the article aims to press the general need turned urgent for scholars of Ambedkar to produce competent scholarly editions of Ambedkar’s texts, especially his later writings, which were left incomplete and unpublished during his lifetime.
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5

Cháirez-Garza, Jesús Francisco. "‘Bound hand and foot and handed over to the caste Hindus’: Ambedkar, untouchability and the politics of Partition". Indian Economic & Social History Review 55, n.º 1 (enero de 2018): 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019464617745925.

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This article examines B. R. Ambedkar’s dramatically shifting politics in the years prior to Partition. In 1940, he supported the creation of Pakistan. In 1946, he joined Winston Churchill in his demands to delay independence. Yet, in 1947, Ambedkar rejected Pakistan and joined the Nehru administration. Traditional narratives explain these changes as part of Ambedkar’s political pragmatism. It is believed that such pragmatism, along with Gandhi’s good faith, helped Ambedkar to secure a place in Nehru’s Cabinet. In contrast, I argue that Ambedkar changed his attitude towards Congress due to the political transformations elicited by Partition. Ambedkar approached Congress as a last resort to maintain a political space for Dalits in independent India. This, however, was unsuccessful. Partition not only saw the birth of two countries but also virtually eliminated the histories of resistance of political minorities that did not fall under the Hindu–Muslim binary, such as Dalits. In the case of Ambedkar, his past as a critic of Gandhi and Congress was erased in favour of the more palatable image of him as the father of the constitution. This essay reconfigures our understanding of Partition by showing how the promise of Pakistan shaped the way we remember Ambedkar.
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6

Mathew, Jaby. "Cosmopolitan Humility and Local Self-Governance". Comparative Political Theory 1, n.º 2 (30 de diciembre de 2021): 279–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/26669773-bja10025.

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Abstract Do local or grassroots level face-to-face self-governing communities have a place in theories of institutional cosmopolitanism? I pose this question in response to Luis Cabrera’s (2020) use of B. R. Ambedkar’s ideas to defend an instrumentally oriented democratic institutional cosmopolitanism that counters the arrogance objections raised against cosmopolitanism. Cabrera interprets Ambedkar as an exponent of political humility and having an instrumentalist approach to democracy. My response expands on a connection Cabrera briefly discusses – between humility and humiliation – and makes two observations. First, Ambedkar makes a distinction between institutions of democracy and democracy as a form of society. The latter is an end-in-itself synonymous with the practice of political humility. Second, Gandhi’s vision of self-governing village republics, which Ambedkar rejects, with universal franchise and guaranteed representation for marginalized groups that Ambedkar advocated at the national level could have been spaces for practicing political humility locally.
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7

Indurkar, Chakradhar Baldeo. "The Neglected Legacy of Dr B. R. Ambedkar on Entrepreneurship". Contemporary Voice of Dalit 9, n.º 2 (30 de agosto de 2017): 209–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2455328x17722678.

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Dr B. R. Ambedkar was a man of the millennium with his noble virtues, supreme merits and the great stature of Himalayan heights. He has set multiple ideals, role models and source of inspiration in many ways for millions with his great personality. He was also an ideal as an entrepreneur and the motivational guru for budding entrepreneurs. This article is an attempt to explore the legacy of Ambedkar on entrepreneurship.
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8

Kumar, Kamal. "Indian Constitution: The Vision of B. R. Ambedkar". IOSR Journal of Humanities and Social Science 19, n.º 3 (2014): 29–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.9790/0837-19342936.

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9

Sampath, Rajesh. "A Commentary on Ambedkar's Posthumously Published "Philosophy of Hinduism" - Part II". CASTE / A Global Journal on Social Exclusion 2, n.º 1 (16 de mayo de 2021): 01–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.26812/caste.v2i1.300.

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This paper continues the commentary on Dr. B. R. Ambedkar’s posthumously published Philosophy of Hinduism. Utilizing resources from various modern continental European philosophers and social theorists, particularly of religion, we elaborate on several key passages within Ambedkar’s overall framework of analysis. The paper continues to explore how Ambedkar conceives relations between philosophy and religion, and how historical shifts in general human consciousness have occurred whereby altering both fields. At the core of his being, Ambedkar is concerned with a methodological justification that will enable him to venture into a penetrating critique of the immoral and amoral nature of Hinduism’s social system of caste. In Part I of the commentary, we followed Ambedkar until he arrived at the criteria of ‘justice’ and ‘utility’ to judge the status of Hinduism. He wanted to test whether this Eastern world religion, which descends from antiquity, meets those criteria, which shape the modern conception of religion. In Part II of this commentary, we expand further on Ambedkar’s thesis as to why Hinduism fails to meet the modern conception when those twin criteria are not met. This thought presupposes various underlying philosophical transformations of the relations of ‘God to man’, ‘Society to man’, and ‘man to man’ within which the Hindu-dominated Indian society forecloses the possibility of individual equality, freedom, and dignity. In making contributions to Ambedkar studies, the philosophy of religion, and political philosophies of justice, this paper sets up Part III of the commentary, which will examine Ambedkar’s actual engagement with the classics of Hinduism’s philosophy and thought in general. Ultimately, Ambedkar is undeterred in his original critique of the social and moral failures of the caste system, thereby intimating ambitious possibilities for its eventual eradication.
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10

KUMAR, AISHWARY. "AMBEDKAR'S INHERITANCES". Modern Intellectual History 7, n.º 2 (1 de julio de 2010): 391–415. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244310000132.

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B. R. Ambedkar (1891–1956), the radical Indian anti-caste thinker, left unfinished a critical corpus of works on “Revolution and Counter-Revolution in Ancient India”, a fragment of which was provisionally titled “Essays on the Bhagavad Gita”. This essay engages with that corpus, situating Ambedkar's encounter with the Gita within a much broader twentieth-century political and philosophical concern with the question of tradition and violence. It interrogates the excessive and heterogeneous conceptual impulses that mediate Ambedkar's attempt to retrieve a counterhistory of Indian antiquity. Located as it is in the same Indic neighborhood from which a radical counterhistory of touchability might emerge, the Gita is a particularly fraternal and troubling text for Ambedkar. Yet his responsibility towards the Gita comes to be hinged not upon evasion but rather upon an exaggeration of its hermeneutic power; that is, upon his painstaking inflation of the Gita's willfully modern interest in instituting the universal. Ambedkar's relentless struggle to annihilate this universality of the Gita would have to be founded upon another universality, at once destructive, excessive and counterlegislative. In this unfinished attempt to recuperate the ideality of the universal, this essay asks, does Ambedkar himself become the most thorough modern practitioner of the Gita?
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11

Chaudhary, Pramod Kumar. "Dr. B.R. Ambedkar's Vision of Indian Polity: Equality, Justice, and Social Transformation". Integrated Journal for Research in Arts and Humanities 2, n.º 3 (31 de mayo de 2022): 83–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.55544/ijrah.2.3.14.

