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1
Whelan, Kathryn M. "Australia's foreign relations with Indochina : the evolution of an independent Australian foreign policy? /". Title page, table of contents and conclusion only, 1993. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arw566.pdf.
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LAMARCA, CLAUDIA. "THE AUSTRALIAN FOREIGN POLICY TOWARDS EAST TIMOR". PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2003. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=4246@1.
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COORDENAÇÃO DE APERFEIÇOAMENTO DO PESSOAL DE ENSINO SUPERIORA presente dissertação constitui um estudo da política externa australiana para o Timor Leste desde a invasão indonésia em 1975, até a intervenção internacional no território em 1999. O principal objetivo do trabalho é explicar como a política australiana para o Timor se modificou, de uma posição conivente com a invasão e o domínio indonésio durante mais de vinte anos, para uma postura de engajamento na discussão sobre o status futuro do território, que culmina com a participação do país na intervenção internacional, assumindo o papel de liderança da força multinacional.
This work constitutes a study of the Australian foreign policy towards East Timor, from the Indonesian invasion in 1975, to the international intervention in the territory in 1999. The main goal is to explain how the Australian foreign policy towards East Timor changed from a position that was conniving with the Indonesian invasion and rule for more than twenty yeras, to a stance of engagement in the debate on the future status of the territory. With that change, Australian eventually took participation in the international intervention and assumed the role of leader of the multinacional force.
3
Daly, Philippa. "Lone White Faces: Australian Foreign Policy & the Nixon Doctrine". Thesis, Department of History, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/8816.
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On 25 July 1969, President Richard Nixon would announce a new direction in American foreign policy towards Asia that would have far reaching implications for its ANZUS partner in Australia. This study aims to map out the affects the Nixon Doctrine would have on Australian policy reforms in an attempt to critically examine the forces within international politics that saw Australia comprehensively engage with its Asia neighbours. This Asian region, which had previously been looked at with fear, was gradually viewed in the light of Nixon’s new policies as the only path to Australia’s long-standing future in the region.
4
Webster, Samuel Murdoch. "Australian Strategic Imaginaries". Thesis, University of Sydney, 2021. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/24502.
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This thesis looks at the foreign and defence policies of the Australian Commonwealth from 1901 to 2020, with closest attention being paid to the period between 1942 and 1996. It argues that the thinking of Australian policymakers has been undergirded by a ‘strategic imagination’, a concept which provided a way of imagining Australia’s place in the world and situated Australian national identity in regional and international geo-politics. Since federation, the strategic imagination has itself undergone changes that were largely in reaction to external events. The history of Australian foreign and defence policy can thus be broken up into three broad and overlapping periods corresponding to three distinctive and shifting ways in which policymakers have imagined the geo-strategic landscape in which the national community resides. The first period, from the late nineteenth century to 1967, was greatly influenced by conceptions of Australia as a proud custodian of the British racial ideal in a world dominated by European empires. The second, from the mid-1940s to the early 1990s, was marked by the waning of empire and a developing Australian familiarity with emerging post-colonial states in Asia. At the same time, Australia’s strategic alignment with the United States in the overarching Cold War bi-polar rivalry with the Soviet Union strengthened conceptions of Australia as a ‘western’ country. The third period, commencing with the end of the Cold War, saw Australian policymakers rely on American strategic pre-eminence as a firm foundation for deep integration of the Australian and Asian economies.
5
Kavanagh, John. "Australian foreign policy under Hawke : "New fiddler - same tune" /". Title page and contents only, 1991. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09ark216.pdf.
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Yarnell, Caroline Janet. "Is the Australian public ‘rational’ on foreign policy issues?" Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/14427.
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The purpose of this thesis is to test the ‘rational public’ theory first espoused by Page and Shapiro (1988) for the Australian case. I aim to ascertain whether the Australian public, at the aggregate level, has the capacity to form ‘rational’ opinions on foreign policy issues. I do this by testing three major hypotheses using collective opinion data from the Australian Election Study (AES) 1987 – 2010: 1) opinion will be durable, or stable over time, 2) opinion will be coherent, and 3) opinion will respond reasonably, as predicted, to such triggers as changing international situations, elite cues, and particular events or trends. I found considerable support for all three hypotheses. Aggregate Australian opinion was as stable as US, Canadian, German, French, Italian, and Dutch opinion when using comparable measures, and more stable when using methods specific to the AES dataset. Opinion was also coherent, and, in most cases, responded to available directly and indirectly experienced triggers, as posited. I also performed a sub-set of tests for all three of these major hypotheses on the group of respondents who professed to have ‘no interest’ in politics, often referred to as the inattentive public, and found they held slightly less stable and coherent opinions overall, but were more responsive: results which lend further weight to the overall ‘rational public’ hypothesis. These results for the Australian case enable cross-national comparison to determine whether the ‘rational public’ thesis is generalisable, or whether it is dependent on such factors as a state’s position in the international system, its political institutions, or its political culture. I also envisage this thesis as providing a basis for further research into the functioning of Australian democracy as regards the public opinion, media, and policy-making nexus, incorporating further cross-national comparison. PAGE, B. I. & SHAPIRO, R. Y. 1988. Foreign policy and the rational public. Journal of conflict resolution, 32, 211-247.
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Murphy, T. A. "The Snowy Mountains Engineering Corporation as an instrument of Australian foreign policy". Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/130322.
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Australia's foreign policy may be drafted in Canberra, but it is
implemented in the jungles of Java and the bazaars of Dar-es-Salaam,
as well as in the offices and boardrooms in Washington, London or Bonn.
The aim of this sub-thesis is to examine the role of the Snowy
Mountains Engineering Corporation (SMEC) as an instrumentality for the
practical implementation of Australia's foreign policy, particularly in
relation to developing countries, and more specifically in the AsiaPacific
Region. Towards this end a comparison and contrast will be
made of two SMEC overseas projects. As well as covering some specific
details, it is hoped that these two case studies will present SMEC's
overseas operations in microcosm.
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Marshall, Helen. "Australian foreign policy and Cambodia : international power, regionalism and domestic politics". Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/112135.
