Literatura académica sobre el tema "Automobiles – Industrie et commerce – Russie"

Résumé L'année 1998 aura été marquée par une nette bascule entre les pays industriels qui ont bénéficié de gains de termes de l'échange et les pays en développement dont la croissance s'est effondrée. Fin 1998, les marchés financiers internationaux se sont ressaisis. Le risque principal réside maintenant dans le niveau élevé des Bourses des pays développés et surtout de la Bourse américaine. L'hypothèse retenue ici est que la Fed évitera de resserrer sa politique monétaire et que le krach sera évité. Les taux d'intérêt en Europe devraient baisser au deuxième trimestre 1999, avant de remonter légèrement entre la fin 1999 et la mi-2000. Le mouvement récent d'appréciation du dollar vis-à-vis de l'euro devrait s'inverser à partir du troisième trimestre 1999 et l'euro remonterait 1,2 dollar fin 2000. Le yen se déprécierait modérément. Le commerce mondial progresserait de près de 4,5% en 1999 et de 7% en 2000. L'Asie hors Japon entre en convalescence. Elle connaîtrait une crois sance de 3,3% en 1999 et de 4,9% en 2000. La dévaluation du yuan pourrait être utilisée pour soulager l'économie chinoise. Les pays d'Amérique latine font l'objet d'une nouvelle crise de défiance des investisseurs étrangers. La situation n'est pas encore stabilisée au Brésil, l'Argentine devrait souffrir de la contagion commerciale. La zone devrait voir chuter de 3% son PIB en 1999. En 2000, les conditions de la reprise permettraient une croissance de 2,5%. La situation reste inextricable en Russie, qui collectionne les déséquilibres. Les pays d'Europe centrale et orientale devraient connaître en 1999-2000 un net ralentissement dû à des politiques budgétaires et monétaires restrictives et à la répercussion de la crise russe. Aux États-Unis, les effets richesse, le dynamisme de l'emploi et la faiblesse du coût du capital ont soutenu la demande intérieure. L'économie américaine bénéficie de la qualité de son policy mix. La croissance du PIB atteindrait 3,5% en 1999 et 2,6% en 2000. D'après une variante réalisée avec le modèle MIMOSA, une chute brutale de la Bourse amputerait le PIB de 0,8% point la première année, puis de 0,3 point l'année suivante. Le Japon s'est enfoncé dans la récession tout au long de 1998. La politique budgétaire devrait fournir en 1999 une impulsion de l'ordre de 3 points de PIB, Pratiquement nulle en 1999, la croissance japonaise pourrait atteindre 2,5% en 2000. Le ralentissement économique est à l'oeuvre au Royaume-Uni, pénalisé par le haut niveau de la livre. Des politiques budgétaire et monétaire plus expansionnistes autoriseraient une croissance proche de 1% en 1999 et de 2,2% en 2000. La croissance de la zone euro a été proche de 3% en moyenne en 1998. Quelques pays ont fait nettement mieux (Espagne, Pays- Bas,...), tandis que l'Italie et l'Allemagne pâtissaient du poids de leur industrie et souffraient particulièrement des crises asiatique et russe. Malgré le net ralentissement industriel du second semestre 1998 et du pre mier trimestre 1999, la zone devrait échapper à une récession généralisée, en raison de la dynamique autonome du secteur des services et du main tien de la confiance des consommateurs.

Des bouleversements importants ont profondément secoué le monde du commerce international en 2022. Alors que la pandémie de COVID-19 affectait encore les chaînes d’approvisionnement et les déplacements, qu’on faisait face à une pénurie de main-d’œuvre importante et qu’une récession nous menaçait, d’autres événements majeurs sont venus déstabiliser encore plus notre économie. D’abord, le 28 janvier 2022, un convoi de camionneurs a pris d’assaut la capitale nationale et y a paralysé le centre-ville durant près de trois semaines. Ensuite, un autre groupe de camionneurs a bloqué certaines routes, dont le pont Ambassador entre Windsor et Détroit, considéré comme un point de passage névralgique pour la fourniture de pièces automobiles, ayant occasionné des pertes évaluées à plus d’un million de dollars par jour. 1 Enfin, le 24 février 2022, la Fédération de Russie agressait l’Ukraine, marquant le début d’une longue guerre dont les impacts économiques dépassent largement les frontières de la région.2 En effet, le monde a connu une déstabilisation supplémentaire des chaînes d’approvisionnement3 ainsi qu’une hausse importante du prix des matières premières et de l’énergie, ce qui a entraîné une baisse du volume des échanges4 ainsi qu’une crise alimentaire majeure.5 Enfin, face à l’attitude de la Fédération de Russie, de nombreux pays ont adopté des régimes de sanction économique, fragilisant encore plus l’équilibre pour les entreprises. À ce titre, à lui seul, le Canada a adopté plus de 1700 mesures de sanction économique à l’égard d’individus ou d’entités pour réagir à l’agression russe.6 De toute évidence, la résilience des marchés a été fortement sollicitée.