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Dr. B. R. Ambedkar, a well-known social activist as well as distinguished philosopher, was genuinely worried regarding the situation of the marginalised at the start of his distinguished career. He spent his whole life working to improve social and economic circumstances. Ambedkar's transformative vision directs individual's efforts as assists with renegotiating issues, particularly the collapse of modern political thought. Ambedkar became well-known as a key strategic philosopher throughout today's society following the rise of the dalit struggle. He rose to prominence in India's sociopolitical environment during the 1920s. With terms of political, economic, social or religious views, he was crucial to the improvement of the least rung of so-called indestructible Indian community. Furthermore, he was a brilliant sociologist, economist, judicial analyst, educationist, author, legislator, advocate, or rights-based activist. He was an iconoclast as well as researcher who successfullly organised, emancipated, or united the uneducated Indians opposing all forms of societal and political tyranny. This investigation captures Ambedkar's views on politics.
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12

Idika, Delight Omoji. "Can There Be Equality And Inclusion In A Deprived Learning Environment? The Power Of Educational History And A Rethink Of Dr. B. R Ambedkar’s Envisionment For Nigeria’s Education System". Shodh Sari-An International Multidisciplinary Journal 02, n.º 03 (1 de julio de 2023): 03–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.59231/sari7589.

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The major part of this research is a historiographical type of qualitative or narrative study, aimed at linking the good works of Dr Ambedkar to the ingredients that make for success in today’s society. In order to achieve this purpose, the study engaged a systematic review of both primary and secondary data with a view to critically appraise and summarize as well as to reconcile the evidence involved with the preset research. The anchor theories were Vygotsky’s Defectology theory (1993) and Deprivation theory of Gurr (1970) which both formed the foundation on which the operating concepts of equality and inclusion in special education are laid, and commonly point to social attribution (of society) as the source of creation of discrimination. Some key concepts – Dr. B. R. Ambedkar’s envisioned equality and inclusion in education, learning environment and deprivation were explained under conceptual and contextual issues. Impact of Dr. B. R. Ambedkar’s vision on nations and international bodies including NGOs as they relate to inclusive education were meticulously reviewed with the aim to raise an answer to the question that gave rise to the study. The paper concludes by promoting the envisaged view of Dr. B. R. Ambedkar as what must be upheld in all countries particularly the least developing countries like Nigeria, as a means of not only achieving a sustained social, economic, political adjusted society that has educationally empowered persons and community through equitable access and inclusion but as a charted course to arrive at SDG4. Recommendations among others include that government should make efforts to provide education with ingredients of equality and inclusion to every learner at all levels of education to achieve development. Increased government passion for inclusive education provision, learning technology with improved learning environment, funding, teacher training among other educational needs particularly for the inclusive learners. And concluded that Since Dr. B. R. Ambedkar’s vision has become the national and international vision for the global community, governments should have no option of making her education responsive to current global demands to engender sustainable development.
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13

Lone, Shabir Ahmad. "Reflections of Dr. B.R Ambedkar’s Idea of Social Justice". Journal of Image Processing and Intelligent Remote Sensing, n.º 25 (1 de agosto de 2022): 19–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.55529/jipirs.25.19.25.

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Dr. B. R. Ambedkar is revered as a hero for his role in advancing equality. Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar was an instrumental figure in the formation of our nation's constitution and was one of the principal authors of it. He made it illegal to discriminate against those who were considered to be of a lower caste or to be untouchable, and he worked toward establishing equality among the citizens of our nation. He stated that he had faith in a community that could support the ideals of friendship, equality, and fraternity. However, in the early days of our nation, a man who had done so much for our country had been subjected to numerous cruelties because of his caste. Dr. Bhimrao Babasaheb Ramji Ambedkar was a renegade who challenged the social order in which the contradiction of caste and class had been apparent for years. His egalitarian philosophy was "one man, one value," and it was based on the belief that everyone should be treated equally. Dr. Ambedkar worked hard to change the pre-existing social order based on caste and class, and he strove to plant the seed of social justice. He accomplished this by lobbying for a wide range of causes, including the plight of the caste system and untouchability, human rights, labour rights, women's rights, and, most crucially, Indian politics. Because he was born into a mahar family in the state of Maharashtra, he was subjected to the humiliations and discrimination that came with being an untouchable. According to B. R. Ambedkar, social justice is a method for constructing an ideal society or a society that is just. According to him, a just society is one that does not practise caste, is founded on the ideals of social justice, and incorporates all three of the following elements: liberty, equality, and fraternity. Ambedkar's vision for the perfect society is underpinned by a commitment to a pair of core values. The purpose of the study is to describe and analyse the concept of social justice that was conceived of by B.R. Ambedkar, who was the architect of the Indian constitution.
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14

LONE, SHABIR AHMAD. "Reflections of Dr. B.R Ambedkar’s Idea of Social Justice". Journal of Legal Subjects, n.º 23 (31 de mayo de 2022): 6–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.55529/jls.23.6.11.

