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Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Authoritarianism"

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Autor: Grafiati

Publicado: 4 de junio de 2021

Última modificación: 31 de julio de 2024

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1

Malashenko, Aleksei V. "Authoritarianism: Is There a Future?" Oriental Courier, n.º 1 (2022): 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s268684310021375-0.

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Author analyzes the role of authoritarian regimes in the contemporary world, he characterizes their specific features in the first place determined by their historical traditions and political culture. The author pays attention to post-communist, post-soviet as well as Muslim authoritarian models. Also, he estimates perspectives of authoritarianism for the future, its capacities for the survival in conditions of the modern world. How great is the potential of authoritarianism, how limited is it by its conservatism, and how open is it to innovation? What is the effectiveness of an authoritarian system in the context of global changes taking place in the world, which are largely determined by scientific and technological progress, communication technologies? The author tries to consider these issues on the example of the countries of the East. On the one hand, some authoritarian regimes are ready to adapt to ongoing transformations, including in the political sphere, for the sake of their survival. In their practice, they use democratic norms, allow the activities of parliament, opposition parties, while striving, however, to fully maintain their own control over the state. They are aware that the softening, liberalization of the authoritarian system can lead to its elimination. And therefore, on the other hand, authoritarians use any situation, especially its aggravation, to tighten their rule. Authoritarianism has existed in various forms at almost all times. It was formed on the basis of the political culture in which the title role belonged to the state, and therefore to those who were currently in power. In this context, current authoritarianisms have direct analogies with their predecessors. Some analysts tend to view each variant of illiberal government as a unique, "competitive" democracy, as a "hybrid" authoritarianism. Whatever definitions are offered, the essence of authoritarianism does not change from this. Taking into account the national specifics in each individual country, authoritarianism remains a global, one might say, inevitable phenomenon that will continue to exist in different versions, and may even strengthen its position, which is the case today.

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2

Dhont, Kristof y Alain Van Hiel. "Direct contact and authoritarianism as moderators between extended contact and reduced prejudice". Group Processes & Intergroup Relations 14, n.º 2 (marzo de 2011): 223–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1368430210391121.

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Using a representative sample of Dutch adults ( N = 1238), we investigated the moderating influence of direct contact and authoritarianism on the potential of extended contact to reduce prejudice. As expected, direct contact and authoritarianism moderated the effect of extended contact on prejudice. Moreover, the third-order moderation effect was also significant, revealing that extended contact has the strongest effect among high authoritarians with low levels of direct contact. We identified trust and perceived threat as the mediating processes underlying these moderation effects. The present study thus attests to the theoretical and practical relevance of reducing prejudice via extended contact. The discussion focuses on the role of extended contact in relation to direct contact and authoritarianism as well as on the importance of trust in intergroup contexts.

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3

Kehrberg, Jason. "Authoritarianism, Prejudice, and Support for Welfare Chauvinism in the United States". Statistics, Politics and Policy 11, n.º 2 (16 de diciembre de 2020): 195–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/spp-2019-0008.

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AbstractThis article examines the role of authoritarianism in shaping individual policy support for creating a waiting period before legal immigrants can access welfare programs. I use logistic regression models to analyse the opinions of non-Latino whites from the 1992 American National Election Study (ANES). I find that authoritarianism is related to a waiting period before immigrants can access welfare benefits, despite a significant number of non-authoritarians also preferring a waiting period. This effect is robust with the inclusion of several traditional predictors of welfare attitudes.

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4

Goodall, Reece. "John Kramer for President: The rise of authoritarian horror". Horror Studies 11, n.º 1 (1 de abril de 2020): 123–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/host_00014_1.

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In 2016, Donald Trump was elected President of the United States of America, to great surprise. His election has been connected to the emergence of authoritarianism as a political force in America, as political scholars have argued Trump’s campaign success lay in how his rhetoric is authoritarian in nature, and how it activates an authoritarian tendency in a sizeable portion of the voter base in response to social and demographic changes within the country. This article argues that contemporary horror cinema reflects and responds to the rise of American authoritarianism. Building on the work of scholars of authoritarianism, this article outlines a number of characteristics of authoritarian horror films. Specifically, it analyses the case study of Jigsaw to argue that two understandings are possible, linked to the coding of both the authoritarianism associated with the villain and the social threats they react to as troubling. It then draws on a number of further examples (Unfriended, Don’t Hang Up and the Purge films) to suggest that the emergence of this tendency within horror cinema is reflective of an increasingly polarized population and that, although the films explicitly condemn authoritarianism through their villain characters, they simultaneously cater to both halves of this divide by also depicting the world in which these authoritarians rise as horrific.