Introduction In November 2020, upon learning that the company’s Covid-19 vaccine trial had been successful, the head of Pfizer’s Vaccine Research and Development, Kathrin Jansen, celebrated with champagne – “some really good stuff” (Cohen). Bubbles seem to go naturally with celebration, and champagne is fundamentally associated with bubbles. Yet, until the late-seventeenth century, champagne was a still wine, and it only reached the familiar levels of bubbliness in the late-nineteenth century (Harding). During this period and on into the early twentieth century, “champagne” was in many ways created, defined, and defended. A “champagne bubble” was created, within which the “nature” of champagne was contested and constructed. Champagne today is the result of hundreds of years of labour by many sorts of bubble-makers: those who make the bubbly drink, and those who construct, maintain, and defend the champagne bubble. In this article, I explore some elements of the champagne bubble, in order to understand both its fragility and rigidity over the years and today. Creating the Champagne Bubble – the Labour of Centuries It is difficult to separate the physical from the mythical as regards champagne. Therefore the categorisations below are always overlapping, and embedded in legal, political, economic, and socio-cultural factors. Just as assemblage – the mixing of wine from different grapes – is an essential element of champagne wine, the champagne bubble may be called heterogeneous assemblage. Indeed, the champagne bubble, as we will see below, is a myriad of different sorts of bubbles, such as terroir, appellation, myth and brand. And just as any assemblage, its heterogeneous elements exist and operate in relation to each other. Therefore the “champagne bubble” discussed here is both one and many, all of its elements fundamentally interconnected, constituting that “one” known as “champagne”. It is not my intention to be comprehensive of all the elements, historical and contemporary. Indeed, that would not be possible within such a short article. Instead, I seek to demonstrate some of the complexity of the champagne bubble, noting the elaborate labour that has gone into its creation. The Physical Champagne and Champagne – from Soil to Bubbles Champagne means both a legally protected geographical area (Champagne), and the wine (here: champagne) produced in this area from grapes defined as acceptable: most importantly pinot noir, pinot meunier (“black” grapes), and chardonnay (“white” grape). The method of production, too, is regulated and legally protected: méthode champenoise. Although the same method is used in numerous locations, these must be called something different: metodo classico (Italy), método tradicional (Spain), Methode Cap Classique (South Africa). The geographical area of Champagne was first legally defined in 1908, when it only included the areas of Marne and Aisne, leaving out, most importantly, the area of Aube. This decision led to severe unrest and riots, as the Aube vignerons revolted in 1911, forcing the inclusion of “zone 2”: Aube, Haute-Marne, and Seine-et-Marne (Guy). Behind these regulations was a surge in fraudulent production in the early twentieth century, as well as falling wine prices resulting from increasing supply of cheap wines (Colman 18). These first appellations d’origine had many consequences – they proved financially beneficial for the “zone 1”, but less so for the “zone 2”. When both these areas were brought under the same appellation in 1927, the financial benefits were more limited – but this may have been due to the Great Depression triggered in 1929 (Haeck et al.). It is a long-standing belief that the soil and climate of Champagne are key contributors to the quality of champagne wines, said to be due to “conditions … most suitable for making this type of wine” (Simon 11). Already in the end of the nineteenth century, the editor of Vigneron champenois attributed champagne’s quality to “a fortunate combination of … chalky soil … [and] unrivalled exposure [to the sun]” (Guy 119) among other things. Factors such as soil and climate, commonly included in and expressed through the idea of terroir, undoubtedly influence grapes and wines made thereof, but the extent remains unproven. Indeed, terroir itself is a very contested concept (Teil; Inglis and Almila). It is also the case that climate change has had, and will continue to have, devastating effects on wine production in many areas, while benefiting others. The highly successful English sparkling wine production, drawing upon know-how from the Champagne area, has been enabled by the warming climate (Inglis), while Champagne itself is at risk of becoming too hot (Robinson). Champagne is made through a process more complicated than most wines. I present here the bare bones of it, to illustrate the many challenges that had to be overcome to enable its production in the scale we see today. Freshly picked grapes are first pressed and the juice is fermented. Grape juice contains natural yeasts and therefore will ferment spontaneously, but fermentation can also be started with artificial yeasts. In fermentation, alcohol and carbon dioxide (CO2) are formed, but the latter usually escapes the liquid. The secret of champagne is its second fermentation, which happens in bottles, after