Tesis sobre el tema "Autonomy and indepednence movements"

Can national liberation movements envisage self-rule without statehood? This research examines the politics of a national liberation movement that claims to do just that. The research focuses on the incessant quest for self-rule in Kurdistan in general and the politics of dominant Kurdish liberation movements in Turkey and Syria in particular – with regard to the kind of political community they aspire to found. The research reveals that a salient aspect of Kurdish politics has been its detachment from state-building, and that this aspect dominates the politics of Kurdish movements in Turkey and Syria. Likewise, their project for self-rule in Kurdistan envisages a political community that differs greatly from its competitors; i.e. the hegemonic nation-state and its main opposition Islamic Ummah. I note that the Kurdish model draws heavily on the growing literature in political theory about the inadequacy of representative institutions and the risks of appealing to the notion of national sovereignty. I emphasize that the project shifts the origin of sovereignty from 'the imagined community', i.e. the nation, to residential communities (note the plurality). I also highlight that the Kurdish model of political community is built upon the exercise of political power through direct and semi-direct forms of democracy. Popular councils and assemblies within municipalities appear as the ultimate regulatory institutions. Sovereignty, thus, is dispersed and fragmented throughout autonomous, yet co-existing, and ideally horizontally organized political entities such as towns and cities. Accordingly, the primary form of political organization is not territorial state, but autonomous municipality. I argue that the claim to self-rule in the model is not in the name of the nation, but of communities of settlement, e.g. villages, neighbourhoods, towns, and cities. In a world of nationstates, the Kurdish movements' politics is an interesting example of post-nationalist and post-sovereign claims.

Can institutions successfully reduce ethnic conflict? Institutions such as autonomy and federalism are often advocated as a means to prevent ethnic conflict, however empirical evidence is largely mixed with regards to their effectiveness. In a similar manner, political parties have begun to receive more scholarly attention in determining their relationship with ethnic conflict, but their evidence is also mixed. In this research I examine autonomy, federalism, and the banning of political parties within ongoing ethnic group self-determination movements. While I do not find evidence for a relationship between autonomy and conflict, I do find that federalism increases the likelihood of ethnic conflict. Additionally, the banning of ethnic political parties indicates a strong increase the likelihood of ethnic conflict, while the banning of regional political parties significantly reduces the likelihood of ethnic conflict.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2007.
Title from first page of PDF file (viewed Aug. 13, 2007). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 197-204).

This thesis assesses several theories about the social basis of the Quebec independence movement. The most prevalent of these theories locates the core of support for Quebec independence in the Francophone new middle class. The Marxist perspective offers a closely related hypothesis, according to which the independence movement is based in the Francophone new petite bourgeoisie. A third theory sees the new class as at the helm of the new social movements, among which is the Quebec independence movement. Finally, a fourth hypothesis is that the Francophone intellectuals and professional intelligentsia are the foremost separatists.
The results of tabular and logistic regression analysis of data on referendum support for sovereignty-association refute the new middle class and new petite bourgeoisie hypotheses. The analyses indicate considerable support for sovereignty-association among a narrow variant of the new class. Within this narrow new class, or professional intelligentsia, support for sovereignty is most heavily concentrated among the Francophone intellectuals. The most discriminating predictor of separatism is not class, but the opposition between those in intellectuals vs. the business/managerial occupations. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)

Tent cities date back to the 1930s; however, the past decade has seen a rise in formalized camps, many attempting to function as democratic communities. Here, democratic communities refer to temporary spaces in which people without homes (PWH) live together with the goal of governing their own affairs (horizontal rather than top-down). Findings of the first “village” for the homeless indicate mixed results with self-governance among PWH in terms of the autonomy of individuals or as a method to mitigate homelessness. Given decline of social welfare budgets, as well as criticisms that shelterization and criminalization try to control the poor, government-sanctioned camps have provided safe, legal, dignified spaces for PWH. Studies of tent cities are growing, yet few follow their attempt to implement self-governance within the first few years of existence. This ethnography of a transitional “village” in the Pacific Northwest fills a gap by uncovering socio-cultural and organizational processes that facilitate and impede self-organization. The village is collaborative; a nonprofit provides oversight to residents dwelling in tiny houses. The village is neither run exclusively by the homeless nor directly managed by housed “outsiders.” Using participant-observation, interviews, and documents, I study the development of the village’s vision, rooted in Occupy yet influenced by neoliberal principles. Some view this village as a safe, stable place in which to secure future housing while providing dignity and autonomy; residents themselves were divided in how they experienced autonomy. For some, living there can be difficult since they have the authority to enforce community rule violations on fellow residents but often do not out feeling threatened or uneasy about putting a fellow resident in check. Some residents perceive a lack of power in regulating others. The authority of the nonprofit board is inadvertently reproduced even as it seeks to relinquish that authority. My work also has implications for research on relations between “housed” and “homeless”, and for decoupling processes that focus on divergence between stated organizational policies and actual practices. Materials related to this work (Appendices A-E) are included as supplemental files with this dissertation.

In nationalism studies, there has been insignificant analysis of the politics of imagining nations. This thesis addresses this lacuna in an examination of the form and design of imagined nations in Scotland and Quebec. I argue that the Scottish National Party and the Parti Quebecois have, since their advent in the 1960s, created a political-civic image of the nation that breaks with previous cultural conceptions. However, cultural images of the nation, propagated by centralist institutions, remain entrenched in contemporary Scotland and Quebec. The juxtaposition of centralist cultural images and nationalist political images of the nation have led to a dualistic, or what I have termed a 'Jekyll and Hyde', national consciousness in both countries. This exercise indicates that images of the nation are subject to multitudinous interpretations and (re)construction by various actors in the competitive state-nation political arena.

The fact that it took so long, in spite of successive waves of invaders and spirited yet sporadic resistance, to fashion a united national front, points out an anomaly in Algerian society: a divided identity. It took a cruel French occupation, the incompetence of colonial authorities, and the infiltration of European nationalist ideology to fashion a united front, but it was only a front, for immediately after independence, the unity was shown to be a temporary one.
The Berber majority found itself excluded, both culturally and politically, from the new Algerian state. Strangers in their own land, Berbers were faced with a new, more insidious colonialism: Arabization.

This thesis examines the construction of ethnic identity, autonomy and indigenous citizenship in plurinational Bolivia. In 2009, the Kallawayas, an Andean indigenous nation, took advantage of legislation in Bolivia's new constitution to begin a process of legally constituting themselves as autonomous from the state. The objective of Indigenous Autonomy in the constitution is to allow indigenous nations and peoples to govern themselves according to their conceptions of ‘Living Well'. Living well, for the Kallawayas is understood in terms of what it means to be runa, a person living in the ayllu (the traditional Andean community). The Kallawayas are noted as healers, and sickness and health is understood as related to the maintenance of a ritual relationship of reciprocity with others in the ayllu, both living humans and ancestors, remembered in the landscape. Joint ritual relations with the landscape play an important role in joining disparate Kallawaya ayllus with distinct traditions and languages (Aymara, Quechua and the Kallawaya language Macha Jujay are spoken) together as an ethnic group. However, Kallawaya politics has followed the trajectory of national peasant politics in recent decades of splitting into federations divided along class and ethnic lines. The joint ritual practices which traditionally connected the Kallawaya ayllus adapted to reflect this new situation of division between three sections of Kallawaya society. This has meant that the Kallawayas are attempting political autonomy as an ethnic group when they have never been more fractured. This thesis then examines the meaning of autonomy and the Good Life for a politically divided and ethnically diverse indigenous people.

In August 2019 the indigenous social movement Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional (EZLN), decided to deepen their autonomy project and thereby to intensify their conflict with the Mexican state. The group that emerged in 1994 has for almost three decades been in conflict with the Mexican government. In the last decade, the conflict has been on hold until the group announced their expansion with 11 new autonomous zones in the south of the county. This thesis puts that decision in a political opportunity structure framework; what aspects of the framework can explain the unexpected decision by the movement? A qualitative text analysis of EZLN communique's finds that the movement took advantages of several political opportunities. Most significantly, the construction of the Mayan Train constituted reasons for adopting a confrontational strategy towards the government. Changes in the level of repression towards the movement have facilitated the confrontative decision made by the movement. When controlling for two alternative explanation theories, this study establishes the political opportunity structure as having a stronger explanation factor. This thesis aims to contribute to the literature on political opportunity framework and to revitalize the interest in the EZLN.