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5

Manson, Joseph H. "Right-wing Authoritarianism, Left-wing Authoritarianism, and pandemic-mitigation authoritarianism". Personality and Individual Differences 167 (diciembre de 2020): 110251. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.paid.2020.110251.

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6

Meloen, Jos. "Anti-Authoritarianism and Political Activism". South African Journal of Psychology 21, n.º 4 (diciembre de 1991): 261–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/008124639102100410.

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A relationship between anti-authoritarianism and self-reported overt actions expressing resistance against authorities (demonstrations, boycotts etc.) has been proposed. In a 1985 survey of a national random sample of the Dutch population using a shortened F scale, the relationship did not appear to be particularly strong (0,34), but was nevertheless highly significant and consistent. For some subsamples such as anti-authoritarians, students and the highly educated the relationship was much stronger. Authoritarianism contributed independently to an explanation of resistance behaviour, next to education and political preference. Some 25% of the sample reported having participated in one or more acts of resistance over the previous five years. Some 63% behaved in consistency with their anti-authoritarian or authoritarian predisposition. The results are interpreted as supporting the theory of Adorno et al.

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7

Eckhardt, William. "Authoritarianism". Political Psychology 12, n.º 1 (marzo de 1991): 97. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3791348.

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8

Hastings, Brad M. y Barbara Shaffer. "Authoritarianism". Theory & Psychology 18, n.º 3 (junio de 2008): 423–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0959354308089793.

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9

Spurgin, C. B. "Authoritarianism". Physics Education 20, n.º 1 (1 de enero de 1985): 10–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1088/0031-9120/20/1/111.

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10

Dunn, Kris. "Authoritarianism and Intolerance Under Autocratic and Democratic Regimes". Journal of Social and Political Psychology 2, n.º 1 (30 de septiembre de 2014): 220–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/jspp.v2i1.260.

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Based on findings indicating that authoritarians express greater intolerance in situations where diversity is more apparent, Stenner (2005) proposes that democracies may sabotage their stability by allowing the unbridled expression of societal pluralism. She therefore suggests that pluralism in democracies be suppressed in order to pacify authoritarians and the threat their unbridled intolerance may pose to the stability of these countries. Based on data from the World and European Values Surveys, I examined 75,478 individuals across 75 countries to determine if authoritarians are indeed more intolerant in more democratic societies; a key assumption upon which Stenner’s suggestion rests. While authoritarianism was more strongly and negatively related to tolerance in more democratic countries, authoritarians in more democratic countries were more tolerant than were authoritarians in more autocratic countries. I argue that Stenner’s concern may be valid if we strictly consider rapid pluralization within a single generation within consolidating democracies, but for established democracies, her concern appears unwarranted.

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11

McCollaum, Bruce y David Lester. "Authoritarianism, Anti-Authoritarianism, and Locus of Control". Psychological Reports 76, n.º 2 (abril de 1995): 418. http://dx.doi.org/10.2466/pr0.1995.76.2.418.

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12

Simsek, Esra. "Bureaucratic-Authoritarianism". Politikon: The IAPSS Journal of Political Science 24 (1 de septiembre de 2014): 141–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.22151/politikon.24.9.

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This article provides an application of O’Donnell’s bureaucratic-authoritarianism theory in Turkish context though a survey of political unrest of 1970s and 1980 military coup. The theory is reappropriated through formal modelling in order to amend its previous weakness. Although BA theory is strong in explaining the destabilizing effect of modernity in late-developers, it lacks an actor level analysis. Thus, this paper takes political parties as active agents which instrumentalizes political violence and considers military as an institution bearing private interests. The formal design constitutes a break from traditional BA model and yields a “paralysis” equilibrium which is supported by historical account. Thus, the convergences and divergences between Turkish and Latin American context, reveals the need of recontextualization and reappropriation of BA theory, especially through inclusion of an agency-level analysis.