wines from different grapes and/or vineyards have been blended for desired characteristics (assemblage). For the second fermentation, yeast and sugar are added. As the fermentation happens inside a bottle, the CO2 that is created does not escape, but dissolves into the wine. The average pressure inside a champagne bottle in serving temperature is around 5 bar – 5 times the pressure outside the bottle (Liger-Belair et al.). The obvious challenge this method poses has to do with managing the pressure. Exploding bottles used to be a common problem, and the manner of sealing bottles was not very developed, either. Seventeenth-century developments in bottle-making, and using corks to seal bottles, enabled sparkling wines to be produced in the first place (Leszczyńska; Phillips 137). Still today, champagne comes in heavy-bottomed bottles, sealed with characteristically shaped cork, which is secured with a wire cage known as muselet. Scientific innovations, such as calculating the ideal amount of sugar for the second fermentation in 1836, also helped to control the amount of gas formed during the second fermentation, thus making the behaviour of the wine more predictable (Leszczyńska 265). Champagne is characteristically a “manufactured” wine, as it involves several steps of interference, from assemblage to dosage – sugar added for flavour to most champagnes after the second fermentation (although there are also zero dosage champagnes). This lends champagne particularly suitable for branding, as it is possible to make the wine taste the same year after year, harvest after harvest, and thus create a distinctive and recognisable house style. It is also possible to make champagnes for different tastes. During the nineteenth century, champagnes of different dosage were made for different markets – the driest for the British, the sweetest for the Russians (Harding). Bubbles are probably the most striking characteristic of champagne, and they are enabled by the complicated factors described above. But they are also formed when the champagne is poured in a glass. Natural impurities on the surface of the glass provide channels through which the gas pockets trapped in the wine can release themselves, forming strains of rising bubbles (Liger-Belair et al.). Champagne glasses have for centuries differed from other wine glasses, often for aesthetic reasons (Harding). The bubbles seem to do more than give people aesthetic pleasure and sensory experiences. It is often claimed that champagne makes you drunk faster than other drinks would, and there is, indeed, some (limited) research showing that this may well be the case (Roberts and Robinson; Ridout et al.). The Mythical Champagne – from Dom Pérignon to Modern Wonders Just as the bubbles in a champagne glass are influenced by numerous forces, so the metaphorical champagne bubble is subject to complex influences. Myth-creation is one of the most significant of these. The origin of champagne as sparkling wine is embedded in the myth of Dom Pérignon of Hautvillers monastery (1638–1715), who according to the legend would have accidentally developed the bubbles, and then enthusiastically exclaimed “I am drinking the stars!” (Phillips 138). In reality, bubbles are a natural phenomenon provoked by winter temperatures deactivating the fermenting yeasts, and spring again reactivating them. The myth of Dom Pérignon was first established in the nineteenth century and quickly embraced by the champagne industry. In 1937, Moët et Chandon launched a premium champagne called Dom Pérignon, which enjoys high reputation until this day (Phillips). The champagne industry has been active in managing associations connected with champagne since the nineteenth century. Sparkling champagnes had already enjoyed fashionability in the later seventeenth and early eighteenth century, both in the French Court, and amongst the British higher classes. In the second half of the nineteenth century, champagne found ever increasing markets abroad, and the clientele was not aristocratic anymore. Before the 1860s, champagne’s association was with high status celebration, as well as sexual activity and seduction (Harding; Rokka). As the century went on, and champagne sales radically increased, associations with “modernity” were added: “hot-air balloons, towering steamships, transcontinental trains, cars, sports, and other ‘modern’ wonders were often featured in quickly proliferating champagne advertising” (Rokka 280). During this time, champagne grew both drier and more sparkling, following consumer tastes (Harding). Champagne’s most important markets in later nineteenth century included the UK, where the growing middle classes consumed champagne for both celebration and hospitality (Harding), the US, where (upper) middle-class women were served champagne in new kinds of consumer environments (Smith; Remus), and Russia, where the upper classes enjoyed sweeter champagne – until the Revolution (Phillips 296). The champagne industry quickly embraced the new middle classes in possession of increasing wealth, as well as new methods of advertising and marketing. What is remarkable is that they managed to integrate enormously varied cultural thematics and still retain associations with aristocracy and luxury, while producing and selling wine in industrial scale (Harding; Rokka). This is still true today: champagne retains a reputation of prestige, despite large-scale branding, production, and marketing. Maintaining and Defending the Bubble: Formulas, Rappers, and the Absolutely Fabulous Tipplers The falling wine prices and increasing counterfeit wines coincided with Europe’s phylloxera crisis – the pest accidentally brought over from North America that almost wiped out all Europe’s vineyards. The pest moved through Champagne in the 1890s, killing vines and devastating vignerons (Campbell). The Syndicat du Commerce des vins de Champagne had already been formed in 1882 (Rokka 280). Now unions were formed to fight phylloxera, such as the Association Viticole Champenoise in 1898. The 1904 Fédération Syndicale des Vignerons was formed to lobby the government to protect the name of Champagne (Leszczyńska 266) – successfully, as we have seen above. The financial benefits from appellations were certainly welcome, but short-lived. World War I treated Champagne harshly, with battle lines stuck through the area for years (Guy 187). The battle went on also in the lobbying front. In 1935, a new appellation regime was brought into law, which came to be the basis for all European systems, and the Comité National des appellations d'origine (CNAO) was founded (Colman 1922). Champagne’s protection became increasingly international, and continues to be so today under EU law and trade deals (European Commission). The post-war recovery of champagne relied on strategies used already in the “golden years” – marketing and lobbying. Advertising continued to embrace “luxury, celebration, transport (extending from air travel to the increasingly popular automobile), modernity, sports” (Guy 188). Such advertisement must have responded accurately to the mood of post-war, pre-depression Europe. Even in the prohibition US it was known that the “frivolous” French women might go as far as bathe in champagne, like the popular actress Mistinguett (Young 63). Curiously, in the 1930s Soviet Russia, “champagne” (not produced in Champagne) was declared a sign of good living, symbolising the standard of living that any Soviet worker had access to (at least in theory) (Gronow). Today, the reputation of champagne is fiercely defended in legal terms. This is not only in terms of protection against other sparkling wine making areas, but also in terms of exploitation of champagne’s reputation by actors in other commercial fields, and even against mass market products containing genuine champagne (Mahy and d’Ath; Schneider and Nam). At the same time, champagne has been widely “democratised” by mass production, enabled partly by increasing mechanisation and scientification of champagne production from the 1950s onwards (Leszczyńska 266). Yet champagne retains its association with prestige, luxury, and even royalty. This has required some serious adaptation and flexibility. In what follows, I look into three cultural phenomena that illuminate processes of such adaptation: Formula One (F1) champagne spraying, the 1990s sitcom Absolutely Fabulous, and the Cristal racism scandal in 2006. The first champagne bottle is said to have been presented to F1 grand prix winner in Champagne in 1950 (Wheels24). Such a gesture would have been fully in line with champagne’s association with cars, sport, and modernity. But what about the spraying? Surely that is not in line with the prestige of the wine? The first spraying is attributed to Jo Siffert in 1966 and Dan Gurney in 1967, the former described as accidental, the latter as a spontaneous gesture of celebration (Wheels24; Dobie). Moët had become the official supplier of F1 champagnes in 1966, and there are no signs that the new custom would have been problematic for them, as their sponsorship continued until 1999, after which Mumm sponsored the sport for 15 years. Today, the champagne to be popped and sprayed is Chanson, in special bottles “coated in the same carbon fibre that F1 cars are made of” (Wheels24). Such an iconic status has the spraying gained that it features in practically all TV broadcasts concerning F1, although non-alcoholic substitute is used in countries where sale of alcohol is banned (Barker et al., “Quantifying”; Barker et al., “Alcohol”). As disturbing as the champagne spraying might look for a wine snob, it is perfectly in line with champagne’s marketing history and entrepreneurial spirit shown since the nineteenth century. Nor is it unheard of to let champagne spray. The “art” of sabrage, opening champagne bottle with a sable, associated with glamour, spectacle, and myth – its origin is attributed to Napoleon and his officers – is perfectly acceptable even for the snob. Sparkling champagne was always bound up with joy and celebration, not a solemn drink, and the champagne bubble was able to accommodate middle classes as well as aristocrats. This brings us to our second example, the British sitcom Absolutely Fabulous. The show, first released in 1992, featured two women, “Eddy” (Jennifer Saunders) and “Patsy” (Joanna Lumley), who spent their time happily smoking, taking drugs, and drinking large quantities of “Bolly” (among other things). Bollinger champagne may have initially experienced “a bit of a shock” for being thus addressed, but soon came to see the benefits of fame (French). In 2005, they hired PR support