Since the early 1980's, the Punjab state of India has been in turmoil as a result of a separatist movement that developed among elements of the Sikh community. Political tensions not only characterized the relationship between the Punjab and New Delhi/ but also between Sikhs and Hindus and among different segments within the Sikh community itself. The most important attempt to end the conflict in the state has been the Rajiv Gandhi-Sant Longowal Accord signed on July 24, 1985. However, the Accord failed and by mid-1987 the Punjab was once again racked by political violence. This thesis focuses on the events that led to the signing of the Accord and the forces that caused its demise. Bargaining theory provides the general theoretical framework against which the data are analyzed. This thesis highlights the fact that political bargains in Third World weakly-institutionalized states are often the result of particular configurations of political power which are short lived. The corollary of this is that once the configuration of political forces changes, the chances of success for the previously reached political bargain are weakened. In the particular case of the Punjab Accord, there was a change, beginning in late 1985, in the relative political power of the participants in the bargain. Also, the terms of the bargained Accord unleashed forces on both sides which undermined its implementation. Third World leaders should draw two major lessons from this. First, they should be careful not to have exaggerated perceptions of their power since this may be counterproductive in the future if they cannot deliver what they have promised. Second, these leaders should attempt to consult all interests with a stake in the bargained settlement as a way to prevent opposition to it.
Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate

Este trabalho analisa o movimento social do idoso no Brasil e as recentes políticas públicas e leis dele resultantes (a Política Nacional do Idoso e o Estatuto do Idoso), sob uma perspectiva crítica, considerando a ausência dos idosos nessas reivindicações e o papel das organizações representativas da velhice enquanto as principais protagonistas. Assim, essas ações podem ser compreendidas como estratégias para controlar um grupo social que cresce rapidamente por causa do envelhecimento populacional e que, por isso mesmo, passa a ser interessante do ponto de vista político-eleitoral e mercadológico. Problematiza-se então a idéia de representatividade institucional, na medida em que não são contempladas, nestas políticas e ações, demandas primordiais dos idosos, como o aumento no valor da aposentadoria, por exemplo. E isso obriga muitos aposentados a continuarem trabalhando para suprir suas necessidades, situação que compromete ainda mais sua autonomia.
This these analyzes the social movement of the elder in Brazil and the recent public politics and the resultant laws (the National Political of the Elder and the Statute of the Elder), under a critical perspective, considering the absence of the elders in those claims and the paper of the representative organizationals of the oldness while the main protagonists. This way, those actions can be understood like strategies for control a social group that grows quickly because of the populational ageing and by that even, it passes tot be interesting of the marketing and political-electoral viewpoint. Complicates-itself then the idea of institutional, representativity, as those are not contemplated, in these political and actions, fundamental demands of the elders, as the increase in the value of the retirement, for example. And that obliges many pensioners to keep working in order to supply their needs, situation that compromises still their autonomy.

Os movimentos sociais, possuidores de identidade coletiva, podem, a partir da apropriação de espaços representativos do status quo, ou seja, com estruturas pertencentes ao poder instituído, formar territórios dissidentes. Dessa forma, os movimentos sociais, enquanto prática sócio-espacial, tornam-se agentes modeladores do espaço, uma vez que as práticas insurgentes possuem força e pressão para reorganizá-lo. O protagonismo cidadão pode constituir territórios dissidentes, ou seja, espaços apropriados pela autogestão e pela autonomia individual e coletiva, críticos do status quo, da verticalização, da hetoronomia e do poder instituído; percursor de uma sociedade pautada pela horizontalidade com a implantação do poder instituinte. Como metodologia, utilizou-se a pesquisa qualitativa, com a aplicação de questionários, pesquisa bibliográfica e em campo, interpretados à luz da dialética e valendo-se da análise de discurso. Considerando os espaços simbólicos, representativos de um poder verticalizado, da Praça da Matriz, do Largo da Prefeitura Municipal de Porto Alegre (Praça Montevidéu) e a região onde está localizada a sede do Jornal Zero Hora, ou seja, a Avenida Ipiranga, as ações promovidas durante a primeira fase das Jornadas de Junho de 2013 e, ainda, o discurso dos entrevistados, entende-se que os movimentos sociais, ao criticarem o sistema vigente e ao defenderem uma nova organização social, podem, a partir da apropriação do espaço e durante sua ação, formar territórios dissidentes.
Social movements - holders of collective identity - can form dissident territories from the appropriation of spaces representing the status quo, that is, structures belonging to the established power. In this way, social movements, as a socio-spatial practice, become molders of space, since insurgent practices have the force and pressure to reorganize it. Citizen protagonism can constitute dissident territories, that is, appropriate spaces for self-management and individual and collective autonomy, critics of the status quo, verticalization, hetoronomy and instituted power; the precursor of a society based on horizontality with the implantation of the instituting power. As a methodology, we used qualitative research, with the application of questionnaires, bibliographical and field research, interpreted in the light of dialectics and using discourse analysis. Considering the symbolic spaces Praça da Matriz, Largo da Prefeitura Municipal de Porto Alegre (Praça Montevidéu) and the region in Ipiranga Avenue where the Zero Hora Newspaper headquarters is located, all of these places representative of a vertical power, the actions promoted during the first phase of the Jornadas de Junho de 2013, and also the discourse of the interviewees, it is understood that social movements, by criticizing the current system and by defending a new social organization, can form dissident territories from the appropriation of space and during their action.

The thesis explores how European social movements have actively contested that there is no alternative to capitalism by constructing alternative trading practices in solidarity with marginalized peoples in the global South. The study adopts the example of the European Zapatista solidarity network (Redprozapa) to examine the nature of organizations involved in radical political practices. One organization Ya Basta-Milano is focused on to examine in detail the operation of, and challenges faced by, an autonomous political group that engages in solidarity trade. Solidarity and autonomy are the key conceptual themes, which the investigation revolves around. The research dwells upon the potential importance as well as the limitations of solidarity trade as an emerging form of constructive resistance. It concentrates upon the subject of autonomous spaces that embodies the physical and political context in which autonomous social movements promote their practices. It questions the contradictions met in this environment despite the romanticized idea promoted by some academic literature. Finally, it provides methodological insights about solidarity action research and personal implications of working with radical groups as an activist academic.

The "end of the century" nourishes a questioning movement on national identity and on the concept of modernity that is encouraged by the Quebec essayists. We propose an organization of the elements of the sovereign narrative which would be able to conduct and constitute a generative grammar of its argumentation. Our project consists in creating a matrix of the nationalistic discourse during the 1995 Quebec referendum period on sovereignty. This schematic figure will bring to its most simple expression the narrative of the Quebec nationalistic discourse selecting examples from ten texts of our primary bibliography. Our matrix will incorporate ideas, dogmas, theories, facts and myths stemming from the ideological discourses. We will see how these elements do interact, to be able afterwards to gather them in a framework on which national identity and legitimity of the national accession to sovereignty should be based. The study of this narrative of the past, as well as the analysis of the public characters will be leaded by the sociocritical approach of discourse analysis.
The francophone cultural nation living on the territory of the Province of Quebec demonstrates itself through the values of tenacity, solidarity, labour and openness of mind towards "Others". The nation increases the standing of a society project based on a democratic basis, condemning the traitors of the Quebec nation. This history concerns the francophone majority even though it is linked to the other "oppressed peoples" of the World History. This "french-quebecer" history is enhanced with a collective memory, projected towards the future in making the project of sovereignty the purpose of its teleological progression.

The official language policies and their basic concepts, the principle of personality in Canada and the principle of territoriality in Switzerland, are critically analyzed. The two democratic federations are compared as two multination states since 'nation' is defined in cultural terms. Language survival is justified in liberal theory through minority rights. The principle of territoriality that assures the dominance of the linguistic majority over a territory within the federation is in accordance with liberal democracy if fundamental rights are protected. The principle of territoriality contributes thus to political stability within a multination federation. There is no movement in Switzerland that is fed by a language-based grievance despite the existence of three linguistic minorities: Switzerland accommodates successfully linguistic diversity. In Canada, the perception that the survival of the French language might not be sustained fuels a secessionist movement threatening the unity of the federation.

This thesis examines the reaction of organized labour to Quebec separatist nationalism for the period between 1960, the year of the creation of the Rassemblement pour l'independance nationale and the beginning of the Quiet Revolution in Quebec, and 1980, the year of the first referendum on Quebec's constitutional status. The thesis investigates four labour organizations: the Canadian Labour Congress (CLC), the Federation des travailleurs et travailleuses du Quebec (FTQ), the Confederation des syndicats nationaux (CSN), and the Centrale de l'enseignement du Quebec (CEQ). It shows in which ways the positions of the four centrals have been informed by their members' national identifications and the emotional and cognitive mechanisms that resulted from these identifications.