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13

Student. "AUTHORITARIANISM WINS". Pediatrics 77, n.º 3 (1 de marzo de 1986): 412. http://dx.doi.org/10.1542/peds.77.3.412.

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Researchers in the perinatal field employ [randomized clinical trials] very rarely, and a variety of authoritarian strategies has been used to make carrying out RCTs difficult and to discredit those that reach completion and publication.

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14

Ibrahim, Anwar. "Confronting Authoritarianism". Journal of Democracy 30, n.º 2 (2019): 5–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jod.2019.0018.

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15

Dent, Alexander S. "Ludic Authoritarianism". American Anthropologist 121, n.º 1 (18 de febrero de 2019): 193–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/aman.13192.

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16

Aho, James. "Revisiting Authoritarianism". Critical Sociology 46, n.º 3 (18 de marzo de 2019): 329–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0896920519830749.

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This article traces the roots of the Authoritarian Personality (AP) project in the neo-Freudian/phenomenological tradition of the Frankfurt School (FS). It focuses on three of its major proponents (Erich Fromm, Theodor Adorno and Herbert Marcuse) and examines the construction of the F-scale. It outlines how, according to FS-influenced scholars, the AP arose from the disciplinary measures inflicted on late 19th and early 20th century German middle-class youth, and details the sado-masochistic political style of the prototypical AP. It covers the critical reception of this characterization and explanation of authoritarianism by Bob Altemeyer and Anglo-American positivism. It concludes by arguing that in overlooking the inner life of the AP, positivism blinds us to compelling truths, about authoritarianism, and also about ourselves.

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17

El-Sadany, Mai. "Legalized Authoritarianism". World Policy Journal 34, n.º 2 (2017): 12–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/07402775-4191528.

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18

Isaac, Jeffrey C. "Contesting Authoritarianism". Perspectives on Politics 12, n.º 2 (junio de 2014): 305–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s153759271400084x.

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19

Krason, Stephen M. "Liberal Authoritarianism". Catholic Social Science Review 28 (2023): 203–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/cssr20232838.

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In this article, SCSS President Stephen M. Krason examines the increasingly authoritarian trend present in American liberalism, particularly with regard to the matter of free speech. Once firm supporters of the ideal, today’s liberals are increasingly against it. The author provides a number of examples of this trend, citing suppression via government overreach and officially-issued mandates, the stifling of alternative news media outlets, and the worrisome pattern of censorship on university campuses across the country. This ongoing program of suppression constitutes a form of tyranny, and makes hypocrites of those engaging in it. There are also signs that there may be a backlash building against this trend, but it will take some effort on the part of the defenders of free speech to make it happen.

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20

Timmermann, H. "Toward Authoritarianism?" World Economy and International Relations, n.º 7 (1997): 82–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-1997-7-82-94.

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21

Howells, Laura y Laura A. Henry. "Varieties of Digital Authoritarianism". Communist and Post-Communist Studies 54, n.º 4 (1 de diciembre de 2021): 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/j.postcomstud.2021.54.4.1.

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Digital authoritarianism threatens the privacy and rights of Internet users worldwide, yet scholarship on this topic remains limited in analytical power and case selection. In this article, we introduce a comprehensive analytical framework to the field of Internet governance and apply it first, briefly, to the well-known case of China and then, in more depth, to the still-understudied Russian case. We identify the extent and relative centralization of Internet governance as well as proactive versus reactive approaches to governance as notable differences between the cases, highlighting variation among digital authoritarians’ governance strategies. We conclude that Russia’s Internet governance model is less comprehensive and consistent than China’s, but its components may be more easily exported to other political systems. We then consider whether recent changes to Russia’s Internet governance suggest that it could converge with the Chinese model over time.

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22

Nikolov, Jelena. "Influence of sociodemographic characteristics on right-wing authoritarianism". Specijalna edukacija i rehabilitacija 23, n.º 2 (2024): 145–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/specedreh23-43997.