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The Hawke Labor government came to power in March 1983 committed to playing a more active
role in finding a solution to the Cambodian conflict, improving bilateral relations with Vietnam
and restoring Australian aid. This signalled a departure from the Fraser government's
minimal involvement in the issue, and reflected a closer identification of Australia's interests
with the Asia-Pacific region. As Foreign Minister, Bill Hayden, explained:
The war in Cambodia, in all its many dimensions, is the greatest unresolved source of
tension in Southeast Asia...The future of Australia lies in developing a mature and
balanced set of relationships with its neighbours in Southeast Asia. Indochina is part of that neighbourhood.
9
de, Somer Gregory John Humanities & Social Sciences Australian Defence Force Academy UNSW. "The Redefinition of Asia : Australian Foreign Policy and Contemporary Asian Regionalism". Awarded by:University of New South Wales - Australian Defence Force Academy. School of Humanities and Social Sciences, 2003. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/38666.
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This thesis set out to ascertain the position of recent Australian Governments on the latest instalments of Asian regionalism in the context of an assessment of whether there has been a redefinition of Asia and thus a redefinition of Australia???s engagement with Asia. It will concentrate on the broad themes of politico-strategic and economic engagement. Whilst there has been extensive research and documentation on the Asian economic crisis there has been less work on the issue of a new Asian regionalism and the implications for Australia???s complex and variable engagement with the region. This is the basis for the claim to originality of this thesis, a claim supported by its focus on the practical and policy implications of Australia???s engagement, or lack of it, with regional institutions. The process of regional integration has been extremely slow, thus supporting the conclusion that there is no evidence of a major redefinition of Asia. Efforts at Asian regionalism are meeting obstacles that pose immense challenges. Asian regionalism remains nascent and poorly defined. This reflects the diversity and enormous disparities in cultures, political systems and the levels of economic development and differences over economic philosophies within East Asia. What is discernible is that the regionalism is proceeding more rapidly on financial issues than on trade, and in the security area it is conspicuously absent. This research highlights the fact that the question of Asian engagement remains a sensitive issue in Australia and continues to grow more complex. Australia???s engagement with Asia since 1996 has been variable because of the Howard Government???s broader balance of priorities between global and regional issues, and because of the changing nature of the Asian region. The perception gleaned from sources is that, for the Australian Government, regionalism initiatives are characterised by much discussion but lack substance. Consequently, this appears to have led the Government to the position that exclusion from some manifestations of regionalism is not so important. Australia is excluded from some of the regional architectures being constructed. In its efforts to seek inclusion in ASEAN + 3 and ASEM, Australia is facing the same barriers that have stood in the way of an AFTA-CER agreement. Exclusion would be important if the performance of regional groupings was not so indifferent. Exclusion from ASEAN + 3 and ASEM, however, does not equate to Australia???s exclusion from the region.
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Auton, Luke Thomas Humanities & Social Sciences Australian Defence Force Academy UNSW. "'A sort of middle of the road policy' : forward defence, alliance politics and the Australian Nuclear Weapons Option, 1953-1973". Awarded by:University of New South Wales - Australian Defence Force Academy. Humanities & Social Sciences, 2008. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/40319.
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This thesis is about the importance of nuclear weapons to Australian defence and strategic policy in Southeast Asia between 1953 and 1973. It argues that Australia's approach to nuclear issues during this period, and its attitude towards the development and acquisition of nuclear weapons in particular, was aimed exclusively at achieving narrowly defined political objectives. Australia was thus never interested in possessing nuclear weapons, and any moves seemingly taken along these lines were calculated to obtain political concessions - not as part of a 'bid' for their acquirement. This viewpoint sits at odds with the consensus position of several focused studies of Australian nuclear policy published in the past decade. Although in general these studies correctly argue that Australia maintained the 'nuclear weapons option' until the early 1970s, all have misrepresented the motivation for this by contending that the government viewed such weapons in exclusively military terms. The claim that Australia was interested only in the military aspect of nuclear weapons does not pay due attention to the fact that defence planning was based entirely on the provision of conventional forces to Southeast Asia. Accordingly, the military was interested first and foremost with issues arising from extant conventional planning concepts, and the government was chiefly concerned about obtaining allied assurances of support for established plans. The most pressing requirement for Australia therefore was gaining sway over allied countries. However, the Australian government was never in a position to overtly influence more powerful allies against an undertaking that could escalate into limited war, and was similarly incapable of inducing its allies to retain forces in the region in spite of competing pressures. It was for this reason that Australia would seek to manipulate the nuclear weapons option. Indeed, access to such weapons offered Australia the opportunity to achieve greater integration in formulating allied planning, while the threat to manufacture them provided a means of convincing regional partners to maintain a presence in the area. The thesis therefore concludes that Australia carefully presented its options for procuring nuclear weapons to gain influence over its allies in response to strategic developments in Southeast Asia.
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Holland, Jack. "Framing the 'war on terror' : American, British and Australian foreign policy discourse". Thesis, University of Warwick, 2010. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/3726/.
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In September 2001 several states launched a series of counter-terrorism policies under the banner of the 'War on Terror' that were unprecedented in their scope, intensity and cost. Extensive domestic legislative agendas and surveillance programmes at home were matched by increased military interventionism abroad, most significantly in Afghanistan and Iraq. This thesis is concerned with examining how this 'War on Terror' was possible: how it was conceivable for policy-makers and how it was 'sold' to domestic audiences. More specifically, this thesis considers three principal members of the 'Coalition of the Willing' in Iraq - the United States, Britain and Australia. Aside from adopting similar and overlapping policy responses in the context of a commitment to the 'War on Terror', these three states share a common language, intertwined histories and institutional similarities, underpinned by perceptions of cultural proximity and closely related identities. However, despite significant cultural, historical and political overlap, the 'War on Terror' was rendered possible in these contexts in different ways, drawing on different discourses and narratives of foreign policy and identity. In the US, President Bush employed highly reductive moral arguments within a language of frontier justice, which was increasingly channelled through the signifier of 'freedom'. In the UK, Prime Minister Blair framed every phase of the 'War on Terror' as rational, reasoned and proper, balancing moral imperatives with an emphasised logical pragmatism. In Australia, Prime Minister Howard relied upon particularly exclusionary framings mutually reinforced through repeated references to shared values. This thesis explores these differences and their origins, arguing that they have important implications for the way we understand foreign policy and political possibility. They demonstrate that foreign policy is both discursive and culturally embedded. And they illustrate that foreign policy discourse impacts on political possibility in rendering some policy responses conceivable while others unthinkable, and some policy responses acceptable while others illegitimate. This thesis thus contributes to our understanding of political possibility, in the process correcting a tendency to view the 'War on Terror' as a universal and monolithic political discourse.