Observa-se nas últimas três décadas a emergência política de diversas organizações indígenas nos países latino-americanos. Um divisor de águas desse fenômeno foi o levante armado do Exército Zapatista de Libertação Nacional (EZLN), em 1994, no estado de Chiapas (México). Entre as demandas já tradicionais dos povos indígenas, como a questão da permanência à terra, o movimento zapatista incluiu em sua pauta política a reivindicação por autonomia, entendida, nesse contexto, como um distinto regime jurídico-territorial que permita aos povos indígenas mexicanos o exercício concreto da autodeterminação. Após o fracasso na aprovação de uma lei que definisse os marcos legais desse regime, os zapatistas decidem consolidar unilateralmente a autonomia que já vinham desenvolvendo em suas comunidades, desde o final de 1994. A partir dessa autonomia em resistência suprimiram qualquer tipo de relação com o Estado. As mudanças dessas relações de poder se projetaram no espaço, onde, a partir da conformação de comunidades, municípios e zonas autônomas, criaram-se governos paralelos zapatistas, operantes até a presente data. O objetivo da pesquisa foi o de analisar a organização espacial destes territórios autônomos e as relações sócio-espaciais ali travadas, especialmente no que se refere à posse da terra e a divisão social do trabalho e da produção, tentando esquadrinhar, na medida do possível, os limites e potencialidades que o modelo autonômico oferece a outros grupos indígenas. Nosso embasamento teórico e histórico partiu da revisão bibliográfica já produzida a respeito predominantemente mexicana- além de um trabalho de campo nos territórios zapatistas. Metodologicamente buscamos compreender a gênese dos processos e das contradições sociais que fomentaram o surgimento do EZLN com base na ideia de formação territorial e a partir dos pressupostos da Geografia Histórica, ainda que nossa argumentação também tenha dialogado fortemente com a Geografia Agrária e Política. Soma-se a este esforço a tentativa de compreensão dos recursos ideológicos utilizados para o submetimento destas populações ao longo do processo de formação do Estado. A pesquisa apontou aspectos inovadores na estratégia política zapatista, entre elas a própria ideia de autonomia, que há possibilitado o empoderamento das comunidades indígenas frente aos modernos processos de despossessão territorial, entre outros fatores. Em contrapartida, na atual conjuntura política de Chiapas, os territórios autônomos demonstramse com limitações estruturais de ordem econômica, o que, somado a uma nova ofensiva de forças chiapanecas refratárias ao projeto zapatista, vem dificultando, a nosso ver, o desenvolvimento das instituições autônomas e de novos projetos produtivos.
In the last three decades, there was a political emergence of many indigenous organizations around Latin-American countries. This phenomenons watershed moment was the armed uprising of the Zapatista National Liberation Army (EZLN), in Chiapas (Mexico), 1994. Between the already traditional demands posed by indigenous people, as a separate legalterritorial arrangement that would allow Mexican indigenous people the concrete exercise of self-determination. After fail to approve a law that could define this regimes legal frameworks, the Zapatistas decided to consolidate unilaterally the autonomy that has been developed in their communities, since the end of 1994. From the so-called autonomy of resistance, they broke any sort of relation with the State. The changes of this power relationship are projected on a territory where, from the formation of communities, municipalities and autonomous regions, parallel governments had been set and still operating to that date. The objective of this research was to analyze the spatial organization of these autonomous territories and the socio-spatial relations there developed, especially with regard to land tenure and the division of labor and production, trying to scrutinize, to the possible extent, the limits and potentials that the autonomic model offers other indigenous groups. Our theoretical and historical knowledge was based upon a review of already established literature - predominantly Mexican authors - associated to fieldwork in Zapatista territories. Methodologically, we seek to understand the genesis of the processes and social contradictions that fostered the emergence of the EZLN by relying upon the idea of territorial formation and the assumptions of historical geography, although our argument also strongly dialogs with those of agrarian and political geography. In addition to that lies the effort to understand the ideological resources used for the subjugation of these peoples in the process of state formation. The research pointed to innovative aspects in Zapatista political strategy, including the very idea of autonomy, which enabled the empowerment of indigenous communities facing modern processes of territorial dispossession, among other factors. Simultaneously, there have been observed economic structural limitations in the current political situation in Chiapas, which associated to a new offensive of \"chiapaneca paramilitary forces to the Zapatista project is a hurdle to the development of autonomous institutions and new production projects according to my point of view.

For much of the last twenty years, political leaders and academics have assumed that the survival of Canada depends on constitutional reform, and never more so than in the wake of the 1995 Quebec referendum. This thesis updates the literature by explaining the remarkable story of the last several years: the achievement of a national unity peace in the absence of constitutional reform. The explanation centres on the post-referendum shift in federal strategy from constitutional reform to Plan B, a strategy based on the rules of secession that has its origins, it is argued, in the Reform Party's response to Mulroneyera constitutional reform. The thesis concludes that Plan B was a successful national unity strategy because it made secession seem risky and undesirable, but also because the strategy - unlike constitutional reform - was based on widespread national support and on the viability of the constitutional status quo.

Orientador: Andréia Galvão
Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
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Resumo: Esse estudo pretende abordar o surgimento da autonomia como eixo do discurso e da prática zapatista. Desde o levante armado de 1º de janeiro de 1994, em que tomou sete prefeituras do estado de Chiapas, sul do México, o Exército Zapatista de Libertação Nacional passou por constantes reformulações de sua estratégia, de forma a possibilitar a sua sobrevivência e a autonomia do movimento diante do Estado. Considerado um exército popular e apoiado por uma ampla base social não-militarizada, o EZLN sustenta até os dias de hoje um discurso de autonomia total contra todas as formas de exercício do poder e regulação social advindas do Estado. Nessa perspectiva buscamos analizar as origens dessa autonomia radical, que não apenas busca criar dentro das comunidades zapatistas e no EZLN, instâncias políticas de decisão independentes do Estado, mas que, vinculadas à tomada dos meios de produção e à reapropriação do trabalho produtivo em nível local e regional, adquirem o aspecto da auto-gestão produtiva, necessária à liberação material de militantes nos rumos de uma estratégia política que visa recriar relações sociais
Abstract: This work tries to make an aproach on the zapatistas's practical and discursive axis of autonomy. Since the armed uprising on the first january of 1994, when the it has assaulted into seven municipal townhouses of Chiapas, south Mexico, the Zapatista National Liberation Army has undergone constant reformulation of its strategy, to enable its survival and the autonomy of movement before the State. Considered a popular army and backed by a broad base of social non-militarized, the EZLN maintains to this day a speech of total autonomy against all forms of exercise of power and social regulation stemming from the State. From this perspective we analyse the origins of this radical autonomy, which not only create search within Zapatista communities and the EZLN, political bodies, independent decision of the State, but which, linked to the means of production and the reowning of productive work in local and regional level, acquire the appearance of auto-productive management needed to release material from militants in the direction of a political strategy that aims to rebuild social relationships
Mestrado
Trabalho, Movimentos Sociais, Cultura e Politica
Mestre em Ciência Política

This dissertation explores the factors shaping American foreign policy toward secessionist crises since the end of the Cold War. The main research puzzle is the following: Why is it that, facing the resurgence of secessionist movements in the last 15 years, the United States reacted to it by supporting the territorial integrity of central states in some cases (Serbia, Somalia, Moldova), while recognizing the independence of secessionist states in other cases (Croatia, Eritrea, East Timor)? How can this apparent inconsistency be explained? This dissertation argues that regional stability is the main U.S. interest when responding to secessionism. It asserts that, when facing a secessionist crisis, the American government will choose the option (i.e. supporting state integrity or secessionism) that provides the greatest expected gain of regional stability depending on the evolution of the crisis. This explains why the American government's response to secessionism fluctuates from one case to another.
The performed qualitative analysis, which includes cases taken from two regional settings, the Balkans and the Horn of Africa, confirms the effect of the regional stability factor on the formulation of U.S. foreign policy. It shows that the fluctuation of the U.S. response is not caused by political inconsistency but by a coherent set of regional stability interests. The research also proceeds to the measurement of two competing arguments---namely ethnic politics and business interests. Case studies show that these domestic arguments fail to account for the research puzzle under investigation and that the regional stability argument consistently offers better explanations and predictions. Thus, this dissertation challenges liberal claims that domestic politics define foreign policy.

During most of the 1960s, the CSN was both an advocate of provincial autonomy and a defender of federalism. In the late 1960s and early 1970s, however, a majority of its leaders and militants came to favour separatism. Many of them saw independence as a precondition for the creation of a socialist Quebec. In 1972, the CSN rejected capitalism, endorsed socialism, and envisaged an internal referendum on the independence issue. The internal debate, however, took place only after the Parti quebecois was elected to power in 1976. Fearing internal divisions and disaffiliations, the CSN did not endorse separatism. Being disappointed with the Parti quebecois' governmental record, the CSN was content to give a critical support to a yes vote in the referendum in 1980.

This thesis is a critique on contemporary counterterrorism and peacebuilding. It uses a single case study approach to answer the question: How can we, by studying the Mindanao conflict - which has characteristics of both ‘new wars' and ‘new terrorism' - find a juncture between peace and conflict studies and terrorism studies that could help us to better understand terrorism and thereby create more efficient frameworks and tools for countering terrorism, and addressing the root causes of intrastate conflict in order to build a lasting peace? In addressing this question the thesis aims to contribute to International Relations and more specifically the emerging literatures of ‘critical terrorism studies' and ‘critical peace and conflict studies'. Ontologically, the thesis is positioned in between the two subfields, peace and conflict studies and terrorism studies, of International Relations and draws on theories from both literatures and the more recent ‘critical' turns of each sub-discipline; critical terrorism studies and critical peace studies. The case study of the Philippines and in particular the Mindanao conflict is relatively under-researched and functions as a comparative element as it, arguably, represents a microcosm of almost every type of conflict. It is the understanding of the thesis that there is a need to understand local realities and grievances in order to build a lasting peace in Mindanao where the root causes of the conflict is being addressed. Hence, the thesis seeks to understand the root causes of the conflict by focusing on Filipino history of governance and conflict. The roots of conflict is found to be the grievances of being deprived of self-rule, autonomy, and independence and of the right to its ancestral domain after centuries of various levels of oppression as well as corruption within the embedded, archaic power structures of Filipino political dynasties. Furthermore, the thesis tests the theoretical frameworks on the on-going peace process suggesting that the institutions and ‘one size fits all approaches' in liberal peacebuilding can be found in the embedded power structures in the social, political and economic levels of the Philippines. The main contribution the thesis aims to achieve is to apply post-liberal peacebuilding theories to the Mindanao conflict by identifying and assigning the role of the liberal institutions to local elites. Therefore, the main argument of the thesis is that the peace agreement between the Philippine government and the MILF is merely reshuffling the power within the archaic power structures of governance and political, economic and social life within the Philippines, without addressing the root causes of the conflict. Consequently, this will not lead to a long-term lasting peace in the Philippines.