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Introduction. This paper explores the impact of sociodemographic characteristics on right-wing authoritarianism. Right-wing authoritarianism is defined as a combination of three attitudinal clusters: authoritarian submission, authoritarian aggression, and conventionalism. Objective. The aim of the study is to examine the influence of gender, age, education, and religiosity on right-wing authoritarianism. Methods. In the conducted research, right-wing authoritarianism was defined as the criterion variable, while others were specified as predictors. The Right-Wing Authoritarianism (RWA) scale, consisting of 12 questions and measured at an interval level, was used to assess right-wing authoritarianism. The study was conducted on 112 participants of different genders and ages from the general population in Serbia, using a non-random, voluntary sample. Results. The obtained data show that, on average, respondents exhibit a slightly more pronounced right-wing authoritarianism (both in terms of the overall scale and its subscales). There were gender differences in the degree of right-wing authoritarianism, with men being more authoritarian than women. Age-related differences in the degree of right-wing authoritarianism were found, as well as the fact that respondents with higher levels of education are less prone to authoritarianism, while those who emphasize their religiosity are more inclined toward authoritarianism. Conclusion. The results of this study have important implications for interventions to reduce the prevalence of right-wing authoritarianism and the development of policies to mitigate its negative effects on individuals and society. Based on the obtained results, implications for further research are presented.

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23

Parker, Christopher Sebastian y Christopher C. Towler. "Race and Authoritarianism in American Politics". Annual Review of Political Science 22, n.º 1 (11 de mayo de 2019): 503–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-polisci-050317-064519.

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Authoritarianism, it seems, is alive and well these days. The Trump administration's blatant dismissal of democratic norms has many wondering whether it fits the authoritarian model. This review offers a framework for understanding authoritarianism in the American past, as well as the American present. Starting in the early twentieth century, this analysis seeks to provide a better understanding of how authoritarianism once existed in enclaves in the Jim Crow South, where it was intended to dominate blacks in the wake of emancipation. Confining the definition of authoritarianism to regime rule, however, leaves little room for a discussion of more contemporary authoritarianism, at the micro level. This review shifts focus to an assessment of political psychology's concept of authoritarianism and how it ultimately drives racism. Ultimately, we believe a tangible connection exists between racism and authoritarianism. Even so, we question the mechanism. Along the way, we also discuss the ways in which communities of color, often the targets of authoritarianism, resist the intolerance to which they have been exposed. We conclude with a discussion of why we believe, despite temporal and spatial differences as well as incongruous levels of analysis, that micro- and macro-level authoritarianism have much in common.

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24

Halmai, Gábor. "Populism, authoritarianism and constitutionalism". German Law Journal 20, n.º 3 (abril de 2019): 296–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/glj.2019.23.

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AbstractThe paper deals with the relationship of different types of populism with authoritarianism and constitutionalism. In the first part, I try to define various approaches—Left and Right-Wing, “good” or “bad”—to populism, especially from the point of view of whether they aim at changing the liberal democratic constitutional system to an authoritarian one. The following part discusses the rhetoric of authoritarian populists, which makes this type of populism distinct from non-populist authoritarians. The paper also explores the question of whom to blame for the success of authoritarian populisms, and the final part investigates, whether the use of legal tools by an authoritarian populist to dismantle liberal constitutional democracies means that we can speak about a special populist constitutionalism. While the paper tries to find out the joint characteristics of authoritarian populism, it heavily relies on the Hungarian experiences as a kind of model approach in East-Central Europe and maybe even beyond.

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25

Mužík, Michal y Jan Šerek. "Authoritarianism, Trust in Media, and Tolerance Among the Youth". Social Psychology 54, n.º 6 (noviembre de 2023): 360–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1027/1864-9335/a000533.

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Abstract: Young people’s authoritarianism is usually associated with lower tolerance toward immigrants. This study tests several alternative pathways through which authoritarianism translates into intolerance. Besides perceived threat from immigration and political alienation, trust in alternative media, which often express anti-immigration sentiments, are considered as potential mediators. Structural equation modeling was used to analyze two-wave longitudinal questionnaire data from Czech adolescents and young adults (aged 15–25; N = 1,346). The results showed that authoritarianism longitudinally predicted perceived threat, which in turn mediated the negative effect of authoritarianism on tolerance. Authoritarianism also predicted higher trust in alternative media, but alternative media trust did not translate into young people’s tolerance. Despite their cross-sectional correlations, no longitudinal effects of authoritarianism on political alienation were found.