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Dr. B. R. Ambedkar is revered as a hero for his role in advancing equality. Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar was an instrumental figure in the formation of our nation's constitution and was one of the principal authors of it. He made it illegal to discriminate against those who were considered to be of a lower caste or to be untouchable, and he worked toward establishing equality among the citizens of our nation. He stated that he had faith in a community that could support the ideals of friendship, equality, and fraternity. However, in the early days of our nation, a man who had done so much for our country had been subjected to numerous cruelties because of his caste. Dr. Bhimrao Babasaheb Ramji Ambedkar was a renegade who challenged the social order in which the contradiction of caste and class had been apparent for years. His egalitarian philosophy was "one man, one value," and it was based on the belief that everyone should be treated equally. Dr. Ambedkar worked hard to change the pre-existing social order based on caste and class, and he strove to plant the seed of social justice. He accomplished this by lobbying for a wide range of causes, including the plight of the caste system and untouchability, human rights, labour rights, women's rights, and, most crucially, Indian politics. Because he was born into a mahar family in the state of Maharashtra, he was subjected to the humiliations and discrimination that came with being an untouchable. According to B. R. Ambedkar, social justice is a method for constructing an ideal society or a society that is just. According to him, a just society is one that does not practise caste, is founded on the ideals of social justice, and incorporates all three of the following elements: liberty, equality, and fraternity. Ambedkar's vision for the perfect society is underpinned by a commitment to a pair of core values. The purpose of the study is to describe and analyse the concept of social justice that was conceived of by B.R. Ambedkar, who was the architect of the Indian constitution.
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15

Ahmad Lone, Shabir. "REFLECTIONS OF DR. B.R AMBEDKAR’S IDEA OF SOCIAL JUSTICE". International Journal of Social Science, Educational, Economics, Agriculture Research and Technology (IJSET) 1, n.º 7 (30 de junio de 2022): 357–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.54443/ijset.v1i7.39.

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Dr. B. R. Ambedkar is revered as a hero for his role in advancing equality. Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar was an instrumental figure in the formation of our nation's constitution and was one of the principal authors of it. He made it illegal to discriminate against those who were considered to be of a lower caste or to be untouchable, and he worked toward establishing equality among the citizens of our nation. He stated that he had faith in a community that could support the ideals of friendship, equality, and fraternity. However, in the early days of our nation, a man who had done so much for our country had been subjected to numerous cruelties because of his caste. Dr. Bhimrao Babasaheb Ramji Ambedkar was a renegade who challenged the social order in which the contradiction of caste and class had been apparent for years. His egalitarian philosophy was "one man, one value," and it was based on the belief that everyone should be treated equally. Dr. Ambedkar worked hard to change the pre-existing social order based on caste and class, and he strove to plant the seed of social justice. He accomplished this by lobbying for a wide range of causes, including the plight of the caste system and untouchability, human rights, labour rights, women's rights, and, most crucially, Indian politics. Because he was born into a mahar family in the state of Maharashtra, he was subjected to the humiliations and discrimination that came with being an untouchable. According to B. R. Ambedkar, social justice is a method for constructing an ideal society or a society that is just. According to him, a just society is one that does not practice caste, is founded on the ideals of social justice, and incorporates all three of the following elements: liberty, equality, and fraternity. Ambedkar's vision for the perfect society is underpinned by a commitment to a pair of core values. The purpose of the study is to describe and analyze the concept of social justice that was conceived of by B.R. Ambedkar, who was the architect of the Indian constitution.
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16

Lone, Shabir Ahmad. "Reflections of Dr. B.R Ambedkar’s Idea of Social Justice". Aug-Sept 2022, n.º 25 (22 de septiembre de 2022): 18–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.55529/jpps.25.18.24.

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Dr. B. R. Ambedkar is revered as a hero for his role in advancing equality. Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar was an instrumental figure in the formation of our nation's constitution and was one of the principal authors of it. He made it illegal to discriminate against those who were considered to be of a lower caste or to be untouchable, and he worked toward establishing equality among the citizens of our nation. He stated that he had faith in a community that could support the ideals of friendship, equality, and fraternity. However, in the early days of our nation, a man who had done so much for our country had been subjected to numerous cruelties because of his caste. Dr. Bhimrao Babasaheb Ramji Ambedkar was a renegade who challenged the social order in which the contradiction of caste and class had been apparent for years. His egalitarian philosophy was "one man, one value," and it was based on the belief that everyone should be treated equally. Dr. Ambedkar worked hard to change the pre-existing social order based on caste and class, and he strove to plant the seed of social justice. He accomplished this by lobbying for a wide range of causes, including the plight of the caste system and untouchability, human rights, labour rights, women's rights, and, most crucially, Indian politics. Because he was born into a mahar family in the state of Maharashtra, he was subjected to the humiliations and discrimination that came with being an untouchable. According to B. R. Ambedkar, social justice is a method for constructing an ideal society or a society that is just. According to him, a just society is one that does not practise caste, is founded on the ideals of social justice, and incorporates all three of the following elements: liberty, equality, and fraternity. Ambedkar's vision for the perfect society is underpinned by a commitment to a pair of core values. The purpose of the study is to describe and analyse the concept of social justice that was conceived of by B.R. Ambedkar, who was the architect of the Indian constitution.
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17

ODAKE, Shokyo. "The Modern Meaning of the Buddhism of B. R. Ambedkar". JOURNAL OF INDIAN AND BUDDHIST STUDIES (INDOGAKU BUKKYOGAKU KENKYU) 42, n.º 1 (1993): 233–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.4259/ibk.42.233.

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18

Rather, Aqib Yousuf. "The Opinion of Dr B. R. Ambedkar on Village Panchayats". Journal of Image Processing and Intelligent Remote Sensing, n.º 12 (26 de noviembre de 2021): 8–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.55529/jipirs.12.8.15.

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The village panchayat is the most traditional form of local government in the Indian subcontinent. In its literal sense, the word "panchayat" refers to a group of five (or "Panch") respected and wise elders who have been elected by the people of a certain area. Historically, these assemblies have been used to resolve disagreements between communities and individuals. Local self-government was established in Bombay in 1869 when the British established a district local fund. With the formation of district local boards in 1882, Lord Ripon instituted local self-government in India. A modest attempt is made in this article, following the 73rd constitutional amendment, to identify the operational characteristics of panchayati raj entities. M. K. Gandhi's "Gram Swaraj" and Dr. B. R. Ambedkar’s wholly opposed position on the intrinsic defects of villages that prohibit panchayats from forming as institutions of self-government dominate India's post-independence discourse on local self-government. To better comprehend India's contemporary panchayat governance structure, an introduction to the country's history of local self-government before and after independence is provided. To better understand panchayats' three-tier structure, the impediments to their efficient operation are underlined. Finding out the roles of panchayats is of limited use without enough financial decentralization. As long as those at the top of society have power, they make it hard for the poor to join in. Thus the aim of the study is to highlight the views of architect of Indian constitution on village panchayats.
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19

Arun P. Mukherjee. "B. R. Ambedkar, John Dewey, and the Meaning of Democracy". New Literary History 40, n.º 2 (2009): 345–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/nlh.0.0083.