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Este trabalho analisa a participação dos movimentos sociais no telejornalismo da televisão pública brasileira, a TV Brasil, a fim de pensar a autonomia relativa dessa emissora e as possibilidades de disputa por hegemonia por meio dela e em seu interior. Para tanto, parte-se de um arcabouço teórico de base marxista sobre as determinações e reproduções da Indústria Cultural no contexto capitalista democrático bem como sobre as possibilidades de resistência e contestação nessa esfera. A fim de compreender as particularidades dos processos de dominação e disputa no Brasil, empreende-se também uma breve reconstituição histórica sobre o desenvolvimento do sistema de comunicação no país, apontando as influências mercadológicas e políticas assim como situando o modelo público nesse contexto. A partir das reflexões teóricas e da contextualização histórica, busca-se entender a configuração da TV Brasil e sua empresa gestora, a Empresa Brasil de Comunicação (EBC). Nesse sentido, aborda-se o desenho institucional da empresa e as forças que conformam e transformam o campo interno da TV Brasil, especialmente no que se refere à produção telejornalística, a fim de analisar empiricamente a forma como se estabelece a autonomia relativa e como se exercem as disputas por hegemonia. Parte-se, portanto, de uma perspectiva macro até uma observação micro, ao incluir a análise da principal instância de participação da sociedade civil na EBC – o Conselho Curador – e do campo, a priori, menos autônomo – o jornalístico –, tensionando assim, as determinações e as resistências. Desse modo, apresenta-se os resultados de pesquisas documentais, entrevistas e análises de conteúdo das reuniões do Conselho Curador, com o objetivo de explicitar sua configuração, suas dinâmicas e suas influências sobre o jornalismo. Já no campo jornalístico, adota-se a pesquisa de campo – com entrevistas, aplicação de questionários e observações – associada às teorias clássicas do jornalismo e à análise do material audiovisual das matérias sobre movimentos sociais do Repórter Brasil – principal telejornal da TV Brasil. Com o intuito de enriquecer a observação e acrescentar uma perspectiva relacional à análise de conteúdo, assim como considerando as influências do modelo comercial na concepção do jornalismo brasileiro, optou-se por comparar os resultados sobre o Repórter Brasil com a cobertura feita pelo Jornal Nacional, no mesmo período. Foi possível, diante dessas reflexões teóricas e observações empíricas, perceber uma correlação entre participação da sociedade civil organizada, autonomia relativa da emissora e possibilidades de disputa por hegemonia. Da mesma maneira, notou-se uma correspondência entre a configuração institucional, os conflitos na produção jornalística e o conteúdo exibido.
This dissertation analyses the participation of social movements in the television news programme of the Brazilian public television, TV Brasil, in order to think about the relative autonomy of this broadcasting station and the possibilities of dispute for hegemony through and inside it. It starts based on Marxist authors regarding the determinations and reproductions of the Cultural Industry in the democratic capitalist context as well as regarding the possibilities for resistance and contestation in this sphere. With the purpose of comprehending the particularities of the domination and dispute processes in Brazil, a brief historical reconstitution of the development of the communication system in the country is also presented, pointing the marketing and political influences as well as situating the public model in this context. From the theoretical reflections and the historical contextualization, there is an attempt to understand the configuration of TV Brasil and its managing company, Empresa Brasil de Comunicação (EBC). In this sense, the institutional design of the company and the forces that conform and transform the inside of TV Brasil are addressed, especially regarding the telejournalism production, in order to empirically analyze the way in which the relative autonomy is established and how the disputes for hegemony are exercised. Thus, the study moves from a macro perspective to a micro observation, by including the analysis of the main instance of participation from the civil society in the EBC – the Board of Trustees – and the, a priori, less autonomous field – the journalistic one –, causing tension, thereby, between the determinations and the resistances. In this way, the results of the documentary research, interviews, content analysis of the Board of Trustees meetings are presented, with the objective of explaining its configuration, its dynamics and its influences on journalism. While in the journalistic field, field research is adopted – with interviews, the application of questionnaires, and observations – associated with the classic theories about journalism and the audiovisual material analysis of the reports about social movements in Repórter Brasil – the main news programme from TV Brasil. With the aim of enriching the observation and adding a relational perspective to the content analysis, as well as considering the influences of the commercial model in the conception of the Brazilian journalism, the results of Repórter Brasil was compared with the coverage done by Jornal Nacional, in the same period. It was possible, with theses theoretical reflections and empirical observations, to notice a correlation between organized civil society participation, relative autonomy of the channel and possibilities of dispute for hegemony. In the same way, a correlation between institutional configuration and conflicts in the journalistic production and displayed content were noticed.

This thesis contributes to a broader scholarly understanding of how indigenous movements in Latin America articulate autonomy. One of the central objectives of this research is to address a simple, yet often either assumed or unheeded, question: what does the indigenous subject want? What are the distinct meanings behind the political projects put forward by indigenous movements in the region? How do they envision their liberation from the current systems of oppression? And, most importantly, how do they define concepts such as “self-determination” and “autonomy”? These questions are central to understanding the nuanced transformative processes that indigenous peoples in Latin America have set into motion. In this sense, this thesis will demonstrate that far from homogenous, each movement, according to its own lived experiences of colonization and settlement, national building processes, local history, as well as cultural and political imaginaries and collective memories, conceives autonomy in a different way. Out of these distinct articulations of autonomy, this thesis argues there are two movements at the forefront of an unheeded and overlooked autonomist project: the Council of Miskitu Elders in Mosquitia (Nicaragua) and the Arauco-Malleco Coordinating Committee in Wallmapu (Chile).
Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
Griffith Business School
Griffith Business School
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The thesis explores the white Rhodesian nationalist project led by the Rhodesian Front (RF) government in the UDI-period of 1965 to 1979. It seeks to examine the character and content of RF nation-building, arguing that it is important to consider the context of wider global and regional trends of nationalism at the time. Thus, it places the white Rhodesia within wider 'British World' studies of settler societies within the British Empire, but also compares it to other African nationalist movements in the 1960s and 1970s. It studies white Rhodesian nationalism on its own terms as a sincere, albeit unrealistic, alternative to majority-rule independence, and considers how the RF adapted over the period in its continuing attempts to justify minority-rule in an era of global decolonisation. Two thematic sections examine the RF's nation-building project in systematic detail. The first section, on symbolism, considers Rhodesia's processes of 'symbolic decolonisation'. This involved white Rhodesians creating new national symbols not associated with Britain or the British Empire. Processes by which new national symbols were chosen are used as a lens to explore white Rhodesian debates about their 'new' nation after the Unilateral Declaration of Independence (UDI) was taken in 1965. They reveal the ambiguities and complexities at the heart of the RF's nation-building project; a project that was frequently exclusionary and hotly contested at every opportunity. The second section explores how history was used to help create and defend the nation, adding to studies of the use of history in nationalist projects. It considers a range of non-professional sites of history-making, demonstrating the complicated relationships between these different sites and the state's wider nationalist agenda. It also explores how history was invoked to justify and defend minority-rule independence both before and after UDI.

Un autre essai sur la sempiternelle question de l'unite canadienne, deplorez-vous presentement. Pis encore, ajoutez-vous, on y aborde une fois de plus l'ennuyeuse et l'ennuyante problematique constitutionnelle. Et pourquoi l'auteur a-t-il choisi un tel sujet? Parce qu'il fait partie de la race des fatigants mais infatigables maniaques de cet incessant debat qu'est celui des Deux Solitudes? Possible. Surement meme. Mais il y a plus: le Renvoi relatif a la secession du Quebec ne represente pas qu'un simple episode de la saga constitutionnelle canadienne. Vraisemblablement, ces implications pratiques pourraient un jour sceller l'issue du debat. Certes, le mouvement separatiste quebecois, loin d'etre moribond, ne s'eteindra pas sur la seule base d'une decision de la Cour supreme du Canada. Pretendre le contraire releve de la fantaisie, de l'outrecuidance ou encore, d'un manque tangible de pragmatisme politique. Toutefois, un fait persiste: applique in extenso, l'Avis s'avere une serieuse embuche sur le chemin menant a l'independance. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)

In this thesis I ask whether food can be used to express Catalan national identity, and if so, in what ways this occurs. In doing so, I consider the lived realities of nationalist movements, rather than simply the ideas and political claims that inform such movements. The Catalan Autonomous Community in northeast Spain is an ideal place to research this issue, due to the strengthening of nationalist sentiments there in light of the rise in support for independence from Spain. I wished to see whether this had any effect on the connections between food and national identity (or gastronationalism). National identity and food are connected in many diverse and varied ways. Food culture allows us to reflect on national identity as a whole. Themes which commonly appear in nationalist discourse, such as cultural specificity, historicism, or landscape (to name but a few), also inform discussions of national food identity. In the present case, while other markers of identity (e.g. language) are also important, ideals of Catalan nationalism may take the guise of Catalan gastronationalism as well. The current pro-independence movement has had the effect of making Catalans more aware of their cultural symbols, including cuisine, which is now one of many such symbols that can be mobilized for the expression of national identity.

This research is premised on the understanding that alternative forms of media emerge to deal with specific ideological projects and, as such, must be seen as satisfying a specific need at a specific point in time. Using the case of a weekly newspaper, The Southern Star which was in circulation from January 2012 to June 2012, this study sought to understand the factors that led to the establishment of the newspaper, what it sought to achieve, how it went about putting that into practice, its message in relation to debates emanating from the ‘Matabeleland Question’ and also the factors that led to the its collapse. In order to address my research questions, I adopted a two stage research design qualitative content analysis and semi structured in depth interviews. In locating the study within the qualitative epistemic understanding of research, it was clear from the qualitative content analysis of 13 editions of the publication and in depth interviews held with 15 respondents that the newspaper was set up with the aim of serving a marginalised section of the population (in this instance the Ndebele) by providing them with a platform to articulate issues affecting them. It also sought to ‘speak’ the ‘unspoken’ within the mainstream media by focusing on Matabeleland identity politics. It achieved this by creating content around the Gukurahundi genocide, Matabeleland development, Matabeleland history and Matabeleland heroes. The newspaper also sought to emancipate the people from the South by advocated for social, cultural, economic and political justice as a resolution to the ‘Matabeleland Question’. However, the newspaper failed to sustain operations due to lack of advertising revenue. As a result of the constraining political environment in which the newspaper operated, potential advertisers were afraid of placing advertisements in the newspaper because of the nature of the content produced, which in view of Zimbabwe’s rival ethnic history, could easily be labelled ethnically divisive. Also, being a new player in the market worked to their disadvantage as prospective advertisers opted to place their adverts in “tried and tested” publications (Zimpapers and Alpha Media Holdings). Additionally, because of poor management, roles were not clearly defined and hence the newspaper failed to operate as a business enterprise. As noted during interviews with junior reporters, there was little or no experience at management level. The paper lacked a coordinated circulation strategy and from inception, was never officially launched, which resulted in the failure to reach significant audiences.