to make better use of the brand’s “Ab Fab” recognisability, and to improve its prestige reputation in order to justify their higher price range (Cann). Saunders and Lumley were warmly welcomed by the Bollinger house when filming for their champagne tour Absolutely Champers (2017). It is befitting indeed that such controversial fame came from the UK, the first country to discover sparkling champagne outside France (Simon 48), and where the aspirational middle classes were keen to consume it already in the nineteenth century (Harding). More controversial still is the case of Cristal (made by Louis Roederer) and the US rap world. Enthusiastically embraced by the “bling-bling” world of (black) rappers, champagne seems to fit their ethos well. Cristal was long favoured as both a drink and a word in rap lyrics. But in 2006, the newly appointed managing director at the family owned Roederer, Frédéric Rouzaud, made comments considered racist by many (Woodland). Rouzard told in an interview with The Economist that the house observed the Cristal-rap association “with curiosity and serenity”. He reportedly continued: “but what can we do? We can’t forbid people from buying it. I’m sure Dom Pérignon or Krug would be delighted to have their business”. It was indeed those two brands that the rapper Jay-Z replaced Cristal with, when calling for a boycott on Cristal. It would be easy to dismiss Rouzard’s comments as snobbery, or indeed as racism, but they merit some more reflection. Cristal is the premium wine of a house that otherwise does not enjoy high recognisability. While champagne’s history involves embracing new sorts of clientele, and marketing flexibly to as many consumer groups as possible (Rokka), this was the first spectacular crossing of racial boundaries. It was always the case that different houses and their different champagnes were targeted at different clienteles, and it is apparent that Cristal was not targeted at black rap artists. Whereas Bollinger was able to turn into a victory the questionable fame brought by the white middle-class association of Absolutely Fabulous, the more prestigious Cristal considered the attention of the black rapper world more threatening and acted accordingly. They sought to defend their own brand bubble, not the larger champagne bubble. Cristal’s reputation seems to have suffered little – its 2008 vintage, launched in 2018, was the most traded wine of that year (Schultz). Jay-Z’s purchase of his own champagne brand (Armand de Brignac, nicknamed Ace of Spades) has been less successful reputation-wise (Greenburg). It is difficult to break the champagne bubble, and it may be equally difficult to break into it. Conclusion In this article, I have looked into the various dilemmas the “bubble-makers” of Champagne encountered when fabricating what is today known as “champagne”. There have been moments of threat to the bubble they formed, such as in the turn of nineteenth and twentieth centuries, and eras of incomparable success, such as from the 1860s to 1880s. The discussion has demonstrated the remarkable flexibility with which the makers and defenders of champagne have responded to challenges, and dealt with material, socio-cultural, economic, and other problems. It feels appropriate to end with a note on the current challenge the champagne industry faces: Covid-19. The pandemic hit champagne sales exceptionally hard, leaving around 100 million bottles unsold (Micallef). This was not very surprising, given the closure of champagne-selling venues, banning of public and private celebrations, and a general mood not particularly prone to (or even likely to frown upon) such light-hearted matters as glamour and champagne. Champagne has survived many dramatic drops in sales during the twentieth century, such as the Great Depression of the 1930s, and the post-financial crisis collapse in 2009. Yet they seem to be able to make astonishing recoveries. 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L’industrie automobile française est présente en Russie depuis plus d’un siècle. Les constructeurs français maintient leur présence sur le marché russe, malgré les nombreux bouleversements que connaît le pays au XXe siècle. La thèse étudie les activités des entreprises automobiles françaises en Russie dans les années 1954 – 2014. Elle couvre deux périodes bien distinctes : soviétique et post-soviétique et montre une continuité dans la stratégie des constructeurs automobiles français sur le marché russe. L’étude couvre la coopération franco-russe dans le domaine automobile sous le prisme des relations tant économiques et politiques que technologiques entre les pays. Cette coopération résulte d’une volonté bilatérale de la part de la France et de l’Union soviétique d’élargir les champs de leur coopération et de s’engager dans des projets industriels à long terme. Il est possible ainsi de mettre en lumière l’importance du transfert de technologies réalisé dans le cadre des projets automobiles franco-russes. Enfin, l’analyse du marché automobile russe permet de mesurer le rôle de la France dans le développement de l’industrie automobile soviétique puis russe. L’exemple de l’implantation de Renault en Russie post-soviétique illustre bien la stratégie du Groupe Renault-Nissan envers les pays émergents. L’usine « Renault Russie » à Moscou devient en 2014, la 4e usine du Groupe Renault pour le volume de la production