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Mooney, Joanne. "An examination of the influences on Australian foreign policy in the South Pacific /". Title page, contents and introduction only, 1989. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arm818.pdf.
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Wuryandari, Ganewati. "Human rights in Australian foreign policy, with specific reference to East Timor and Papua". University of Western Australia. School of Social and Cultural Studies, 2006. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2007.0041.
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[Truncated abstract] This thesis focuses on human rights in Australia’s foreign policy from 1991 to 2004 taking East Timor and Papua as case studies. It encompasses the Paul Keating years (1991 to 1996) as well as John Howard’s three consecutive terms as Prime Minister (from 1996 to 2004). As a consequence of events unfolding in this period of time, the thesis does not consider Australian foreign policy towards East Timor beyond the 1999 referendum that resulted in the separation of East Timor from Indonesia and focuses on Papua until 2004. The primary empirical aim of this thesis is to compare and contrast the two administrations’ approaches and responses to human rights abuses in East Timor and Papua. Drawing upon a variety of theoretical concepts in human rights and foreign policy, this thesis shows that incorporating a concern for human rights in the foreign policy making process is problematic because the promotion of human rights often comes into conflict with other foreign policy objectives . . . The two case studies on human rights abuses in East Timor and Papua reflect the tensions between concepts of realism and idealism in Australian foreign policy. However, the situation of East Timor shows that public pressure is required to balance the disparity of national interest and human rights. The role of public pressure has been largely absent in debates on human rights and foreign policy. While this study focuses on East Timor and Papua as case studies, the discussion of the findings has far reaching implications for Australian foreign policy and international relations, especially concerning the scholarly debate over the place of human rights in foreign policy.
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Fiocco, Maria. "'Glonacal' contexts: Internationalisation policy in the Australian higher education sector and the development of pathway programs". Thesis, Fiocco, Maria (2005) 'Glonacal' contexts: Internationalisation policy in the Australian higher education sector and the development of pathway programs. Professional Doctorate thesis, Murdoch University, 2005. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/50/.
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Through a critique of Ball's (1990) policy analysis framework, this dissertation explores the influences that led to the deregulation of international student recruitment ('the policy') and the subsequent development of pathway programs in the Australian higher education sector. In this study Ball's framework is extended to include Marginson and Rhoades' (2002) glonacal heuristic to analyse the global, national and local contexts that contributed to the creation and implementation of 'the policy'. The development of pathway programs is chosen as one aspect of implementation to allow for an exploration that progresses from a macro to a microanalysis of 'the policy' cycle.
The study examines the key 'players' or individuals who contributed to 'the policy's' creation, the ideologies that influenced these individuals and the contexts within which decisions were made. The research found that glonacal influences of neoliberalism, globalisation, internationalisation and commercialisation were paramount in the formation of 'the policy', and in influencing key 'players'. It was also recognized that it was not always possible to definitively describe the role of these 'players' or 'actors' according to a hierarchical structure and separate contexts, confirming Ball's (1990) theory that influence on policy is often ad hoc and trajectory in nature.
Education is an export industry, which contributes an income of $5.6 billion to the Australian economy. In 2004, there were 151,798 international students in the higher education sector, with 10 Australian universities depending on this industry for 15% to 40% of their total income. The development of pathway programs and universities' close association with private providers has contributed significantly to the overall commercial and internationalisation objectives of these universities. The pathway model, delivered through a private provider, examined in this study is quintessentially Australian, and was a local response to the possibilities that 'the policy' created. The model flourished because of Commonwealth and state support, the former providing a national accreditation system in the form of the Australian Qualification Framework ensuring articulation to a university course. From a state perspective, pathway programs and private providers prospered with the support of university partners and successive Western Australian state governments that recognised the commercial gains to be made through co-operative partnerships.
The research concludes that through glonacal influences the recruitment of international students to Australian universities developed into an industry that is uniquely Australian. The development of pathway programs and the involvement of private providers was one of its distinguishing characteristics.
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Fiocco, Maria. "'Glonacal' contexts : internationalisation policy in the Australian higher education sector and the development of pathway programs /". Access via Murdoch University Digital Theses Project, 2005. http://wwwlib.murdoch.edu.au/adt/browse/view/adt-MU20060502.154739.
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McPhail, Alison May. "John Howard’s Leadership of Australian Foreign Policy 1996 to 2004: East Timor and the war against Iraq". Thesis, Griffith University, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/366183.
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This thesis presents a study of John Howard’s leadership of Australian foreign policy from 1996 to 2003. It documents and examines the way in which John Howard, Australia’s national leader, managed the complex challenges presented by two major events in Australian foreign policy: the East Timor crisis and the war against Iraq. Because it is the national leader who speaks for the nation, the manner in which the Prime Minister articulates and communicates the country’s foreign policy is vitally important, both domestically and internationally. Two theoretical concepts—constant scanning and multidimensional diplomacy—are proposed and developed in this thesis to explore and analyse how national leaders, situated at the nexus of domestic and foreign concerns, manage the distinctive challenges presented to them in this position. They also assist in understanding and explaining John Howard’s particular approach to these two major foreign policy issues. This study demonstrates that both constant scanning and multidimensional diplomacy are useful descriptive and normative tools for examining ways in which national leaders communicate and implement their foreign policies in the increasingly interconnected political landscape. By tracing and documenting the trajectory of Howard’s foreign policy, this study finds that his skill and confidence in the area of foreign policy, and his command and control of the foreign policy process, all increased over time. The evidence also suggests that he developed a greater awareness of the need to employ both constant scanning and multidimensional diplomacy. However, as this study shows, his absolute commitment to the ANZUS alliance saw him relinquish the responsibility to employ them in the case of Iraq. This study draws on exisiting knowledge in the areas of leadership, political science and international relations as a basis for testing the proposed concepts of constant scanning and multidimensional diplomacy. It then explores the wider application of these approaches for leaders striving to balance domestic and international concerns and considers their importance for the security and stability of the international system.Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
Department of Politics and Public Policy
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Roberts, Natasha. "The Australian Post-War Utopia: Reconsidering Herbert Evatt’s human rights contribution in the 1940’s". Thesis, Department of History, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/8835.