La « Transition vers la démocratie » est une période-clé dans l’Histoire récente de l’Espagne. Cette thèse s’attache à l’aborder à travers l’étude de six romans contemporains [publiés soit pendant la Transition soit après elle], dus à des écrivains aussi différents que Josefina R. Aldecoa, Juan Luis Cebrián, Miguel Delibes, Eduardo Mendoza et Antonio Muñoz Molina. Ces romans se penchent sur une période allant des années 60, époque dite du "Tardo-franquisme", à 1986, année de l’intégration de l’Espagne dans la CEE. Le choix de cette périodisation fait d’ailleurs l’objet d’une réflexion liminaire. Ces auteurs offrent des visions contrastées de ces bouleversements politiques, économiques et sociaux du pays d'une manière globale, mais aussi dans les deux Autonomies les plus « sensibles » en termes socio-politiques et culturels : Pays basque et Catalogne. Par-delà leur perception du contexte historique proprement dit, ils s’interrogent sur la transmission du passé et de la mémoire ainsi que sur le concept de culture et la notion d’identité individuelle et collective.L’ultime réflexion porte sur la combinaison Histoire-Littérature. Ces deux domaines sont-ils antinomiques ou complémentaires ? Enfin, ces romans de la mémoire ne rendent-ils pas compte également d’une sensibilité individuelle et intime ?
"Transition to democracy" is a key period in the recent history of Spain. This thesis endeavours to treat this period through the study of six contemporary novels (either published during or after the transition), by authors who are very different: Josefina R. Aldecoa, Juan Luis Cebrián, Miguel Delibes, Eduardo Mendoza and Antonio Muñoz Molina.These novels look into a period that goes from the 1960s, an era called "Late Francoism", to 1986, the year Spain joined the EEC. Moreover, the choice of this periodisation is the subject of an introductory reflection. These authors offer contrasted visions of these political, economic and social upheavals in a comprehensive manner as well as a look at the two most sensitive autonomy movements in cultural and socio-political terms: the Basque Provinces and Catalonia.Beyond their perception of the historical context itself, they ponder the transmission from the past and memory as well as the concept of culture and the notion of individual and collective identity.The final reflection deals with the History-Literature mix. Are these two domains paradoxical or complementary? Finally, do these memory novels also not give an account of an individual and intimate sensitivity?

Le mouvement d’occupation de la ZAD de Notre-Dame-des-Landes milite depuis 2009 aux côtés des associations citoyennes et des paysan-ne-s en lutte pour la préservation du bocage menacé par la construction d’un aéroport international. L’organisation sociale de la « Zone d’Autonomie Définitive » repose sur le refus de la séparation du domaine légitime de la délibération, une critique radicale de la représentation qui se prolonge dans une perspective d’émancipation. Cette thèse de sociologie politique explore les effets de la perspective de l’autonomie sur la formation de l’« être-en-commun » des occupant-e-s qui se manifeste dans les formes qu’ils.elles donnent à leurs processus de socialisation, à leurs échanges économiques et cognitifs, à leurs procédures de décision, aux rapports de pouvoir qui les distinguent et à leurs pratiques de justice. Elle s’appuie sur une enquête ethnographique d’un an (2013-2014) qui m’a permis de confronter les représentations et les pratiques des occupant-e-s à une analyse théorique des modalités de matérialisation d’autres possibles. En réintroduisant une activité de sens dans la théorie des formes sociales que la sociologie des réseaux sociaux emprunte à Georg Simmel, cette thèse souhaite contribuer aux efforts opérés par la science sociale anarchiste pour déconstruire le « préjugé gouvernemental », la croyance en la nécessité d’un ordre et d’une direction. A travers l’étude des controverses qui animent la vie quotidienne des occupant-e-s, j’insiste ainsi sur l’irréductibilité d’un ensemble de tensions qui façonnent une vie sociale fondée non pas contre la différenciation individuelle, mais contre la logique d’intégration qui l’empêche
The “occupation movement” of the ZAD of Notre-Dame-des-Landes fights since 2009 with the “citizen associations” and the “peasants in struggle” to preserve a humid hedgerow situated in the region of Britanny (France) against the building of an international airport. The social organization of the “Zone of Definitive Autonomy” is based on a radical critic of political representation which fosters a perspective of emancipation, a perspective of autonomy. This thesis in political sociology explores its effects on the formation of an alternative “être-en-commun” (“being-in-common”) through practices of socialization and justice, economical and cognitive exchanges, decision making processes and power relationships. This theoretical analysis of the materialization of “another possible” is based on an ethnographic fieldwork conducted between 2013 and 2014. Combining a pragmatic approach to the theory of forms mobilized by social network theories, this thesis adds a fragment to the deconstruction of the “governmental prejudice” the anarchist social science researches have undertaken. Through the study of a series of controversies which have been raised by the occupants during my fieldwork, I insist on the irreducibility of a set of tensions which shape a social life based on an important process of individual differentiation

This analysis addresses the relationship between pre-political cultural identity and political outcomes. It posits that the political mobilization of sub-national groups cannot be understood without an examination of the cultural processes of identity formation. The analysis engages cultural discourse and its organization as an explanatory factor in the examination of the variation in ethnic political outcomes. Hence, important questions about ethnonational conflict can be answered by engaging the levels at which identity is constructed and reshaped through cultural discourse. It shifts the arena of analysis from the state to the ethnic groups themselves. The two empirical cases analyzed are that of Sikh nationalism in Punjab and 'ethnic' Assamese nationalism in Assam.

This study investigates the constructions of nationhood in two Bulawayo newspapers, the Chronicle and Newsday. Against the backdrop of the emergence of a secessionist movement, Mthwakazi Liberation Front (MLF), this research examines the discourses of nationhood in the secessionist debates raging in these two newspapers. This study is premised on a view that nationhood constructions cannot be understood outside the broader context in which these newspapers are embedded. Accordingly, it traces the roots and resurgence of Matabeleland separatist politics, exploring the political-historical forces that have shaped a distinctive Ndebele identity that poses a threat to the one, indivisible Zimbabwean national identity. Further, the study situates Matabeleland separatist politics within the broader African secessionist discourse challenging the post-colonial nation-building project on the continent. Informed by Hall’s (1992, 1996) constructivist approach to identity, it considers national identities as fragmented, multiple and constantly evolving. Thus, this study is framed within Hall’s (1997) constructivist approach to representation, as it examines the constructions of nationhood in and through language. The study uses qualitative research methods, as it examines the meanings of nationhood in key media texts. Informed by Foucault’s discourse theory, this research employs critical discourse analysis (CDA) to analyse 12 articles from the two newspapers. The findings confirm that the representations of nationhood in the two newspapers are influenced by their position within the socio-political context. The state-owned Chronicle legitimates the unitary state discourse advocated by ZANU PF. On the other hand, Newsday’s representations are informed by the discourses of the opposition political parties and civil society that challenge the dominant nation-building project. Thus, within this paper, secession and devolution emerge as alternative imaginaries that contest the authoritarian discourse of nationhood