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20

Lee, Ji Eun. "Counter-Discourses of Lower-Caste Intellectuals in Colonial and Postcolonial India: Mainstream Hindu Discourses and the Phule-Ambedkar Ideology". International Journal of Religion 5, n.º 3 (7 de marzo de 2024): 175–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.61707/ps3fq057.

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This study examines the nature of discourse formation in the Dalit movement by analysing two different historical stages: 1) the nineteenth-century upper-caste discourse on Aryan race theory and the counter-discourse advocated by Phule; and 2) the early twentieth-century mainstream nationalist discourse and the counter-discourse proposed by B. R. Ambedkar. However, the ideologies of Phule and Ambedkar, which have often been combined and called the ‘Phule-Ambedkar ideology’, contain heterogeneous and conflicting elements, especially concerning lower-caste identity and perceptions of the upper castes. Counter-discourses have been produced through interaction with and responses to the contemporary mainstream discourse in different times and contexts
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21

Sharma, Arvind K. "Book review: V. S. Prasad, Higher Education and Open Distance Learning Trajectory in India: Reflections of an Insider". Indian Journal of Public Administration 65, n.º 2 (junio de 2019): 584–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019556119863594.

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V. S. Prasad, Higher Education and Open Distance Learning Trajectory in India: Reflections of an Insider. Hyderabad: Dr. B. R. Ambedkar Open University, 2018, 125 pp. (paperback). ISBN: 978-18-938160-0-4.
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22

Silva, Kalinga Tudor. "Secular State and the ‘Religious Left’: Navayana Buddhism and Dr Ambedkar’s Vision for the Future of Democracy in South Asia". Journal of Social Inclusion Studies 6, n.º 2 (diciembre de 2020): 152–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2394481121995955.

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In the light of ongoing debates about secular state and religious right in India, Sri Lanka and Myanmar, this article examines the intellectual contribution of Dr B. R. Ambedkar towards sustaining democracy in South Asia. His critical contributions included non-violent mobilisation of Dalits and adivasis around their human rights, identity, citizenship and religious faith. Most importantly, he argued that democratic values of equality, liberty and fraternity are not only of European origin but also have roots in South Asia, particularly within the Buddhist tradition. The article reflects on Ambedkar’s politics, social philosophy and contribution to the formation of ‘religious left’ and the process of progressive democratic change via Navayana Buddhism.
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23

Shivangi. "‘Restricting Birth’: Dr B. R. Ambedkar as Advocate of Population Control Policy". Research Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 10, n.º 3 (2019): 875. http://dx.doi.org/10.5958/2321-5828.2019.00144.x.

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24

Singh, Neeti. "Mapping B. R. Ambedkar Within the Matrix of Manu’s Patriarchy, the Mentoring of Maharaja Sayajirao Gaekwad and the Dynamics of Agamben’s Homo Sacer". Contemporary Voice of Dalit 11, n.º 1 (22 de febrero de 2019): 33–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2455328x18819900.

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On the 125th birth anniversary of Dr B. R. Ambedkar, this essay acknowledges the great leader’s life, vision and contributions to the cause of marginalized humanity in India. It attempts to examine Ambedkar’s agenda for social reform and his efforts towards the empowerment of the abused caste and gender categories through intense satyagraha (a form of nonviolent resistance), widespread education and supportive state laws. The article concludes with a review of caste and gender issues in the present times and argues for the need to revamp the education system. This essay begins with Ambedkar’s early life and education facilitated by the patronage of the philanthropic reformer and King of Baroda Province, Maharaja Sayajirao Gaekwad III. Second, it examines Ambedkar’s endeavours to educate and empower the women and depressed castes of India through his research, scholarship and rewritings of the Indian social history. And third, the essay attempts to understand the concept of the untouchable Dalit as a category that comes close to the Greek phenomenon of the homo sacer—a Greek concept synonymous with the rational of the Dalit/Ati-shudra. Through the ancient concept of the homo sacer, Giorgio Agamben explores agencies that conspire to draft, long-drawn statements of abuse and exploitation of the ostracized social and political underdog.
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25

Wanchoo, Rohit. "The Question of Dalit Conversion in the 1930s". Studies in History 36, n.º 2 (agosto de 2020): 206–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0257643020956627.

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In June 1936, the Hindu Mahasabha leader B. S. Moonje and the Dalit leader and trenchant critic of Hinduism Dr B. R. Ambedkar jointly proposed mass conversions of the ‘untouchables’ to Sikhism. According to Ambedkar, if the untouchables converted to Sikhism, they would leave the Hindu religion but not Hindu culture. The untouchable converts to Sikhism would escape caste oppression without getting ‘denationalized’. This initiative provoked a major controversy, and leaders as diverse as M. M. Malaviya, Mahatma Gandhi, M. C. Rajah and P. N. Rajabhoj expressed their views on the subject. This article explores what Ambedkar meant by expressions like ‘de-nationalization’ and ‘Hindu culture’. Malaviya’s anxieties about the weakening of the Hindu community because of this initiative, Rajah’s fear that mass conversions could lead to a Sikh–Hindu–Muslim problem at a national level, Gandhi’s emphasis on spiritual values and the voluntary removal of untouchability in a spirit of repentance, and Tagore’s universalist and humanist attitude towards religion are explored. The complex political and intellectual responses of Hindu and Dalit leaders to the proposed mass conversions to Sikhism in the mid-1930s reveal dimensions not often considered in mainstream narratives about Hindu nationalism or Dalit conversions.
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Nayar, Pramod K. "Radical Graphics: Martin Luther King, Jr., B. R. Ambedkar, and Comics Auto/Biography". Biography 39, n.º 2 (2016): 147–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/bio.2016.0027.