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This thesis contests the assumption that Herbert Evatt’s 1940’s career was devoted to the promotion of a universal post-war human rights regime. As Australian Minister for External Affairs, Evatt developed an independent small state strategy that pursued a system of international democracy and social justice to facilitate the expansion of Australian influence in the Pacific and curb American hegemony. Evatt’s subscription to the White Australia Policy undermined the realization of human rights by strengthening domestic sovereignty against international intervention. Human rights became the vehicle through which Evatt sought to shape the post-war order for the benefit of Australian national interests.
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McPhail, Alison May y N/A. "John Howards Leadership of Australian Foreign Policy 1996 to 2004: East Timor and the war against Iraq". Griffith University. Department of Politics and Public Policy, 2007. http://www4.gu.edu.au:8080/adt-root/public/adt-QGU20071023.142137.
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This thesis presents a study of John Howards leadership of Australian foreign policy from 1996 to 2003. It documents and examines the way in which John Howard, Australias national leader, managed the complex challenges presented by two major events in Australian foreign policy: the East Timor crisis and the war against Iraq. Because it is the national leader who speaks for the nation, the manner in which the Prime Minister articulates and communicates the countrys foreign policy is vitally important, both domestically and internationally. Two theoretical conceptsconstant scanning and multidimensional diplomacyare proposed and developed in this thesis to explore and analyse how national leaders, situated at the nexus of domestic and foreign concerns, manage the distinctive challenges presented to them in this position. They also assist in understanding and explaining John Howards particular approach to these two major foreign policy issues. This study demonstrates that both constant scanning and multidimensional diplomacy are useful descriptive and normative tools for examining ways in which national leaders communicate and implement their foreign policies in the increasingly interconnected political landscape. By tracing and documenting the trajectory of Howards foreign policy, this study finds that his skill and confidence in the area of foreign policy, and his command and control of the foreign policy process, all increased over time. The evidence also suggests that he developed a greater awareness of the need to employ both constant scanning and multidimensional diplomacy. However, as this study shows, his absolute commitment to the ANZUS alliance saw him relinquish the responsibility to employ them in the case of Iraq. This study draws on exisiting knowledge in the areas of leadership, political science and international relations as a basis for testing the proposed concepts of constant scanning and multidimensional diplomacy. It then explores the wider application of these approaches for leaders striving to balance domestic and international concerns and considers their importance for the security and stability of the international system.
19
Han, Ni Eulalia. "Australia's Policy on the Israel-Palestine Peace Process: Influences and Implications". Thesis, Griffith University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/367015.
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This thesis examines Australia‘s current political response towards the Israel-Palestine peace process. It analyses the domestic factors that have the potential to shape Australia‘s foreign policy on the peace process. It also looks at what it will broadly mean for Australia should the current policy be maintained in relation to Australian values and commitment to issues of human rights and upholding international law. The domestic factors analysed in this thesis include the mass media, public opinion, lobby groups and business groups. An analysis of two Australian newspapers found that the Australian press coverage lacked depth and discussion of final status issues (the status of Jerusalem, Israeli settlements and Palestinian refugees). Relatively few articles address these issues within frames of their historical context and significance in international law. On the other hand, a national survey conducted shows that the majority of Australians identify with the Palestinian narrative, especially regarding final status issues. Moreover, Australians support their Government in adopting a policy on the conflict that is based on international law. This support, however, is not reflected in the Government‘s political response.
The Australian Government supports the right for both Israelis and Palestinians to live in peace but since 2004, contradicts this stance by voting against key UN resolutions concerning the rights of Palestinians. As the media and the Australian public have had a minimal impact on the Government‘s political response, this allows other domestic forces with more specific agendas to influence policy-makers. This study finds that the pro-Israel lobby and Jewish organisations in Australia play a significant role in persuading Australian politicians to adopt a political stance that reflects the Israeli narrative. Australian politicians appear more willing to acknowledge the importance of safeguarding Israel‘s security over restoring Palestinians‘ rights. These findings have also been confirmed through extensive interviews conducted with former and present Australian diplomats and politicians from both major political parties.
Australia‘s policy on the Israel-Palestine peace process will have an impact on the way the international community regards Australia. Australia prides itself as being a good international citizen which values the rule of law, justice and human rights. Voting against key UN resolutions that advocate the rights of Palestinians questions this commitment as it portrays a government that is only capable of paying lip service but not transcending its stated beliefs into actual practice. This study‘s overall finding is that certain domestic factors are able to influence foreign policy more than others depending on specific socio-political context as well as other external geopolitical dynamics.Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
School of Humanities
Arts, Education and Law
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Ede, Emma. "Internationalist Vision for a Postwar World: H. V. Evatt, Politics and the Law". Thesis, Department of History, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/5814.
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Herbert Vere Evatt, Minister for External Affairs in the postwar period (1941 – 1949), has been labelled by his contemporaries, biographers and historians as an internationalist. He is most often associated with playing a pivotal role in the formation of the UN, with advocating an independent Australian foreign policy and with increasing Australia’s involvement in the Asia-Pacific region. Evatt’s commitment to an internationalist framework was however, mitigated by his adhesion to a set of political and legal ideologies that effectively undermined the vision he promulgated for the postwar world.
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Smith, Nathan. "The role of individuals in foreign policy outcomes: A case study of the Australian response to the rise of China". Thesis, Smith, Nathan (2014) The role of individuals in foreign policy outcomes: A case study of the Australian response to the rise of China. Masters by Coursework thesis, Murdoch University, 2014. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/24640/.