La thèse porte sur le mouvement de Résistance Civile "Luz y Fuerza del Pueblo", actif dans l'état du Chiapas, au Mexique. Surgi dans la première moitié des années 2000, le mouvement est notamment composé par des paysans d'origine indigène. Cependant, il ne peut pas être défini en tant que "mouvement paysan" ni en tant que "mouvement indigène" non plus. L'électricité étant au cœur de son existence, il considère celle-ci comme un droit fondamental, pour laquelle revendique un accès universel et non-discriminatoire. Ses activistes se branchent de façon directe au réseau électrique et opèrent une gestion autonome de ce dernier, dans les territoires sous leur contrôle. Au même temps, l'électricité n'est qu'un instrument d'une plus ample lutte politique visant l'autonomie gouvernementale et la justice sociale. Pour cette raison, l'hypothèse selon laquelle le cas de Luz y Fuerza del Pueblo puisse représenter une forme de mobilisation sociale émergente typique de l'âge de l'Anthropocène, est posée et discutée. Le travail s'articule autour de trois parties. La première partie offre une introduction au contexte du Mexique contemporain, à travers les éléments les plus récurrentes dans les narrations que les acteurs sur le terrain produisent pour décrire leurs propres conditions de vie: pauvreté, dégâts des politiqués libérales, violence structurelle, exclusion socioéconomique et politique. Dans la deuxième partie, l'état de l'art de l'anthropologie des mouvements sociaux est délinéé, et les principales orientations théoriques sur lesquelles l'étude s'appuie sont explicités. Plus spécifiquement, les processus historiques et épistémologique qui a amené l'autonomie à s'affirmer en tant que paradigme théorique et politique majeur est retracé, avec une attention particulière à comment – à partir dès derniers décennies du XX siècle – elle a progressivement inspirés les luttes paysannes d'Amérique Latine. La troisième partie est entièrement consacrée è l'ethnographie du mouvement Luz y Fuerza del Pueblo. Celle-ci se déroule à travers l'analyse détaillée des motivations des activistes, des leurs objectifs politiques et, finalement, de leurs expériences, formes et imaginaires de résistance. Le travail se conclut avec des considérations critiques sur les politiques concernant les peuples indigènes du Chiapas, annoncées par le président "socialiste" Andrés Manuel López Obrador pendant les cent premiers jours de son mandat
The thesis is about the Civil Resistance Movement "Luz y Fuerza del Pueblo", from Chiapas, Mexico. It was born in the first years of the 2000s and the majority of its activists are peasant and indigenous. Though, it can't be defined as a "peasant movement", nor as an "indigenous movement. At the core of its mission there is electricity, indeed, which the Movement considers as a basic right, whose access – it claims - should be universal and nondiscriminatory. Accordingly, in the territories controlled by its activists, the Movement performs a direct access to the power grid and an autonomous management of it. Yet, at the same time, it makes use of electricity as a means of wider political struggle aimed to autonomy and social justice. In this sense, Luz y Fuerza case may be revealing of a more general trend potentially informing social mobilizations in the Age of Anthropocene. The work is organized in three parts. The first part introduces contemporary Mexico, by means of the main categories local actors mobilized to describe their living conditions: poverty, liberal policies, structural violence, and socioeconomic and political exclusion. The second part defines the state of the art in the anthropology of social movements and the main theoretical references inspiring the study. Specifically, the historical and epistemological process leading to the emergence of autonomy as a theoretical and political paradigm is retraced. And it is shown how this latter has progressively informed Latin-American peasant struggles since the last decades of the 1900s. The third part is completely devoted to the ethnography of Luz y Fuerza del Pueblo. This provides an in-depth representation of the Movement and of its history. Which is followed by an analysis of the motivations for the activists to militate in such a movement. Its political agenda is therefore investigated. The experiences, the forms and the imaginaries of the civil resistance performed by the Movement are eventually observed. In the conclusions, the work proposes some critical insights about the policies on indigenous people and Chiapas, implemented by the "socialist" president Andrés Manuel López Obrador during the first hundred days of his term
La tesi verte sul Movimento di Resistenza Civile "Luz y Fuerza del Pueblo" attivo nello stato del Chiapas, Messico. Sorto nella prima metà degli anni 2000, esso ha una composizione maggioritariamente contadina ed indigena. Ma non può essere definito né come "movimento contadino", né come "movimento indigeno". Esso pone infatti al centro della propria agenda l'elettricità, che considera come diritto fondamentale e per la quale rivendica un accesso pieno ed universale. Il Movimento opera pertanto un accesso diretto alla rete elettrica e una gestione autonoma della stessa, nei territori controllati dai suoi attivisti. Al contempo, però, esso fa dell'energia elettrica uno strumento di lotta per un più ampio programma politico che ha come fino l'autogoverno e una maggiore giustizia sociale. In questo senso, si ipotizza che il caso specifico di Luz y Fuerza del Pueblo possa essere rivelatore di una più ampia tendenza che potrebbe informare le mobilitazioni sociali all'epoca dell'Antropocene. Il lavoro si articola in tre parti. Nella prima parte si procede a un'introduzione al contesto del Messico contemporaneo, con una precipua attenzione agli elementi a cui gli attori sul campo ricorrono per descrivere le proprie condizioni di vita: povertà, politiche liberali, violenza strutturale ed esclusione socioeconomica e politica. Nella seconda parte viene delineato lo stato dell'arte dell'antropologia dei movimenti sociali e i principali orizzonti teorici a cui lo studio fa riferimento. In particolare, si ripercorre il processo storico ed epistemologico che ha portato l'autonomia ad emergere come paradigma teorico e politico, e come a partire dagli ultimi decenni del XX secolo, questa abbia progressivamente informato le lotte contadine, in particolare dell'America Latina. La terza parte è interamente dedicata all'etnografia del movimento Luz y Fuerza del Pueblo, con una rappresentazione approfondita dello stesso e della sua storia, da un'analisi delle motivazioni dei suoi attivisti, dall'esame della suo programma politico e, infine, da un approfondimento sulle esperienze, sulle forme e sugli immaginari della resistenza civile di cui è protagonista. Il lavoro si conclude con alcuni spunti critici sulle politiche riguardanti i popoli indigeni e il Chiapas, adottate dal presidente "socialista" Andrés Manuel López Obrador a cento giorni dal suo insediamento

A presente tese de doutorado aborda a formação profissional dos trabalhadores da construção civil com objetivo de contribuir com experiências pedagógicas alternativas à sua atual condição heterônoma e oprimida de trabalho, por meio de ensaios experimentais, no formato de \'canteiro escola autogestionário\'. Essas práticas levantaram questões e revelaram lacunas de conhecimento da história das modalidades alternativas unitárias e integrais de educação. Pesquisamos exemplos de escolas e espaços de ampliação da autonomia dos construtores como contribuição para sua emancipação social e política. Nos perguntamos como chegamos a atual separação das profissões, divididas entre teóricas - arquitetos - e práticas - operários. Em busca de sua genealogia, abordamos as primeiras sociedades de classe, na antiguidade, e os primeiros espaços formativos duais, que separam a formação das elites para direção da sociedade - educação liberal e teórica, das classes subalternas - educação prática para o trabalho. A formação de arquitetos e construtores se deu de modo particular nas sociedades de classe: há momentos de formação dual onde arquitetos apreendem seu ofício distante das práticas construtivas, sem uso de sua força de trabalho, a formar \"arquitetos sem construção\", e os construtores apreendem seu trabalho nas oficinas, sem controlar a produção da arquitetura, numa relação dialética, dominados por arquitetos. Noutras sociedades, a formação de arquitetos se dá pela experiência prática físico-corporal na produção material da arquitetura, quando desenvolvem o ofício do desenho, e da representação. É ali, no canteiro de obras que formam-se \"arquitetos com construção\", de origem popular, compondo coletivos autônomos que idealizam e constroem. Na invasão das Américas os europeus treinaram os povos escravizados a construir com estéticas européias. Ergueram edifícios com trabalho heterônomo, oprimido e explorado - salvo exceções como nas Missões Jesuíticas. Com o avanço das forças produtivas no século XIX, criaram Liceus assistenciais, para \"qualificar\" construtores com apoio de trabalhadores italianos. Nesse período - 1870 a 1914, São Paulo - as elites não perceberam que a qualificação artística ampla e autônoma dos construtores resultaria em mobilizações por direitos trabalhistas. Quando se deram conta, recusaram os italianos anarquistas e os capomastri coletivistas construtores do ecletismo paulistano, e apoiaram tecnologia que exclui o trabalhador da criação: o concreto armado. É período de desqualificação e treinamento do trabalhador. Para formar os nacionais, criam a educação empresarial: \"Sistema S\" e em 1964 dão o golpe civil militar, que perdura até 1988. Com a redemocratização ampliam-se experiências formativas autogestionárias, e políticas publicas socializantes até 2016 - golpe midiático parlamentar. Foram 28 anos que permitiram experiências de \"educação de trabalhadores por trabalhadores\", como ensaiado nos \'canteiro escola\' com movimento popular, o MST, e universidade, a USP. Edificamos a \'casa das artes\', na ENFF - Guararema, com técnicas agroecológicas de construção e uma \'viela publica\' no Parque dos Químicos - São Bernardo do Campo, com técnicas compensatórias de drenagem urbana. Os ensaios praticaram as idiossincrasias da formação libertária dos trabalhadores da construção percebidas no levantamento do processo histórico. Essa vivência nos permitiu identificar que os \'canteiro escola\' contemporâneos se inserem nas tradicionais linhas de ação popular pela emancipação da classe.
The present doctoral thesis deals with the professional education of construction workers with the objective of contributing to pedagogical experiences that are alternative to their current heteronomous and oppressed work conditions, through experimental tests in the form of \'construction site - self - managed school\'. These practices raised questions and revealed gaps in knowledge of the history of alternative and unitary modes of education. We have explored examples of schools and spaces for the expansion of the autonomy of the constructors as a contribution to their social and political emancipation. We wonder how we came to the current separation of professions, divided between theoretical - architects - and practices - workers. In search of their genealogy, we approach the first class based societies in antiquity and the first dual formative spaces, separating education of the elites for the direction of society - liberal and theoretical education, and the subaltern classes - practical education for work. The education of architects and builders takes place particularly in class based societies: there are societies where the formation is dual where architects learn their craft away from constructive practices, without using their work force, to create \"architects without construction\", and The builders apprehend their work in the workshops, without controlling the production of architecture, in a dialectical relationship dominated by architects. In other societies, the formation of architects is due to the physical-corporal practical experience in the material production of architecture, when they develop the office of drawing, and in representation, it is at the construction site that they form \"architects with construction\", of popular origin. They are autonomous professionals who idealize and build. In the invasion of the Americas by Europeans the elites trained enslaved people to build with European aesthetics. They erected buildings with heteronomous work, oppressed and exploited. With the advance of productive forces in the nineteenth century, they created assistencial Liceus, to \"qualify\" builders with the support of Italian workers. In this period - 1870 to 1914, São Paulo - we verified that they did not realize that the broad and autonomous artistic qualification of the builders would result in mobilizations for labor rights. When they realized it, they refused the Italian anarchists and the capomastri collectivists builders of the São Paulo eclecticism, sponsoring technology that excludes the worker from creation: the reinforced concrete. There is a period of disqualification and training of the worker. \"National System\" is created, and in 1964 the civilian military coup has place, and lasts until 1988. With redemocratization, self-managed formative experiences and socializing public policies are extended to 2016 - year of media-partisan coup of the elites. These 28 years have generated experiences of \"education of workers by workers\", as rehearsed in the \"construction site school\" with popular movement, the MST, and university, USP. We built the \'house of arts\' at the ENFF - Guararema, with agro-ecological construction techniques and a \'public gallery\' at the Chemical Park - São Bernardo do Campo, with compensatory urban drainage techniques. The essays practiced the idiosyncrasies of the libertarian education of construction workers perceived in the survey of the historical process. This experience allowed us to identify the contemporaries \'construction site schools\' fall within the traditional lines of people`s action for the emancipation of the class.