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Raut, Santosh I. "Liberating India: Contextualising Nationalism, Democracy and Dr Ambedkar". Journal of Social Inclusion Studies 5, n.º 2 (diciembre de 2019): 172–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2394481119900065.

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Dr B. R. Ambedkar (1891–1956) is the principal architect of the Indian constitution and one of the most visionary leaders of India. He remains to this day a symbol of humanity. He is the father of Indian Democracy and a nation builder who shaped modern India. But his notion of nationalism and democracy envisioning an egalitarian society has rarely received adequate academic attention. His views on religion, how it affects socio-political behaviour, and what needs to be done to build an egalitarian society are unique. Such reflections in terms of nationalism and freedom of the people are of great significance in contemporary time in India and the world in general. This article attempts to analyse Ambedkar’s vision of nation and democracy. It also seeks to study how caste system is the major barrier to creating a true nation and a harmonious society. What role does religion play in society and politics? Can socio-spiritual values inspire to break down the barriers of caste differences to form an egalitarian society? History bears witness to instances where great minds empowered with deep contemplation on meeting with the suffering of the people (which in itself is both a prerequisite and an inseparable element of social reform and liberation), resulting in radical shifts in perception. Ambedkar is one such genius whose compassionate engagement and deep imagination envisioned the establishment of an ideal society based on non-discrimination and love.
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BANDYOPADHYAY, SEKHAR. "Transfer of Power and the Crisis of Dalit Politics in India, 1945–47". Modern Asian Studies 34, n.º 4 (octubre de 2000): 893–942. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00003875.

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Ever since its beginning, organized dalit politics under the leadership of Dr B. R. Ambedkar had been consistently moving away from the Indian National Congress and the Gandhian politics of integration. It was drifting towards an assertion of separate political identity of its own, which in the end was enshrined formally in the new constitution of the All India Scheduled Caste Federation, established in 1942. A textual discursive representation of this sense of alienation may be found in Ambedkar's book, What Congress and Gandhi Have Done to the Untouchables, published in 1945. Yet, within two years, in July 1947, we find Ambedkar accepting Congress nomination for a seat in the Constituent Assembly. A few months later he was inducted into the first Nehru Cabinet of free India, ostensibly on the basis of a recommendation from Gandhi himself. In January 1950, speaking at a general public meeting in Bombay, organized by the All India Scheduled Castes Federation, he advised the dalits to co-operate with the Congress and to think of their country first, before considering their sectarian interests. But then within a few months again, this alliance broke down over his differences with Congress stalwarts, who, among other things, refused to support him on the Hindu Code Bill. He resigned from the Cabinet in 1951 and in the subsequent general election in 1952, he was defeated in the Bombay parliamentary constituency by a political nonentity, whose only advantage was that he contested on a Congress ticket. Ambedkar's chief election agent, Kamalakant Chitre described this electoral debacle as nothing but a ‘crisis’.
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29

Srikanth, N. "Remembering the Father of Indian Constitution - Dr. B R Ambedkar and his Role in Framing Indian Constitution". International Journal of Trend in Scientific Research and Development Volume-2, Issue-1 (31 de diciembre de 2017): 995–1001. http://dx.doi.org/10.31142/ijtsrd7170.

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30

Kumar, Amardeep. "Aspirations for Higher Education among Mahadalit Students and Strategies for Overcoming Urban Marginalities in India". Asian Journal of Education and Social Studies 50, n.º 6 (15 de mayo de 2024): 191–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.9734/ajess/2024/v50i61405.

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This paper seeks to understand the aspirations of first-generation learners for higher education and overcoming urban marginalisation in Indian higher education. It also aims to understand how students from the most disadvantaged social group, mahadalit, overcome their marginalities in accessing and obtaining higher education. Access and equity in higher education have been important goals for Indian policymakers and planners. The study, which is qualitative in nature and uses the ethnography method, provides a deep and nuanced understanding of the aspirations for higher education and Strategies for Overcoming Urban Marginalities among the mahadalit students in Bihar, India. Various educational and equalising programs focusing on disadvantaged groups have created aspirations among first-generation and marginalised learners like Mahadalit students. These mahadalit students are also from non-urban backgrounds and come to cities for higher education. In pursuing higher education, these students face social and economic marginality in their villages, schooling, and urban marginality. They use their social networks to find space at the transformative Dr B. R. Ambedkar hostel, which helps them sustain their higher education in the city. The Dr B. R. Ambedkar hostel becomes the site of educational and career aspirations for the mahadalit students in Bihar, India.
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31

Kumar, Sanjeev. "Ambedkar’s Journey of Conversion to Buddhism". Contemporary Voice of Dalit 11, n.º 2 (31 de octubre de 2019): 107–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2455328x19825959.

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The history of religious conversions has highlighted two aspects. One is the transformation in one’s spiritual and transcendental realm and the other is the social and the political domain that encompasses a sense of rejection of existing religious and philosophical world views as well as assertion of one’s political outlook. In this context, this article explores the contours of one of the most important political thinkers of modern India, that is, B. R. Ambedkar who embraced Buddhism after 40 years of his experiment with the Hindu religion. This article is divided into two parts; the first deals with Ambedkar’s engagement with Hinduism with a hope of reforming the same but having failed in his attempt for 20 years, he declared to leave the religion in 1936. The second part deals with Ambedkar’s both explicit and implicit deliberations for selecting the right noble faith, that is, Buddhism whose foundation was egalitarianism, based on equality and compassion. He used Deweyian experimentalism and Buddhist rationalism, to reject Hinduism and seek refuge in the reformed Buddhism, that is, Navayana Buddhism.
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32

Menšíková, Tereza. "Negotiating Boundaries Between "Religious" and "Secular": A Struggle for the Sense of Collectivity Among Ambedkarite Buddhists in Maharashtra". Journal of Global Buddhism 24, n.º 2 (20 de diciembre de 2023): 64–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.26034/lu.jgb.2023.3840.