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Australia finds itself increasingly poised between its traditional security alliance with the United States, and the economic opportunities afforded by its relationship with China. As tensions rise and recede between the U.S. and China, Australia's future seems to precariously balance between two divergent geostrategic objectives. How does the Australian government choose between these objectives? Dominant theorisations of foreign policy behaviour from International Relations literature focuses primarily on the system level-of-analysis, largely failing to consider the influence of individuals on the international climate. This thesis investigates whether the individual influence of the last the Australian Prime Ministers has impacted upon Australia's relationship with China. The study utilises a multiple-case study approach in order to analyse the foreign policy response of the Howard (1996-2007), Rudd (2007-2010) and Gillard (2010 - 2013) governments. Each case study investigates the foreign policy outcomes of each administration in terms of the economic relationship with China, the diplomatic response to Chinese domestic insecurities, and defence policy concerning China. Within each of these aspects, the foreign policy responses are considered as either cooperative or antagonistic policies. The study finds that while systemic forces contribute the overarching structure of Australian foreign policy concerns, the individual influence of the Prime Ministers' interpretation and response significantly influence the policy outcomes. Using these case studies of Australian foreign policy behaviour, the study argues that the mainstream understanding of the level-of-analysis problem is insufficient in explaining and predicting the foreign policy decisions of states. Rather, an alternative conceptual understanding of analytical levels as necessarily interacting is required. Furthermore, the study demonstrates that Australia's leaders can influence the outcomes of the Sino-Australian relationship.
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Yu, Teresa. "Australia and the Palestine Question, 1947–1949: A New Interpretation". Thesis, Department of History, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/8903.
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By 1947, the conflicting national aspirations of the Arab majority and Jewish minority within Palestine had developed into an intractable problem. The responsibility for the political future of Palestine fell upon the fledgling United Nations and thereby weighed upon the shoulders of all its constituent states. This was a time, however, when the nations of the globe were emerging from the shadow of a world war, and were re-evaluating their construction of foreign policy. In this thesis I utilise the Palestine Question as a prism through which to explore the nuances in the Australian conception of postwar diplomacy.
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Kuhn, Rick. "Paradise on the instalment plan: the economic thought of the Australian labour movement between the depression and the long boom". Phd thesis, http://hdl.handle.net/2123/1271, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/7450.
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The period between the depression of the 1930s and the long post-war boom saw the development of the contemporary shape of the labour movement's economic thought, with its dichotomy between moderate and left nationalist currents. This development is examined in terms of the nature of the main organisations of the labour movement, economic conditions, the ideological proclivities of different classes and the levelof the class struggle. The main areas of economic thought examined are theories of Australia's place in the world economy, the class anatomy of Australian capitalism and of economic crises.
During the late 1930s laborites continued to express a longstanding commitment to national development through tariff protection and wariness of overseas loans. Moderate ideas of the possibilities for overcoming class conflicts increasingly displaced radical Money Power theory after the depression. While monetary and real underconsumptionism continued to be the main explanations of economic crises offered by laborites, both ALP politicians and union officials became aware of Keynesian economics and the legitimacy it provided for longstanding Labor policies. The advent of the Popular Front period in the international communist movement saw the Communist Party of Australia move from a revolutionary internationalist towards a politically more conservative left nationalist position, sharing assumptions with Money Power theorists, despite the rise in the level of industrial struggle. The Communist conviction in radical underconsumptionist theory of inevitable economic crises began to weaken.
World War II and the advent of the Curtin Government saw the leadership of the ALP embrace Keynesian economics and its priorities. This was expressed in both foreign economic and domestic policies, but was qualified by a keen appreciation of the requirements of the Australian economy for both protection and foreign markets and the level of the class struggle. The promotion of Keynesian ideas and divisions in the labour movement was successful after 1947 in countering working class militancy. While retaining a fervent nationalism the Communist Party's policies shifted after the War from strong support for the Government during the War to a very radical and anti-American position after 1947. Bolstered by a return to radical underconsumptionism and a focus on the conspiratorial role of the Collins House monopolists, the Party believed it could challenge the authority of the ALP and the Chifley Government, on the basis of working class industrial struggles. But the Communist Party made its attempt when the level of united struggle was already in decline. Between 1949 and 1952 the balance of class forces shifted sharply in favour of capital.
Moderate laborites have continued to accept the main propositions of orthodox economics, while the bulk of the left in the labour movement has been nationalist and, after the Communist Party's break with Moscow, committed to a version of Keynesian economics. Although the adequacy of both approaches to working class interests is in doubt and they have not consistently promoted its struggles, their hegemony over the labour movement has not prevented the emergence of militant working class action.
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Nanlohy, Owen. "“A TEST OF LOYALTY”: A HISTORY OF THE FEDERAL AUSTRALIAN LABOR PARTY AND THE UNITED STATES ALLIANCE 1960 – 1967". Thesis, Department of History, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/8832.
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During the 1950s and 1960s Australian foreign policy was focused on ensuring the presence of the United States in South East Asia and the consequent protection of Australia under the ANZUS Treaty. For the Australian Labor Party between 1960 and 1967 the fundamental test of its readiness for government was the positions it took on issues relating to the Alliance. This thesis sheds light on the ALP’s vision for the Alliance during the period.
25
Gould, Gillian y n/a. "The expanding role of the Joint Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade : 1952 - 1993". University of Canberra. Administrative Studies, 1993. http://erl.canberra.edu.au./public/adt-AUC20060712.120351.
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This research essay examines the emergence and development of the
Joint Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade and
its attempts to influence foreign policy. Established as the Joint
Committee on Foreign Affairs in 1952, it was the first committee to
have a specific portfolio alignment. The purpose of the committee was
to ensure that a considerable number of parliamentarians could become
informed about foreign affairs issues.
The establishment of a committee for such a purpose was surprising in
that proponents of parliamentary reform at that tune were strongly
advocating that a comprehensive system of committees be created for
the purposes of financial scrutiny of government expenditure and
consideration of legislation. Against this background it is interesting
that the new committee was not given - and indeed showed no intention
of assuming - the role of scrutinising the activities of the Department
of External (and later, Foreign) Affairs.
It is also interesting that Prime Minister Robert Menzies instigated the
committee despite the fact that the government - and particularly the
Minister for External Affairs R G Casey - feared the committee might
go beyond its terms of reference and attempt to exert influence on
government policy. Consequently the government imposed severe
restrictions on the committee's activities which resulted in the
Opposition steadfastly refusing to participate in the work of the
committee for 15 years. Once some of these restrictions were removed,
the committee began to operate as a bipartisan committee in 1967 and
promptly set about attempting to influence government policy in foreign
affairs. Casey's worst fears were realised.