The French automobile industry has been present in Russia for more than a century. French manufacturers have maintained their presence on the Russian market despite the many upheavals that the country experienced in the 20th century. The thesis analyses the activities of French automobile companies in Russia in the years 1954 - 2014. It covers two very distinct periods: the Soviet and the post-Soviet and shows continuity in the strategy of French car manufacturers on the Russian market. The study presents Franco-Russian cooperation in the automobile field under the prism of economic, political and technological relations between the countries. This cooperation is the result of a bilateral will on the part of France and the Soviet Union to widen the scope of their cooperation and to engage in long-term industrial projects. It is thus possible to highlight the importance of the technology transfer carried out within the framework of Franco-Russian automobile projects. Finally, the analysis of the Russian automobile market enables us to measure the role of France in the development of the Soviet and then Russian automobile industry. The example of Renault's presence in the post-Soviet Russia is a good illustration of the Renault- Nissan Group's strategy towards emerging countries. The "Renault Russia" plant in Moscow becomes the Renault Group's 4th largest plant in terms of production volume in 2014

Il existe encore peu de recherches qui se penchent sur l’échec de projets internationaux, notamment sur une période de plusieurs années, depuis la décision initiale, jusqu’au départ du pays après une présence de deux années. En partant d’une synthèse de la littérature existante sur l’internationalisation des entreprises et sur le management interculturel, nous nous sommes intéressés à l’implantation en Russie d’un équipementier automobile de taille moyenne, pour qui ce projet revêtait pourtant un caractère stratégique. Notre objectif a été d’identifier, de comprendre et d’évaluer les différents facteurs qui ont pu être à l’origine de l’échec du projet, en nous fondant sur l’interview des acteurs russes et occidentaux, sur un certain nombre de documents édités lors de la phase préparatoire et sur l’entretien de plusieurs responsables d’entreprises du même secteur, bien implantés en Russie. Nous montrons que malgré une forte motivation, l’équipe n’a pas pu répondre aux nombreuses contraintes locales, en grande partie parce qu’elle n’a pas su créer une coopération efficace avec ses collègues et partenaires russes. Nous concluons sur plusieurs pistes de réflexion et de conseils concrets pour mieux aborder des projets similaires
Little research look at failures of international projects, especially over a period of several years, from the original decision to country departure, after a two years’ presence. Based on analysis of the existing literature on company internationalization and intercultural management, we examine the Russian deployment of a middle-size automotive subcontractor, for whom the project was strategic. Our aim is to identify, understand and evaluate the impact of the different factors, which led to the failure, using interviews of the Western and Russian participants, documents issued during the preparation phase, as well as interviews of managers of automotive companies well established in Russia. We show that despite strong personal investment, the team was not able to respond to the numerous constraints of the Russian market because of a lack of efficient cooperation with their Russian colleagues and partners. We conclude with a certain number of major considerations and advice to face similar projects more efficiently

La production automobile fait désormais largement appel aux équipementiers qui représentent près des trois quarts de la valeur ajoutée dans la production des automobiles. Avec le développement international des constructeurs, ces derniers sont amenés à revoir leur schéma d’approvisionnement pour chacune des nouvelles implantations. Les constructeurs, dans le cadre d’une stratégie de maitrise des coûts, vont chercher à optimiser l’approvisionnement de leurs sites de montage en intégrant les différentes contraintes auxquelles ils sont soumis : localisation des sites de production des équipementiers, dimension du marché local du site de montage et politique d’intégration des Etats. Nous avons été ainsi conduits à construire un modèle d’optimisation pour plusieurs sites de montage d’un même véhicule où la fonction objectif à minimiser est le coût global sous les contraintes de demande et de production des voitures. La prise en compte des localisations potentielles des équipementiers se traduit par l’introduction d’un grand nombre de variables binaires dans le modèle ce qui rend difficile la recherche d’un optimum. Afin de réduire le nombre de ces variables, nous avons utilisé une approche par les fonctions frontières afin de n’introduire que les solutions les plus performantes dans le modèle d’optimisation. Ceci permet de résoudre beaucoup plus aisément le programme linéaire mixte. Les résultats empiriques obtenus sur la production d’un véhicule de milieu de gamme sont ensuite discutés en mettant en évidence le coût de la logistique dans les choix de localisation.