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Since the first mass conversion of Dalits to Buddhism in 1956, followers of B. R. Ambedkar's vision have propagated Buddhism throughout India, creating various activist networks across, but not limited to, Maharashtra. Despite their aspirations for socio-political change and emancipation for marginalized communities experiencing caste discrimination, Ambedkarite Buddhists have faced challenges in mobilization and organization since the demise of Ambedkar. This article addresses the struggle of building a sense of collectivity within the Ambedkarite Buddhist population, offering insights from the perspective of young Ambedkarite Buddhists in Mumbai. The ethnographic study primarily focuses on interpreting the Ambedkarite Buddhist tradition and its position within the broader Buddhist framework and delves into the divergence in efforts to emplace Buddhism on the "religious-secular" spectrum among practitioners. The article aims to provide an interpretation of the challenges faced by the Ambedkarite Buddhists in pursuing a unified front for effecting social change in contemporary India.
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P., Shanmukananda, Shwetha H., Veena D. R. y Poorvi M. "A cross sectional questionnaire based study on self medication practice of analgesics among MBBS students at Dr. B. R. Ambedkar Medical College, Bengaluru, Karnataka". International Journal of Basic & Clinical Pharmacology 9, n.º 4 (24 de marzo de 2020): 633. http://dx.doi.org/10.18203/2319-2003.ijbcp20201190.

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Background: Self medication with analgesics is prevalent worldwide due to easy procurement of over the counter drugs. Present study was done to assess knowledge, attitude, practice and perception of self medication of analgesics among MBBS students at Dr. B. R. Ambedkar Medical College, Bengaluru, Karnataka.Methods: A cross-sectional study was conducted on 5th term MBBS students of Dr. B. R. Ambedkar Medical College, Bengaluru in November 2019. A pre-designed validated questionnaire was used to collect information on knowledge, attitude, practice and perception of self medication of analgesics. Data was analysed using descriptive statistics.Results: 83.3 % of 5th term MBBS students practiced self medication with analgesics. Majority of students had some knowledge on self medication with analgesics. Common reason for using analgesic self medication was headache (59.7%) and nonsteroidal antiinflammatory drugs (90%) were commonly used analgesics. Analgesics were used for quick relief (73.3%) and source of information was from medical textbooks (61.6%). Students stopped taking analgesics after symptoms disappeared (75%). Students agreed that self medication is acceptable for medical students (63.3%) and medical license is required for better administration of drugs (51.3%).Conclusions: This study has found that self medication with analgesics was common among undergraduate medical students for minor illness. It is necessary to create awareness and educate students regarding dangers of analgesic self medication.
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Valmiki, Amita. "RETRO-INTROSPECTION ON RELIGIOUS DEBATE AND CONFLICT IN POST-COLONIAL INDIA AND POSSIBLE SUGGESTIONS TO IMPROVE THE SITUATION". Educational Discourse: collection of scientific papers, n.º 4(3-4) (6 de mayo de 2018): 83–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.33930/ed.2018.5007.4(3-4)-8.

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Many Indian thinkers and activists like M. K. Gandhi, B. R. Ambedkar and others put their heart and soul to find out the origin of the problem. In this paper I have tried to introspect on the philosophy of these two great activists who ventured in to providing solution to the rift and hatred among the communities in India. The basic material is to refer to their views from various authors’ books and articles.
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35

Ismailee, Sania. "Polemical encounters: Ambedkar and Savarkar on Muslim performativity". Performing Islam 8, n.º 1 (1 de diciembre de 2019): 107–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/pi_00007_1.

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Abstract The concept of Muslim performativity and the perception of the image of an ordinary Muslim are the central themes of this article. It outlays V. D. Savarkar's and B. R. Ambedkar's views on Muslim performativity ‐ performance of Muslimness or Islamic religiosity. It primarily engages with Savarkar's Essentials of Hindutva (1923) and Ambedkar's Pakistan or the Partition of India ([1945] 2013) and extracts their comments on Muslimness with reference to Muslim invasions and alleged divided loyalty. Apart from highlighting the convergences and divergences in their views on Muslim performativity, it describes their debate as performance. Further, this article argues that a hangover of Savarkarite and Ambedkarite comments on Muslim performativity permeates through the legal production of the Muslim community. By discussing the Muslim community's multifarious attempts to reform family law, this essay engages with the lived reality of Muslim performativity to stress the heterogeneity of Muslimness. By posing the lived reality of Muslim performativity against the dominant discourse in the aforementioned thinkers' works, it contributes a novel approach towards the conceptualization of performativity and departs from Judith Butler's concept of performativity.
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36

Agrawal, Gaurav. "Usefulness of resources in library: An evaluative study of Dr. B. R. Ambedkar University Library". Journal of Library and Information Communication Technology 8, n.º 2 (2019): 48. http://dx.doi.org/10.5958/2456-9399.2019.00015.4.

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Ji Eun Lee. "Dalit Emancipation Movement by B. R. Ambedkar: Its characteristics in early phase, 1920~early 1930s". Journal of South Asian Studies 23, n.º 1 (junio de 2017): 57–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.21587/jsas.2017.23.1.003.

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38

Zene, Cosimo. "Justice for the Excluded and Education for Democracy in B. R. Ambedkar and A. Gramsci". Rethinking Marxism 30, n.º 4 (2 de octubre de 2018): 494–524. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08935696.2018.1552047.

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Sinha, Ashish Kumar, Rajeev Ratan Jain y Somen Kumar Pradhan. "Epidemiological Trend of Cancer among Patients at Regional Cancer Center, Dr. B. R. Ambedkar Memorial Hospital, Raipur: A Tertiary Care Hospital of Central India". International Journal of Health Sciences and Research 8, n.º 2 (5 de abril de 2022): 53–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.52403/ijhsr.20180207.