Over the years the brief of the committee expanded into the areas of
defence and trade. Eleven of the committee's reports address significant
defence issues and since 1987 the committee has conducted extensive
inquiries into trade matters. For the purposes of this research essay
however I have focused on the development of the committee's interest
and influence in the area of foreign affairs.
Chapter One of this essay describes the background of parliamentary
reform which resulted in the establishment of a comprehensive system
of committees within the Australian Parliament. Against this
background the emergence of the Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs
is outlined in Chapter Two. Chapter Three identifies the major trends
in the work of the committee while Chapter Four examines the
influence and some of the mechanisms through which the committee
has exerted pressure on foreign affairs policy. The conclusions of my
research are addressed in Chapter Five.
This research essay is based on an analysis of official committee
documents which address foreign affairs issues from 1967 to the
present. The major sources for the essay therefore are the reports of the
committee, government responses to those reports and parliamentary
debates. Other works consulted include academic journals and
monographs. I have also gained numerous insights into the powers and
limitations of committees through informal discussions with members
of various committees and colleagues. To these people I am indebted for
their thoughtful and provocative remarks. In particular I thank
Professor John Halligan of the University of Canberra for his assistance
and encouragement in bringing this research essay to its conclusion.
26
Seddelmeyer, Laura M. "'On the edge of Asia': Australian Grand Strategy and the English-Speaking Alliance, 1967-1980". Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1399422337.
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Bean, Christopher. "Howard’s Australia – How foreign policy decisions shaped a nation". Thesis, Bean, Christopher (2010) Howard’s Australia – How foreign policy decisions shaped a nation. Honours thesis, Murdoch University, 2010. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/57007/.
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Unlike liberalism, the realist theory of International Relations leaves very little space for individual leaders or other domestic factors to influence the direction of a state’s foreign policy. It therefore provides an insufficient explanation for the enormous influence former Australian Prime Minister John Howard had on Australian foreign policy-making. When considering potential domestic influences on a state’s foreign policy, such as public opinion, Australia’s political institutions and societal structure, John Howard’s influence far outshone them all.
Howard claimed to be a realist and indeed his actions generally confirmed that. Yet the fact that he was able to shape Australian foreign policy in his mould, from the more liberal internationalist bipartisanism of the previous few decades, ironically demonstrates the importance of domestic factors in the making of foreign policy over international ones. While in Australia the Prime Minister has always had far more influence in this field than any other factor, this is a trend which Howard consolidated.
Howard’s influence was so great not only because of the centralised nature of the Australian foreign policy-making structure he inherited upon winning office in 1996, but because of conscious decisions made during his prime ministership. These decisions included the establishment of the National Security Committee, the promotion of the Australian Federal Police at the expense of the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade and the increased prominence of the Department of Prime Minister and Cabinet. Howard was then able to use his influence in Australian foreign policy-making to shape Australia in his own image.
The case studies of the 1999 peace-keeping operation in East Timor and the 2003 invasion of Iraq as part of the United States-led “Coalition of the Willing” demonstrate this argument. Not long after Australian troops entered East Timor – Howard’s first real intervention in foreign affairs – Howard outlined to parliament what quickly became known as the Howard Doctrine. This speech foreshadowed the full expression of Howard’s vision of Australia, a vision that was:
… centred upon the Anzac tradition; mateship; military valour; mourning; remembrance; the martial defence of Western values [and] the most intimate association with Australia’s two wartime great and powerful friends, the United Kingdom and the United States (Manne, 2004, 50).
The War on Terror, especially Australia’s contribution to the invasion of Iraq, represented the most extreme expression of the Howard Doctrine, and demonstrates most clearly Howard’s dominance of the foreign policy-making arena.
28
Osei-Amo, Yaw. "Australia's foreign policy towards Sub-Saharan Africa 1972-96 /". [St. Lucia, Qld.], 2004. http://www.library.uq.edu.au/pdfserve.php?image=thesisabs/absthe17788.pdf.
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Chapman, Paul. "The policy implications of Japanese foreign direct investment in Australia /". Title page, synopsis and contents only, 2001. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phc4662.pdf.
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Cook, Ashley Jayne. "Australia's foreign aid policy in the post-cold war period /". Title page, contents and conclusion only, 2002. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arc7683.pdf.
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Sadleir, Christopher. "On the Frontier : Australia's policy approach to foreign direct investment 1968 - 2004 as a case study in globalisation, national public policy and public administration /". full text via ADT database, 2007. http://erl.canberra.edu.au/public/adt-AUC20080304.145454/index.html.
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Yustiningrum, Emilia. "Foreign Policy Decision Making: Explaining Indonesia's Approach toward Australia during the 2004 Aceh Tsunami". Thesis, Griffith University, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/408939.
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Why did the Indonesian government decide to approve Australian humanitarian assistance following the 2004 Aceh tsunami, and how did governmental agencies manage the assistance? This thesis unpacks the Indonesian foreign policy decision-making process during the first term of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY) in its efforts to address the crises emerging from both the Aceh tsunami and the intrastate conflict in Aceh. By utilising a theoretical framework derived from foreign policy decision-making theory, the thesis shows that not only power and interests, but also organisational structure and bargaining explain foreign policy making in the Indonesian context (Allison, 1969, 1971; Allison & Zelikow, 1999).
The case selection is Australia, given that it had the military capability to undertake significant military-operations-other-than-war (MOOTW) in a high intensity environment such as the Aceh intrastate conflict. The case selection of Australia provides an understanding of how the Indonesian foreign policy-making process changed its approach toward Australia from the bitter relations that were a residual effect of Australians involvement in the East Timor conflict. The thesis is qualitative in nature. The proposed methodology includes an analysis of secondary sources as well as semi-structured interviews with foreign policy makers from various government agencies (vice presidential office, foreign ministry, military, parliament) as well as non-government agencies (journalists, academics) in order to understand the interests they represented and the positions they took in support of or in opposition to the Indonesian government's policy initiative. Content analysis has been undertaken on written documents such as books, journals, speeches of the President, government official statements, national regulations, regional and international policies, national and local newspapers, treaties, and transcripts of interviews.