L'objectif de cette thèse est d'analyser la dynamique réglementaire et technologique de l'industrie automobile. Conformément à l'analyse économique de l'environnement, l'industrie automobile a été soumise, par les pouvoirs publics, au respect de normes anti-pollution dès les années soixante. Néanmoins, face aux préoccupations environnementales grandissantes sur le réchauffement climatique et aux critiques adressées à la réglementation de type "command and control", l'intervention publique s'est transformée, en se tournant davantage vers des démarches plus flexibles. Les constructeurs et les équipementiers automobiles ont ainsi été fortement incités à développer des innovations environnementales pour rendre leurs véhicules moins polluants. La transformation de l'action publique a par ailleurs encouragé l'industrie à s'orienter vers des trajectoires technologiques différentes du moteur à combustion interne
The thesis aims to examine the government regulations about automobile emission in order to understand innovative activities of car industry. According to environmental economics, manufacturers and suppliers have to cope with emission standards from the sixties'. However, under environmental pressure and facing the critics regarding command and control regulations, the regulatory context had to change their direction and governments turned to more flexible approaches. Car manufacturers and suppliers were encouraged to develop environmental innovations in order to produce low emission vehicles. Moreover, the change of public policy had incited car industry to turn to more efficient engine technologies than internal combustion

Le 1er mai 1899, <>, un vehicule electrique conduit par camille jenatzy franchit la barre mythique des 100 km/h (105,850 km/h). Le 11 avril 1902, vanderbilt egalise ce record avec une mercedes. Trois annees d'attente qui constituent une incertitude technologique, qui balaient l'idee generalement admise d'une << superiorite immediate de l'automobile a petrole>>, et qui definissent l'objet de cette these : eclairer les contours de cette bataille automobile qui oppose automobiles a essence, automobiles a vapeur et automobiles electriques a la lumiere des theories de la competition technique. Le premier chapitre revient sur la conception schumpeterienne de l'innovation, avant de presenter les theories neo-schumpeteriennes et leurs etudes empiriques. Dans le second chapitre, l'analyse glisse sur les facteurs - competence et apprentissage - du changement technique avant d'apprehender ces proprietes au travers de l'analyse des liens qu'il tisse avec l'environnement social, technique et economique dans lequel il s'insere. La description des principaux modeles de diffusion - demande, offre et heterodoxe - qui pourvoient des explications a la commercialisation ou a la diffusion reussie d'une innovation constitue le coeur du troisieme chapitre. Dans un quatrieme chapitre, l'attention est portee sur les facteurs - standards, externalites de reseaux, rendements croissants d'adoption, lock-in, complementarite et inter-dependance - dont la presence modifie le contexte et la selection technologiques. . .