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Background- In present scenario, there is a lack of well established population based cancer registry in the state of Chhattisgarh. Therefore hospital records can play a major role in filling the gap. Cancer data from Chhattisgarh are very much limited. Hence, this study was planned based on hospital records of cancer patients registered at Regional cancer centre, Dr. B. R. Ambedkar Memorial Hospital, Raipur, Chhattisgarh. Materials and Methods- It is a record based retrospective study conducted at Regional cancer centre, Dr. B. R. Ambedkar Memorial Hospital, Raipur. Patient records were obtained from Medical Record department and relevant information was extracted from them for the present study. Results- A total of 16,395 patients were registered at the RCC during the 5 year period i.e. 2011 to 2015, were included in this study. The male: female ratio was found to be 1:1.33 approximately. Majority of the male and female patients were from 45-59 years age group. Most commonly reported cancer among male and female patients were oral cancer and cervical cancer respectively. Conclusion- Oral cancer were more common among males where as gynaecological cancers like cervical and breast cancer were more prevalent among females, more over ovarian cancer came into notice with increasing trend. Females are victims of cancer at an early age in comparison to male counterparts. Key words: Cancer, Regional Cancer Centre (RCC), Chhattisgarh, Behaviour Change Communication (BCC)
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40

N, Prajwal. "Cultural Differences and Negotiations in Inter-Caste Marriages: A Study in Bengaluru". Artha - Journal of Social Sciences 17, n.º 2 (1 de abril de 2018): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.12724/ajss.45.1.

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B R Ambedkar (1936) had suggested inter-caste marriages as one of the potential remedies to annihilate caste system. He later contradicted this stance in the latter half of his academic journey by comparing inter-caste marriages to „force-feeding and artificial ways. 'Even after 80 years, the society is still divided between the effects of inter-caste marriages on the centuries-old caste system. Inter-caste marriage in the country was not a very common event till the 2000s after which its instances have been steadily increasing as per the reports from both the IHDS (2011) and NFHS (2005-2006). The more critical aspect of this uptrend of inter-caste marriage should be the interaction and negotiation of cultural differences among couples during the process of union. This qualitative study among 20 individuals (10 couples) in Bengaluru, looks into the various ways in which the inter-caste couples adjust their lifestyles, make decisions about their cultural practices and their children‟s socialization. The assumptions are laid in the backdrop of B. R. Ambedkar‟s work on the caste system and the study attempted to understand the subtle evolution of caste in the exogamous marriages. The study has also attempted to preempt the variety of bearings such inter-caste marriages can have on the future of caste system.
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41

Govind, Rahul. "Anticipating the Threat of Democratic Majoritarianism: Ambedkar on Constitutional Design and Ideology Critique, 1941–1948". Studies in Indian Politics 11, n.º 1 (junio de 2023): 66–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/23210230231166196.

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This article analyses B. R. Ambedkar’s works written between 1941 and 1948, and it discerns a central set of concerns and arguments in this otherwise diverse corpus. It argues that since universal franchise as a political principle is uncontroversial, Ambedkar’s primary concern is geared towards the danger of democratic majoritarianism in a society riven by historically, legally and ideologically determined forms of inequality and their logic—a danger that can only be addressed at the dual levels of institutional design and ideological critique. Reading together Pakistan or the Partition of India and What Congress and Gandhi have done to the Untouchables, the initial sections argue that Ambedkar was critical of Congress and Muslim league politics because he saw in them both, albeit in distinct ways, the affirmation of religious identity as central to the formulation of political identity. Such an orientation, in the actual mechanics of mass politics and constitutional negotiation, is therefore read as inevitably leading to conflicts including demands for Partition, but at the same time such politics avoided fundamental questions of internal critique and instituted forms of socialized inequality. It is in this context, and the imminence of Partition, that the article analyses Ambedkar’s argument for the need of both a specific institutional design (constitutional provisions) and an ideology critique (his historical research including Who were the Sudras and The Untouchables). The analysis of the demand for partition and the category of the minority can only be understood through Ambedkar’s acute historical and theoretical understanding of the nation and its history, as well as the normative demands required for institutional justice, as will be shown through a reading of this corpus.
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42

Mitra, Durba. "“Surplus Woman”: Female Sexuality and the Concept of Endogamy". Journal of Asian Studies 80, n.º 1 (febrero de 2021): 3–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911820003666.

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This essay traces the colonial origins of the concept of endogamy and its history as a foundational idea in the modern study of society in South Asia. The history of the concept of endogamy reveals how the control of female sexuality shaped the overlapping fields of Indology and ethnology. The invention and deployment of endogamy in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries is discussed in the writings of key colonial writers and British administrators, such as J. F. McLennan and H. H. Risley, and Indian intellectuals, including S. V. Ketkar and B. R. Ambedkar. It argues that the modern study of caste naturalized the control of female sexuality through the uncritical use of the concept of endogamy, which Ambedkar diagnosed as the irresolvable problem of the “Surplus Woman” in 1917. The essay reflects on the long life of endogamy and the enduring problem of nonconjugal sexuality in modern social theories of South Asia.
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43

Ananya Pahari. "Analysis of Caste-Based Discrimination: Through the Spectacles of Bhimayana: Incidents in the Life of Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar". Creative Launcher 6, n.º 5 (30 de diciembre de 2021): 90–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.53032/tcl.2021.6.5.11.

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The caste-system encapsulates the agony, misery and helplessness of a low-caste group called the Untouchables. The upper class uses various means of violence, not necessarily the physical violence always and dominates these people who have a voice but are not allowed to speak. In this journey, Dr. B. R. Ambedkar, became a ray of hope. Through the spectacles of Bhimayana: Incidents in the Life of Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar, this paper will try to analyse that Education, Money, Posts, etc lose its glory in front of the Caste-based Discrimination. This paper will try to sensitize how being born in a low-caste becomes a sinful offence. It will try to analyse how simply experiencing the trauma of a Dalit, being a Non-Dalit, is different from the harrowing experiences of being born as an Untouchable, who is compelled to face it at every step. This paper will also try to decode and justify the word “Agitation” which acts as an important weapon against the injustice.
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44

Sarangi, Jaydeep. "Metaphors of Conquest: Towards the Aesthetics of Dalit Feminism through Select Texts and Contexts". Contemporary Voice of Dalit 10, n.º 1 (17 de enero de 2018): 77–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2455328x17745173.

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One of the aims of writing dalit literature in India has been to reveal to the readers the injustice, oppression, helplessness and struggles of many of the disadvantaged populations under the social machine of stratification in India. Caste politics in India is unique and culture specific. Dalit feminism is unique in Indian context. The stratified Indian society beguiles the dalit women to the whirlpool of social oppression and exploitation. It is against any sort of class distinction. Conceiving the ideology of Dr B. R. Ambedkar: ‘Educate, agitate, organize’ dalit women write back.
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45

Dhanda, Meena. "IV—Philosophical Foundations of Anti-Casteism". Proceedings of the Aristotelian Society 120, n.º 1 (1 de abril de 2020): 71–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/arisoc/aoaa006.