This research explains the formation of territorial autonomy regimes, arrangements enabling ethnic groups to express their distinct identity. The origins of territorial autonomy arrangements is an important topic due to the great potential of such institutions to prevent ethnic strife or reduce ongoing conflict. While the literature has explored the consequences of autonomy regimes, its contribution to our understanding of the origins of territorial autonomy is limited. In answering why territorial autonomy regimes are adopted, I develop a theory that focuses on the bargaining strategies of ethnic groups. Specifically, I posit that nonviolent bargaining strategies adopted by ethnic groups influence national leaders’ decision-making processes. In this dissertation, I also address the question of why ethnic groups employ peaceful, as opposed to violent, tactics. Hypotheses derived from this theorization are tested using 197 ethnic groups in 95 states. In the empirical analysis I use data from 1945 to 2000 and employ the duration model and the modified Heckman selection model as my primary statistical methods. To trace the process of territorial autonomy formation I use a case study conducted in the Republic of Tatarstan in the Russian Federation. The results suggest that while groups with access to easily extractable resources choose to employ violent strategies, ethnic collectivities who use peaceful protest tactics are in fact more successful in obtaining territorial autonomy arrangements from central governments.

The Transition movement is a grassroots movement working to build community resilience in response to the challenges of climate change, fossil fuel depletion, and economic insecurity. Rather than focusing on the state as a site for contestation or change, the movement adopts a "do it ourselves" approach, prioritizing autonomy and prefigurative action. It also places importance on relationships and community in the context of local places. It is open-ended and characterized by an ethos of experimentation and learning. Transition shares these place-based and prefigurative features in common with many other contemporary movements, from the Zapatistas to alternative globalization movements, to popular movements in Latin America, to most recently the Occupy movement. Though often not seen as "political" by conventional definitions that understand social movements in relation to the state, I argue that Transition's choice of practical, place-based forms and commitments is an ethical-political one, based on the state's failure to meet crises of our times, and it has political effects. In exploring the movement in its own terms, this ethnographic study of the Transition movement in the northeast US demonstrates the ways in which activists are locating power and possibility in the local and the everyday. Operating in the terrain of culture and knowledge production, the Transition movement is engaged in an effort to shift subjectivities and social relations, and to resignify power, security, economy, and democracy. Paying attention to the Transition movement's specifically place-based, prefigurative features provides a better understanding of the potential of this approach and its political significance. It also sheds light on tensions, which in the US context include challenges in addressing racism, inequality, and the neoliberal state.

碩士
國立中興大學
國際政治研究所
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Historically, in the case of an area seeking for independence or expansion of autonomy in a country, the situation is mostly that the certain region is dissatisfied with the treatment of the central government, and therefore has a desire to achieve a higher degree of autonomy or even the rights of governance. In the process of seeking independence or expansion of autonomy, violent conflicts between the central government and local government are sometimes difficult to avoid, and there have been specific cases in both democratic or nondemocratic countries. But it is interesting that not all central governments respond to local-initiated independence movement or the expansion of autonomy with oppression, and not all central governments respond in a peaceful or respectful manner. In view of this, the question that this thesis wants to explore is: in the case of a region seeks for greater autonomy or even independence, what are the key variables that lead the central government to suppress or not to suppress with the police force or military power? To identify the main variables of the central government’s use of force towards independence or autonomy movement, this thesis performs a Crisp-set Qualitative Comparative Analysis (csQCA) for the three main cases, that are Quebec, Catalonia and Hong Kong, and the additional five cases: Basque, Corsica, New Caledonia, Scotland, and Northern Ireland to analyze the relationship between the presence of various conditions and the outcome. The result of this thesis shows that, the intensity of the central government’s response to independence or autonomy movement is tremendously influenced by the economic interaction between the region and the central. If the region’s economic development highly depends on the central government, then the central authority tends not to repress the regional independence or autonomy movement. On the other hand, in the situation that the seeker of independence or autonomy de jure does not have the right to conduct a self-determination plebiscite or to hold a chief executive election. Once the region seeks to independence plebiscite or autonomy expansion, and at the same time there are other regions with similar situation in the home country, it is very likely to be suppressed by the central government’s use of police force or military power.

Since 1994, Chicana/o artists, musicians, and activists have been in dialogue with the Zapatista indigenous movement of Chiapas, Mexico. Such a transnational bridge has resonated in a new and unique form of Chicana/o cultural politics centered on the Zapatista concept of “autonomy” and “autonomous organizing.” In Los Angeles, California, this brand of “Chicana/o urban Zapatismo,” as I refer to it in the dissertation, is symbolic of recent political and cultural organizing efforts by Chicanos to combat housing gentrification, economic restructuring, racial and ethnic cleansing, environmental pollution in low-income areas, and mass anti-immigrant hysteria. This dissertation contends that Chicana/o urban Zapatismo is a result of various local, statewide, national, and international social justice movements that embrace the global trend in urban and rural areas towards constructing locally rooted participatory and democratic methods of organizing that are “horizontal” and that mobilize against such far-reaching social forces as racism and global capitalism. Using ethnographic data and interviews collected between 2005 to 2007, this dissertation maps the emergence of Chicana/o urban Zapatismo by tracing its historical origins to the changing social, political, and economic conditions of ethnic Mexican communities in Los Angeles, California; capturing the everyday internal and external tensions between one primarily working class Chicano autonomous collective, the Eastside Café ECHOSPACE in El Sereno, California; offering the case study of the South Central Farm, a 14-acre Mexican and Latino immigrant community garden; and charting the trans-border organizing of Chicana/o urban Zapatistas surrounding the most recent Zapatista-initiated project, “the Mexican Other Campaign”. These four distinct case studies converge in Los Angeles in the creation of a unique political process referred to as “urban Zapatismo”. This ethnographic study suggests that by uncovering the everyday relationships and tensions between Chicana/o urban Zapatistas in Los Angeles and the communities they live in, researchers looking at the production of different forms of racisms and structural inequalities in urban areas may derive a greater understanding of social (re)organization and mobilization by a growing, diverse, and historically marginalized group like Chicanos in the United States.
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Defence date: 18 November 2014
Examining Board: Professor Donatella della Porta, European University Institute (Supervisor); Professor Olivier Roy, European University Institute; Professor Joost Jongerden, Wageningen University; Professor Jocelyn Viterna, Harvard University.
The supportive environments which sustain armed groups are arguably an understudied aspect of political violence; it is widely acknowledged that all armed groups necessitate a degree of popular support if they are to be successful but the relationship between armed movements and their supporters is often underdeveloped or considered self-explanatory. This project puts forth the argument that the relationship between armed groups and their supporters is of fundamental importance to how and where armed groups mobilise and the repertoire of contention they adopt. Making use of Malthaner's concept of "constituency" (2011a), the PKK's armed struggle from its foundation in the 1970s until 1999 will be analysed. The particular manner in which the PKK actively constructed and maintained extensive support networks across contrasting socio-spatial contexts ensured its ongoing legitimacy and the material resources necessary for its survival. Although a noted power disparity exists between armed and unarmed actors, the relationship between them is always characterised by degrees of reciprocal influence; influence that is often expressed in a variety of subtle and contextually specific fashions. The project will therefore examine the dialectic between the PKK and its communities of support and how this has evolved over time and space from rural Kurdistan to the urban centres of western Turkey, and consider how it has impacted on the nature of violence deployed by the PKK in the course of its insurgency.

Defence date: 11 June 1987
Examining board: Prof. Vincent Wright, Nuffield College, Oxford ; Prof. Yves Mény, University of Paris II ; Prof. Michel Denis, University of Rennes ; Prof. Frank Delmartino, University of Leuven ; Prof. Jean Blondel, European University Institute
First made available online 08 January 2019