Le 2 juillet 1999 Renault achète 51 % du capital du constructeur automobile roumain Dacia, en vue d'en faire sa seconde marque d'automobiles destinée aux "nouveaux marchés" et d'y fabriquer la Logan. L'étude retrace les péripéties qui ont jalonné la période des négociations, aboutissement d'un lent processus de convergence entre la politique roumaine de privatisation de son industrie automobile et la politique d'internationalisation de Renault en direction des "marchés émergents". Cette période voit la naissance de Logan, ce véhicule "moderne, fiable et abordable", voulu par le Président Schweitzer et fer de lance de la conquête des "nouveaux marchés". L'étude se concentre sur l'analyse des trois composantes, humaine, industrielle et commerciale de la modernisation de Dacia durant la période 1999 - 2003. D'une part, l'ajustement progressif des effectifs qui ont évolué de 28 000 personnes à quelque 16 000 personnes en l'espace de quatre années. D'autre part, la modernisation d'un outil industriel vétuste, recentré sur les deux "métiers" de la fabrication de groupes moto-propulseurs et le montage de véhicules. Et, enfin, la refonte totale du réseau roumain de commercialisation des marques Dacia, Renault et Nissan, soutenu par un système original de distribution des véhicules. Loin d'avoir été un "long fleuve "tranquille", cette opération s'est déroulée dans un contexte d'évolution très rapide d'un marché, encore demandeur en 1999, vers un marché offreur, face à la concurrence, devenue très agressive, des véhicules européens d'occasion importés. L'accompagement de Dacia par les fournisseurs du "panel" Renault", fortement sollicités pour s'implanter en Roumanie, s'est concrétisé très progressivement. Pendant cette période, la modernisation d'une partie de la gamme de Dacia a cependant permis d'assurer la survie de la marque sur le marché roumain tout en rodant l'ensemble des processus de l'entreprise élargie, en vue de la production de Logan
On september 29th 1999, Renault buys 51% of the capital shares of Dacia, the romanian automobile manufacturer. This study covers this operation over a period of five years, from 1998 up to 2003, after reminding the reader with the long lasting process of convergence between the Renault strategic move towards the so-called "emerging countries" and the romanian privatization politics of its domestic automobile industry. The study concentrates itself on the analysis of the human, industrial and commercial aspects of this operation. The survival of the brand was made possible by the upgrade of two products of the existing range as long as the progressive adjustment of the working force from 28 000 to 16 000. The study gives large details about the Piteşti plant modernization and the complete reshuffling of the network of private dealers for the marketing of Renault Dacia and Nissan brand products. Far from a "long quiet river", the Dacia operation took place in the turmoil of a rapid market evolution, fueled by large volumes of imported european used cars. The cooperation of the Renault panel of suppliers took shape at a slower pace than expected. In spite of these adversed conditions, Dacia maintained its leadership on the domestic market, thus paving the way for Logan, this "modern, dependable and affordable" vehicle

Mon travail de thèse essaye de répondre à la problématique suivante: dans quelle mesure une architecture modulaire d'un produit peut-elle améliorer l'efficacité des industriels de l'automobile et de l'aéronautique? Reste à savoir quelle firme organisationnelle s'avère apte à gérer cette décomposition technique du produit?

A partir du cas de l’industrie de l’automobile, plus précisément, de trois usines de montage en France, en Argentine et au Brésil, cette recherche éclaire les modalités de la mise en œuvre des politiques et des pratiques de formation et ses effets. Les enjeux de la formation des ouvriers soulignent sa fonction économique. Ils visent le développement de compétences et de performances du personnel et leur adaptation aux transformations technologiques et organisationnelles. Cependant, la formation dans l’entreprise est marquée par l’histoire du collectif ouvrier, qui doit faire face à une réorganisation du travail, par le moment où ces transformations interviennent et par la situation concrète de l’établissement. Dès lors, la formation ne peut pas être pensée sans tenir compte de tous ces éléments qui forment le contexte dans lequel elle s’implante et les interactions qu’elle engendre. Dans une entreprise de l’automobile implantée dans plusieurs pays, ce contexte est autant transnational que national. Ce qui amène à formuler cette thèse : La formation ne joue pas un rôle défini a priori par l’objectif auquel elle est sensée répondre, elle remplit plusieurs fonctions. Les entreprises instituent la formation sans toujours pouvoir faire le calcul des avantages économiques qu’elles en tirent. Y compris en ce qui concerne les changements technologiques. Les situations de travail qui sous-tendent ces changements sont autant des situations d’apprentissage et ne s’associent donc pas à des formations instituées. Les fonctions de la formation varient avec les contextes : la législation nationale réglementant un système de formation professionnelle d’adultes salariés est le support qui assure qu’ils puissent bénéficier des stages pour améliorer leur situation
From the case of the automotive industry, more precisely three assembly plants in France, Argentine and Brazil, this research enlightens the modalities of the implementation of training policies and practices and its effects. The stakes of the training of workers emphasize its economic function. They aim at the development of staff skills and performances and its adaptation to technological and organizational transformations. However, training in the company is marked by the workers’ history, the latter having to face a reorganization of work, the time when these transformations occur and the concrete situation of the company. Therefore, training cannot be thought without taking all these contextual elements into account. In an automotive company which is established in several countries, this context is transnational as well as national. This raises the following thesis: Training does not play a role which is a priori defined by the objective it is supposed to respond to, it fulfils other functions. Companies implement training without always being able to determine the economic advantages they get from it. The same goes for technological changes. Working situations which underlie these changes are also training situations and thus are not linked to established trainings. The functions of training vary with the contexts: the national laws which rule a professional training system for employed adults are the base which assures them of benefiting from internships in order to improve their situation