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26

Heron, Michael y Pauline Belford. "Authoritarianism and anonymity". ACM SIGCAS Computers and Society 49, n.º 3 (22 de enero de 2021): 19–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3447913.3447926.

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The Scandal in Academia [32] [33] [34] [35] is an extended fictional case-study intended for use as a teaching and discussion aid for educational practitioners looking to introduce elements of computer ethics into their curricula. Inspired by Epstein [17] [18] it is a full-cycle scenario involving many individuals which touches upon the complexity and interrelations of modern computer ethics. It has been trailed and evaluated as a teaching tool by the authors [36] and with multiple groups since then. However its utility as a general resource is limited without the academic context that supports deeper investigation of the material. It is to address this issue that the authors offer this commentary on the Scandal, with a focus on the ninth and tenth newspaper items presented within. Specifically these are Culture of Fear and Nepotism at University and Witch-Hunts at the University - IT Crackdown Causes Criticisms.

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27

Hughey, Matthew W. "The Coming Authoritarianism". Sociological Forum 36, n.º 2 (4 de febrero de 2021): 544–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/socf.12699.

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28

Gandolfo, K. Luisa. "Debating Arab Authoritarianism". American Journal of Islam and Society 26, n.º 1 (1 de enero de 2009): 100–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v26i1.1416.

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The Middle East has long contended with the title of the region most lackingin democratic state structures, and while several countries endeavor toenforce a form of democracy, yet others preserve the frameworks that efficientlysustain their monarchies, revenue, and power status in the area. Thetwin questions of how and why democracy has proved elusive in theMiddleEast forms the crux of the collection of essays comprised within Schlumberger’stome: Debating Arab Authoritarianism: Dynamics and Durabilityin Nondemocratic Regimes.Spanning Morocco to Oman, via Egypt, Jordan, and Saudi Arabia, theauthoritarian mode of governance is surveyed through an assessment of thedurability of regimes, the role of Islamist political parties, intra-regimedynamics, and the economic aspects of political reform. Divided into foursections, the book’s structure incorporates key elements of Arab authoritarianism:“State-Society Relations and Political Opposition,” “The Regimes,”“The Economy and the Polity,” and “The InternationalArena.” That the sectionsretain a subtle reluctance to address the link between the repressivecapacities ofArab states and their longevity, as well as the concept that Islamis incompatible with democracy, is conspicuous, yet prudent. Far fromretreadingworn theories, the contributors provide fresh conceptual and comparativeanalyses of individual countries and the region on a wider level, inaddition to prospects for the respective regimes ...

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29

Gillespie, Charles G., Guillermo O'Donnell, Manuel Mora y Araujo, Jorge F. Sabato, Jorge Schvarzer y Marcelo Cavarozzi. "Argentines on Authoritarianism". Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 30, n.º 4 (1988): 183. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166062.

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30

Carlson, James M., Vinod K. Kool y John J. Ray. "Authoritarianism across Cultures". Political Psychology 6, n.º 1 (marzo de 1985): 165. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3791279.

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31

Holt, Robert R. "On Freud's Authoritarianism". Psychoanalytic Review 102, n.º 3 (junio de 2015): 315–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1521/prev.2015.102.3.315.

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32

Leighton, Marian K. "Restoring Russian Authoritarianism". International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence 31, n.º 3 (3 de julio de 2018): 603–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08850607.2018.1467692.

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33

Sithole, Masipula. "Zimbabwe's Eroding Authoritarianism". Journal of Democracy 8, n.º 1 (1997): 127–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jod.1997.0013.

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34

Way, Lucan. "Kuchma's Failed Authoritarianism". Journal of Democracy 16, n.º 2 (2005): 131–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jod.2005.0037.

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35

Hadenius, Axel y Jan Teorell. "Pathways from Authoritarianism". Journal of Democracy 18, n.º 1 (2007): 143–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jod.2007.0009.

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36

MacKinnon, Rebecca. "China's "Networked Authoritarianism"". Journal of Democracy 22, n.º 2 (2011): 32–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jod.2011.0033.

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37

Su, Zhenhua, Hui Zhao y Jingkai He. "Authoritarianism and Contestation". Journal of Democracy 24, n.º 1 (2013): 26–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jod.2013.0015.