The thesis shows that the Indonesian government approved the international humanitarian assistance following the 2004 Aceh tsunami because of two significant factors. The first factor was the convergence of views within the government — including the President and his political advisers, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Indonesian National Armed Forces (TNI), and the Indonesian Parliament (DPR) — who embraced greater openness toward foreign involvement in post-tsunami disaster recovery. The second factor was the way the Aceh tsunami changed the global narrative on natural disasters. Here, the Indonesian government took the lead amongst ASEAN members in shifting their perspective from a less-equipped organisation into developing agreements to incorporate humanitarian diplomacy in regional politics.
The Indonesian government's approval of Australian humanitarian assistance to address the situation in the aftermath of the Aceh tsunami was motivated by a desired to maintain relations with the neighbouring country, employ assertive diplomacy, and utilise the closest foreign military available. It is also argued that the three key state agencies bargained with each other by utilising their organisational structures and functions within the Indonesian presidential system in order to provide support for or opposition to Australian humanitarian assistance following the Aceh tsunami. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs used its political, economic, protocol and consular functions, as well as public diplomacy, to bargain with the TNI and the DPR in order to resolve conflicting interests at the local, national, and international levels. The TNI utilised its non-military operations in order to obtain control over the humanitarian missions in Aceh and to collaborate with foreign military partners such as the ADF.
Furthermore, it coordinated with the Foreign Ministry and the DPR to ensure that the ADF in Aceh was a purely humanitarian mission. The DPR employed its oversight functions in order to apply checks-and-balances on the Foreign Ministry and the TNI in their management of Australian humanitarian assistance.Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
School of Govt & Int Relations
Griffith Business School
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Totaro, Genevois Mariella. "Foreign policies for the diffusion of language and culture : the Italian experience in Australia". Monash University, Centre for European Studies, 2001. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/8828.
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Liando, Nihta V. F. "Foreign language learning in primary schools with special reference to Indonesia, Thailand and Australia /". Title page, contents and abstract only, 1999. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09ARM/09arml693.pdf.
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Tuke, Victoria. "Japan’s foreign policy towards India : a neoclassical realist analysis of the policymaking process". Thesis, University of Warwick, 2011. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/49539/.
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This thesis analyses the formation of Japanese foreign policy through the case study of relations with India. The study concentrates on three streams of Japanese diplomacy; namely economic relations, nuclear policy and security issues through the theoretical framework of neoclassical realism (NCR). This approach, considered the ‘third generation’ of the mainstream paradigm, utilises neo-realism’s focus on structural factors and ultimately places primacy on systemic forces. Yet NCR seeks a more nuanced appraisal of foreign policy and incorporates internal structures into analysis. The dissertation argues that structural factors including India’s economic growth, the rise of China and facilitation provided by the US, initiated interest in India and continues to shape the development of policy. ‘China-hedging’ does not provide the only rationale. Furthermore, whilst structure is vital, with differing influential weight dependent on policy, it is unable alone to explain the exact nature and timing of policy decisions. In order to achieve this, the domestic ‘black box’ needs to be explored through analysis of unit-level variables such as policymakers’ perceptions, business interests, public opinion and norms. Elites in Japan have been particularly slow to appreciate India’s strategic worth despite favourable environmental conditions. The business community is noted as an important influence but whilst public opinion plays a minimal role overall, the prevalence of norms is able to dictate how policy is framed. The scope of the research project is confined to approximately the past two decades, though attention is given to historical relations to place contemporary analysis in context. Empirical data was sourced from academic, government and media outlets in addition to extensive interview fieldwork in Tokyo, Delhi, London and Washington DC. This thesis contributes to a nascent literature on an increasingly important area of not only Japan’s diplomacy but the regional dynamics of region no scholar of international relations can ignore.
36
Prakash, Teesta. "Strategic Assessments: Aid And Bureaucracy In Australia-India Relations 1951-1989". Thesis, Griffith University, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/406976.
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India was the largest recipient of Australian aid between 1951 and 1969, but in 1969 there was a marked decrease in this aid. Yet, current literature on the Australia-India bilateral relationship argues that the relations between the two countries were tense due to differences amongst leadership and their fundamentally opposite readings of the Cold War. There is a puzzle here that why, despite the tense bilateral relations, did Australia give so much aid to India up till 1969? Moreover, why was there a decline of aid to India in 1969? While the Australia-India relationship during the Cold War has been studied extensively, their aid relationship, however, has received little attention. This thesis traces Australia’s aid to India between 1951 and 1989 to explore what factors drove Australia’s fluctuating aid to India during this period. By drawing on archival material and interviews, this thesis examines changes in the thought and practice of key Australian decision-makers over time in its aid policy. It focuses on both bureaucratic agency and interests in exploring how bureaucrats perceived the uses of Australian aid and how policy was made within the government.
This thesis finds that Australian aid to India can be explained by the Donor Interest Model (DIM) as Australia’s aid to India was driven by its strategic interests during the Cold War. However, it notes a subtle but important shift in within the DIM in this case as Australia’s strategic interests changed over time from strategic altruism to promoting its economic interests. Australia’s aid to India was driven by its strategic interests that were mainly influenced by its relationship with the US. Between 1951 and 1965, making India the largest recipient was a strategic decision by Australia to keep it from falling into the Soviet influence and making India a counterweight to a rising communist China during the Cold War. The aid cut of 1969 was a result of the strategic divergence between Australia and India that had been widening since 1966. This divergence was a result of the souring of Indo-US relations over the Vietnam War as India tilted towards the Soviet Union between 1966 and 1977. Between 1978 and 1989 Australia’s aid to India was driven by its economic and trade interests as Australia’s foreign and economic policies became closely aligned in response to the changing international economic order during this period. This variation of Australia’s aid interests is an addition to the study to Australian strategic foreign policy literature. It emphasizes the role of key senior bureaucrats and diplomats in not just influencing the drivers of Australian aid to India but also the broader bilateral ties during this period. This thesis highlights how well bureaucrats mediate pressures, whether it be political, security, ministerial or even business, in trying to craft a strategic foreign policy approach.Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
School of Govt & Int Relations
Griffith Business School
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Sadleir, Christopher John y n/a. "Australia's policy approach to Foreign Direct Investment 1968-2004 as a case study in globalisation, national public policy and public administration". University of Canberra. School of Business & Government, 2007. http://erl.canberra.edu.au./public/adt-AUC20080304.145454.