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Abstract The paper begins from a working definition of caste as a contentious form of social belonging and a consideration of casteism as a form of inferiorization. It takes anti-casteism as an ideological critique aimed at unmasking the unethical operations of caste, drawing upon B. R. Ambedkar’s notion of caste as ‘graded inequality’. The politico-legal context of the unfinished trajectory of instituting protection against caste discrimination in Britain provides the backdrop for thinking through the philosophical foundations of anti-casteism. The peculiar religio-discursive aspect of ‘emergent vulnerability’ is noted, which explains the recent introduction of the trope of ‘institutional casteism’ used as a shield by deniers of caste against accusations of casteism. The language of protest historically introduced by anti-racists is thus usurped and inverted in a simulated language of anti-colonialism. It is suggested that the stymieing of the UK legislation on caste is an effect of collective hypocrisies, the refusal to acknowledge caste privilege, and the continuity of an agonistic intellectual inheritance, exemplified in the deep differences between Ambedkar and Gandhi in the Indian nationalist discourse on caste. The paper argues that for a modern anti-casteism to develop, at stake is the possibility of an ethical social solidarity. Following Ambedkar, this expansive solidarity can only be found through our willingness to subject received opinions and traditions to critical scrutiny. Since opposed groups ‘make sense’ of their worlds in ways that might generate collective hypocrisies of denial of caste effects, anti-casteism must be geared to expose the lie that caste as the system of graded inequality is benign and seamlessly self-perpetuating, when it is everywhere enforced through penalties for transgression of local caste norms with the complicity of the privileged castes. The ideal for modern anti-casteism is Maitri (friendship) formed through praxis, eschewing birth-ascribed caste status and loyalties.
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46

Aditya, Ishita. "Dr. B. R. Ambedkar and His Philosophy of Political Resistance with Special Reference to India’s Freedom Movement". International Journal of Politics & Law Research 1, n.º 2 (2013): 26. http://dx.doi.org/10.12966/ijplr.07.02.2013.

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47

Sharma, Arvind. "Dr. B. R. Ambedkar on the Aryan Invasion and the Emergence of the Caste System in India". Journal of the American Academy of Religion 73, n.º 3 (1 de septiembre de 2005): 843–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jaarel/lfi081.

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48

Prasad, Indulata. "Caste-ing Space: Mapping the Dynamics of Untouchability in Rural Bihar, India". CASTE / A Global Journal on Social Exclusion 2, n.º 1 (16 de mayo de 2021): 132–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.26812/caste.v2i1.232.

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B. R. Ambedkar, the scholar, activist, and chief architect of the Indian constitution, in his early twentieth century works, referred to the untouchable quarters in India as ghettos. He recognized that untouchability was manifested through combining social separation with spatial segregation. Ambedkar’s theorization of untouchability can be applied along with feminist and Dalit scholars’ theories of the relationship between dynamic spatial experiences and the reworking of caste hierarchies to understand how securing control over productive assets, such as land, has altered social and spatial segregation in rural Bihar. Combined with narratives of the past and present, maps drawn by Bhuiyan Dalit women depicting the physical spaces they occupy in their village (i.e. housing, community center), the locations of sources of water and electricity, and the quality of the resources to which they have access demonstrate that gaining control over land following the Bodhgaya Land Movement (BGLM) of the late 1970s helped end the most overt and readily discernible forms of caste-based discrimination. Nevertheless, resource discrimination and spatial and social segregation continue, albeit more covertly. The logic of untouchability still undergirds social interactions in rural Bihar, preventing Dalits from fully realizing their rights as guaranteed by law.
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49

Queen, Christopher. "Reading Dalit Autobiographies in English: A Top Ten List". CASTE / A Global Journal on Social Exclusion 2, n.º 2 (18 de diciembre de 2021): 281–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.26812/caste.v2i2.338.

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Dalit autobiography has joined protest poetry as a leading genre of Dalit Literature since the nineteen seventies. Finding their inspiration in the social and political activism of B. R. Ambedkar (1891-1956), leader of the India’s anti-caste movement and a founding father of the Republic, low caste men and women have documented their struggles and victories in the face of ongoing violence and deprivation. Surveying ten life narratives translated into English from Marathi, Hindi, and Kannada, the essay treats works by Ambedkar, Daya Pawar, Sharankumar Limbale, Baby Kamble, Laxman Gaikwad, Siddhalingaiah, Omprakash Valmiki, Urmila Pawar, Vasant Moon and Namdeo Nimgade. Tracing the origins of Dalit autobiography in the writings of Siddharth College and Milind College students in the 1950s, protest writers in the 1960s, and the Dalit Panthers and their followers in the 1970s, the survey identifies recurring themes of social exclusion, poverty, patriarchy, survival and assertion in the realms of politics, employment, education, and religion. These intimate testimonials share a radical vision of social transformation across caste, class, gender, linguistic and geographic boundaries and provide a needed corrective to mainstream portraits of modern Indian social history.
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Kumar, Ajay. "Ambedkar’s Approach to International Relations and India’s Foreign Policy". British Journal of Philosophy, Sociology and History 3, n.º 1 (16 de junio de 2023): 17–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.32996/pjpsh.2023.3.1.4.

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B. R. Ambedkar has been a towering personality of modern India who was instrumental in igniting the minds of the current and next generations of citizens. However, his views on various social, economic, and political aspects have been discovered and analyzed by several scholars, but his approach to studying and analyzing international relations and Indian foreign policy has remained in a shadow. However, he used a pragmatic approach to India’s foreign policy and international relations which could be more beneficial for a new India, or it could contribute to creating a powerful image of India in the world as a great and independent power. This paper tries to examine the role of Ambedkar in India’s Foreign Policy and approach to International Relations. Analytical and descriptive method has been adopted for the examination of his approach and a way to handle the same. As a result, it has been found that sometimes he adopted a liberal and realist approach, and sometimes he adopted a socialist or rationalist approach, which was, in total a pragmatic approach in itself. Thus, he was a doctor who knew the treatment according to the disease.
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