This study consists of eleven chapters and a conclusion. Chapter One is entitled Introduction - Echoes From the Past. It serves several purposes. It introduces briefly a summation of the political aspirations of Malietoa Vaiinupo, who accepted the LMS mission, and the political mayhem that beset Samoa from the 1850s to 1962. The introduction also introduces briefly the relationship between the Samoan (LMS) Church, the LMS missionaries, and Samoan politics, and how these interacted with one another, during the political turmoil in the late nineteenth century, and the nationalistic fervour of the Samoans ln the early twentieth century. The next ten chapters are presented chronologically as far as it is possible, although the guiding principle for the placement of each chapter is thematic, consisting mainly of case studies. Chapter Two, entitled A German Plantation and Samoan Aspirations, looks at the German administration of Samoa from 1900 to 1914. The study highlights various factors, issues and events that contributed to the motivation of Samoans towards independence. It looks at Germany's treatment of Samoans under Wilhelm Solf, and how Samoans reacted to Selfs administration. The chapter points to inconsistencies in the German administration, and Samoan misunderstanding as to their role, and Germany's role, in the administration of Samoa. The study illustrates Solfs negative treatment of Samoan protocol, which eventually led to hostility, rejection, and anti-German opinions and the role of the missions in supporting the German regime to the displeasure of the Samoans. The view of the LMS mission, and the Samoan (LMS) Church leaders, on the issue of independence, during the German period is also discussed. Chapter Three is entitled The O!oa Kamupani Controversy. This is a case study taken out of the German administration era. The Oloa Kamupani (Goods Company) was a Samoan enterprise, which struck a chord with the political aspirations of some of the Samoan leaders. Although initiated by a partEuropean opportunist, the Samoan Faipule immediately entertained the idea. The Samoans were reeling under Selfs administration policies, which had taken away most of the Samoan protocol. The political leaders were looking for a way to reassert their authority, albeit an economic one. The Oloa Kamupani gave the Samoans the opportunity to control their own economic future while, indirectly, voicing an economic protest at the low price offered by the merchants and the Germans for their products. It gave Samoans like Mata'afa losefo and Lauaki Namulau'ulu Mamoe the opportunity to regain political ascendancy, especially in the eyes of the Samoans. The German administration's reaction to the Samoan enterprise and the consequence thereafter set a bitter anti-German reaction. Chapter Four is entitled The Mau a Pule Conflict This is the second case study from the German administration period. The Mau a Pule conflict is further evidence of the anger stored up within the Samoan community. The German administration had by 1909 destroyed all the customs, tradition, and authority that meant anything to the Samoans. The failure of the Oloa Kamupani, and the punishments meted out to the Samoan leaders for defying German authority, was still haunting the Samoans. The worst affected was Mata'afa losefo whose status as Alii Sili (Primary or Greater Chief) was diminishing as the Faipule closer to Solf were consulted on important Samoan matters. The Mau a Pule also provided an opportunity for Lauaki Namulau'ulu Mamoe to regain some of his authority, and to re-unite Samoa under Samoan control. The Mau a Pule was not just a reaction to the German administration but a cry and a call for Samoan independence. Chapter Five is entitled A Ramshackle Administration and Samoan Expectations. This chapter looks at New Zealand's administration of Samoa from 1914 to 1926. It takes a brief look at the Samoans' reaction to New Zealand's arrival and Germany's departure because of World War I. New Zealand's 'ramshackle administration' caused some animosity among the Samoans and Europeans, especially New Zealand's role in the 1918 influenza epidemic, which took many Samoan lives. The chapter highlights how New Zealand dealt with Samoan rejection, and Samoans called for New Zealand's removal. The year 1926 marked the beginning of an era in which Samoan nationalism began to surface and New Zealand's competency as administrator declined. For the Samoans, the Germans' first fourteen years as administrators, compared to New Zealand first fourteen years, was paradise. Chapter Six is entitled An Administrative Blunder and The Logan - Moore Debate. This is a case study taken out of the New Zealand administration period. The 1918 influenza epidemic blunder cost many Samoan lives, and New Zealand its credibility to administer other nations. The lack of positive action and immediate medical assistance only highlighted the incompetence of the New Zealanders. The Samoans were furious, and from that time harboured angry sentiments that would surface again and again in their future dealings wtth New Zealand. The pain for the Samoans was not just a result of the epidemic, but also Colonel Robert Logan's (Samoa's administrator) insensitivity in his attack on the LMS mission, especially the missionary Elizabeth Moore, and the Samoans. This chapter looks at the impact of Logan's actions, and Moore's reactions, and how the Samoans perceived their verbal confrontation in relation to New Zealand's irresponsibility. Chapter Seven is entitled Political Incompetence and Samoan Nationalism. This chapter continues the story that ended in Chapter 5. It highlights the beginning and expansion of the Mau movement, and how it became the vehicle for nationalistic fervour and independence aspirations. The chapter highlights the close working relationship between Samoans and other members of the communi1y, especially the half-castes. It discusses New Zealand's reaction to Samoan nationalism, and also looks at the efforts of those outside Samoa to promote Samoan grievances. The chapter looks at the various petitions drawn up and sent to New Zealand, England, America and the League of Nations (later replaced by the United Nations) - a sign of determination to gain independence. Chapter Eight is entitled Samoan Patriotism and the Emergence of the Mau Church. This chapter focuses mainly on the relationship of the Mau and the Samoan (LMS) Church, at a specific time in the history of the Samoan Church, when the involvement of the Mau in the Samoan (LMS) Church was at its height (1928 -1931). Although the relationships between the three main mission societies were cordial, they sometimes deteriorated into hatred and spite. These attitudes were ultimately transferred onto the Mau - Samoan (LMS) Church conflict, especially when the Catholics stood in opposition to the Samoan (LMS) Church. The other minor denominations, such as the Mormons and the Seventh Day Adventists, had very little influence on the Mau. The period covered saw the Mau and the Samoan (LMS) Church unite to form the Mau Church. The alliance formed a strong foundation for propagating Mau beliefs. The alliance also questioned the continuing existence, and the control the LMS mission had on the Samoan (LMS) Church. The issue of the Samoan (LMS) Church taking control of its religious life surfaced again during this perlod to haunt the LMS missionaries. Chapter Nine is entitled Chinese in Paradise and Indentured Labour Problems. This chapter covers a period that stems from the German era to just after the end of World War IL The previous chapters act as a background to the Chinese problem, and the chapter itself will help fill some of the gaps in the previous chapters. The chapter has been included because it helps paint a bigger picture of the many problems facing the New Zealand administration. The problem was not just with indentured labourers but with the Chinese, Melanesians, and others arriving in Samoa to satisfy the planters greed. The issue at hand was an ethical one - keeping the Samoan race pure, and the failure of the New Zealand administration to consult the Samoans in its decision to recruit Chinese labourers. The story of the Chinese in this chapter highlights the plight of the Chinese in Samoa and how the New Zealand administration tried to deal with it. The social problems that went with the recruiting of Chinese labourers affected the Samoans greatly. For many Samoans, especially at the height of the Mau period, the Chinese issue was both a problem and a blessing. The treatment of the Chinese by the New Zealand administration and the planters was not condoned by the Samoans. Jt not only black marked New Zealand's administration, but it gave the Samoans a further opportunity to denigrate New Zealand. Chapter Ten is entitled A Question of Authority: Samoan {LMS) Church Leadership Challenges. This chapter covers a period that encompasses the German era to World War II. lt is a case study chapter that highlights the intense conflict between Samoan pastors, especially the Samoan elders, and the missionaries of the LMS mission. It looks at the relationship between the National Advisory Council and the Samoa District Committee. It also discusses the conflict between Samoan pastors and LMS missionaries in the mission fields, such as Tuvalu and Kiribati, to highlight the Samoans' struggle for leadership and control. The chapter looks at the Goward conflict, Sibree and Huckett's dismissal, and other events, which undermined LMS leadership in the Samoan (LMS) Church. It includes a case study of Samoan pastors trying to replace Christian ideals with fa'ataulaitu or faipe/e practices. The radical actions reflected a challenge to the LMS for control of their own spiritual destiny. It happened at a time when the Samoan quest for independence had reached the minds and hearts of the League of Nations. Chapter Eleven is entitled The Impact of World War II and A Mandate For Independence. This chapter deals with the arrival of Americans troops in 1942 and how Samoans responded to the change of lifestyle and to the wealth the Americans offered. It examines the reaction of the missions to the Americans, and how they dealt with the problems at hand. The chapter also focuses on the events after the war in relation to Samoan's petitions for independence and their dealings with the United Nations. It examines the pressure and the impact of other newly formed institutions, such as the World Council of Churches, on Samoan aspirations for independence. Finally, the Conclusion places this study in the context of existing literature on Samoan history. The conclusion also collects all the factors, issues and events, which motivated Samoans to seek independence, and shows how these factors impacted on the Samoans in their struggle for independence. These factors, issues and events are evaluated to highlight the intimate relationship between the Samoan (LMS) Church and the political vein of Samoa's independence movement. The conclusion also evaluates whether the Samoan (LMS) Church influenced Samoa's political independence or vice versa. It also evaluates the impact of church independence on the Samoan (LMS) Church itself, and its relationship to an independent political government. Finally, the conclusion attempts to provide an answer to the dilemma as to who made Samoa independent, and explores whether independence was indeed the aim of the Samoan people or something completely different.

Politicized collective identity (PCI) is a recent social psychological model developed by Simon and Klandermans (2001), which theorizes how the identity of social groups engaged in power struggles becomes politically or socially active, that is, how group identity becomes politicized. Virtually absent from current PCI theory is any mention of the role of language in the politicization process. The purpose of the present study was to incorporate recent theorizing in language into a theory of PCI. The analysis focussed specifically on the use of linguistic structures and strategies in both reflecting and shaping the final stage of a fully politicized collective identity, that is, the efforts of groups to involve the wider society in their struggle. Methods and theory taken from critical discourse analysis were applied to campaign material arising out of the intensely contentious political struggle over Quebec independence during the 1995 referendum campaign. The primary material was the official referendum campaign booklet, to which both sovereignists (the Yes side) and federalists (the No side) had contributed an extensive outline of their respective positions. Given the advanced stage of politicization of these groups, this material served the third and final stage of PCI—the attempt of each side to involve society by triangulation, in which groups seek to enlist the support of third parties in their struggle. The results revealed how this stage was constituted in and through discourse, that is, in a wide variety of linguistic structures and strategies such as lexical choice, metaphors, semantic macrostructures, and intertexuality. It was also noteworthy that the first two stages that Simon and Klandermans had proposed (grievances and adversarial attributions) were reintroduced in the third stage as topics of discourse and were recruited into the involvement strategies of the Yes and No sides. These findings demonstrate that the theoretical integration of language and PCI contributes to a greater understanding of how groups enlist third parties and thus builds upon Simon and Klandermans's theory of politicized collective identity.