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38

Foa, Roberto Stefan. "Modernization and Authoritarianism". Journal of Democracy 29, n.º 3 (2018): 129–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jod.2018.0050.

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39

Ryzhkov, Vladimir. "Authoritarianism and Russia". Journal of Political Theory, Political Philosophy and Sociology of Politics Politeia 30, n.º 3 (2003): 179–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.30570/2078-5089-2003-30-3-179-189.

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40

Winter, David G. "Authoritarianism at 40". Contemporary Psychology: A Journal of Reviews 35, n.º 5 (mayo de 1990): 460–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/028588.

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41

Kvale, J. N. "Beneficence Without Authoritarianism". Journal of the American Geriatrics Society 33, n.º 6 (junio de 1985): 451–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1532-5415.1985.tb07160.x.

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42

Lewis, Christopher Alan y John Maltby. "Authoritarianism and Projection". Psychological Reports 77, n.º 2 (octubre de 1995): 362. http://dx.doi.org/10.2466/pr0.1995.77.2.362.

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To extend the 1995 work of McCollaum and Lester, 378 undergraduate students were administered the conservatism scale of the Wilson-Patterson Attitude Inventory and the projection scale of the Defense Style Questionnaire-40. No significant association was found between scores on conservatism and projection.

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43

Yuly NISNEVICH. "Post-Soviet Authoritarianism". Social Sciences 48, n.º 003 (30 de septiembre de 2017): 80–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.21557/ssc.49373412.

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44

Huggins, Martha K. "Legacies of Authoritarianism". Latin American Perspectives 27, n.º 2 (marzo de 2000): 57–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x0002700204.

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45

Fish, M. Steven. "Islam and Authoritarianism". World Politics 55, n.º 1 (octubre de 2002): 4–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wp.2003.0004.

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Are predominantly Muslim societies distinctly disadvantaged in democratization? If so, why? The article presents a straightforward cross-national examination of the link between Islam and political regime. The evidence strongly suggests that Muslim countries are in fact democratic underachievers. The nature of the causal connection between Islam and political regime is investigated. Many conventional assumptions about Islam and politics do not withstand scrutiny. But one factor does help explain the dearth of democracy in the Muslim world: the treatment of women and girls. The rudiments of a provisional theory linking the treatment of females and regime type are offered and the implications of the findings for democracy, both in Muslim societies and elsewhere, are discussed.

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46

Çelik, Burçe. "Turkey’s communicative authoritarianism". Global Media and Communication 16, n.º 1 (22 de febrero de 2020): 102–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1742766519899123.

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The majority of current political communication studies focus on discursive dimensions of communications and disregard how communications partake in the governing of populations through economic, material and institutional practices. By focusing on Turkey’s case, here I move beyond this approach and examine the role of communications in the development of neoliberal capital accumulation, authoritarian welfare politics, political repression and the production of popular support. The article provides an empirical analysis of policy developments and plans and the restructuring of ownership and control of networks between 2002 and 2016 in Erdoğan’s Turkey.

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Andel, Michal y Robert Tattersall. "Authoritarianism in Diabetology". Diabetic Medicine 6, n.º 6 (agosto de 1989): 471. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1464-5491.1989.tb01212.x.

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McLaren, EH. "Authoritarianism in Diabetes". Diabetic Medicine 6, n.º 9 (diciembre de 1989): 830. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1464-5491.1989.tb01293.x.

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WILLIAMS, SHIRLEY. "THE NEW AUTHORITARIANISM". Political Quarterly 60, n.º 1 (enero de 1989): 4–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-923x.1989.tb00752.x.

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Isaac, Jeffrey C. "Authoritarianism, Elections, Democracy?" Perspectives on Politics 10, n.º 4 (diciembre de 2012): 863–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592712002848.

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Resumen

The demand for democracy is a pervasive feature of contemporary political discourse. It is a compelling demand, for citizens and elites who rally beneath the banner of “democracy” and for political scientists who study the ways citizens and elites rally beneath banners in order to mobilize, seek, and contest political power. The force of this demand was captured by the cover of our June 2011 issue, which featured a wall in Egypt's Tahrir Square covered with graffiti stating that “Mubarak must go” and calling for “freedom” and “democracy.”

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