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Since the latter half of the twentieth century patterns of economic flows
and the deployment of systems of production have encouraged greater political and
social integration between nation states. This phenomenon, called globalisation,
has reinvigorated debate about the nation state as a mode of organisation, and
created the conditions for an ongoing natural experiment concerning state
adjustment. This experiment, while on a global scale, has led to different responses
from national governments, as each grappled with how best to accommodate both
domestic and international interests. One neglected aspect of analysis in these
processes is the role played by national bureaucracy in state adjustment as a means
to move with globalising pressures or to resist their impact.
This thesis presents a qualitative analysis of the interaction of one
globalising process, foreign direct investment (FDI), and the workings of the
nation state, as a means of assessing the way in which the national government has
used regulatory processes and its bureaucracy to control FDI. An extended
historical case study is used to examine changes in policy, regulation and the
organisation of the national bureaucracy concerned with FDI in Australia. The
period examined is from 1968 to 2004 enabling comparisons to be made across the
experience of seven successive national governments (those led by prime ministers
Gorton, McMahon, Whitlam, Fraser, Hawke, Keating and Howard) in the way they
managed the domestic and international circumstances that impacted on FDI.
This thesis makes a contribution to the literature on the interaction of
globalising processes, the nation state and the role played by national public
bureaucracies where national and transnational interests intersect. In particular, this
thesis identifies the national bureaucracy as a key agent for government in enabling
and domesticating the processes of globalisation. This finding demonstrates that
national bureaucracy is significant as both a facilitator and the inhibitor of
processes of globalisation, and therefore is a key factor in understanding the issues
of state adjustment in studies of globalisation.
38
Wilkins, Thomas Stow. "New Directions in Japanese Grand Strategy: Conceptualising ‘Strategic Partnerships’". Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/18770.
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This thesis examines the newly-adopted mechanism of bilateral ‘strategic partnerships’ as a tool of diplomacy within the broader context of Japanese grand strategy. It posits that these new forms of security alignment have become an integral part of Japan’s ‘external mobilisation’ aimed at addressing the ‘increasingly severe security environment’ with which the country is now confronted with. It takes an inter-disciplinary approach drawing on Organisational Theories to supplement existing International Relations (IR) approaches, which are deemed insufficient for fully capturing and comprehending the nature, purpose, and dynamics of this novel form of alignment. In creating a new conceptual model of ‘strategic partnerships’ on these bases, it then applies it as an analytical framework to two important and contrasting cases study dyads – Japan-Australia and Japan-South Korea – to test the explanatory power of the model and reveal deeper insights into key empirical examples of Tokyo’s strategic-partnering policy. It concludes that the model significantly advances our understanding of these relationships, as well as demonstrating how they form part of a wider strategic context within which Japanese grand strategy must be conducted.
39
Hubbard, Christopher. "From ambivalence to activism: Australia and the negotiation of the 1968 Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty". Thesis, Edith Cowan University, Research Online, Perth, Western Australia, 2001. https://ro.ecu.edu.au/theses/1517.
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This Dissertation presents a study of Australia's involvement in the negotiation and early interpretation of the 1968 Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), an instrument which remains the most important global nuclear arms control measure in international law. Using data from recently released Australian government documents, the study analyses the process by which Australia was transformed from an ambivalent nuclear sceptic within the Western alliance, into a steadfast global campaigner against the spread of nuclear weapons. It concludes that Australia's urgent search during 1967 and 1968 for coherence in its policy on nuclear weapons acquisition, largely played out within sections of the Australian bureaucracy and political leadership, was not only the catalyst for that transformation, but also an important step in Australia's search for "middle power" status in both a regional and wider sense. The study uses an interdisciplinary theoretical model which asserts the complementary nature of international law and international relations theory in explanations of relations between states. That model proposes that each discipline is capable of enhancing the insights of the other, in order to account - more closely in concert than each does individually - for the rule-following behaviour of nation-states. Beginning in Chapter One with a critique of the NPT and the regime of institutions and understandings which surround it, the study moves, in Chapter Two, to a review of the domestic and international context in which Australia's nuclear weapons policy debate was conducted, while introducing the elements of division within the Australian federal bureaucracy which largely prosecuted that debate. Chapters Three and Four analyse the debate in detail, concluding that its inconclusive result induced Australia's refusal to agree to America's request for immediate accession to the NPT. This, in tum, resulted in Australia exercising, through its recalcitrance, disproportionate influence over the US on the interpretation of the terms of the treaty. Chapter Five moves analysis to the international arena, and the forum of the United Nations General Assembly, in which Australia finally found the limit of America's willingness to accommodate the concerns of a small but significant Western ally located in a region of strategic importance. Chapter Six examines the process by which Australia's influence over the US on the interpretation of the terms of the NPT was translated into guidance to other nuclear threshold states through the Western alliance. It also examines the level of influence exerted by Australia through its bilateral discussions with other states over the terms of the treaty. It concludes that Australia, mainly through the former process, could claim a significant role in the formulation of the world's most important multilateral nuclear convention through its insistence on interpretative clarity. Finally, the study draws general conclusions on the significance of Australia's nuclear weapons debate for its aspirations to "middle power" status. It concludes that its indisputable leadership role, after 1972, in global nuclear disarmament efforts of many kinds, is an example of that status. Its most important theoretical conclusion concerns the demonstrated utility of an interdisciplinary model for the study of relations between states.
40
Mizuno, Norihito. "Japan and its East Asian neighbors: Japan's perception of China and Korea and the making of foreign policy from the seventeenth to the nineteenth century". The Ohio State University, 2004. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1101744928.
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Imamoto, Shizuka. "Racial Equality Bill Japanese proposal at Paris Peace Conference : diplomatic manoeuvres and reasons for rejection /". Electronic version, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1959.14/699.
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Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts (Honours) at Macquarie University.Thesis (MA (Hons))--Macquarie University (Division of Humanities, Dept. of Asian Languages), 2006.
Bibliography: leaves 137-160.
Introduction -- Anglo-Japanese relations and World War One -- Fear of Japan in Australia -- William Morris Hughes -- Japan's proposal and diplomacy at Paris -- Reasons for rejection : a discussion -- Conclusion.
Japan as an ally of Britain, since the signing of Anglo-Japanese Alliance in 1902, entered World War One at British request. During the Great War Japan fought Germany in Asia and afforded protection to Australia. After the conclusion of the War, a peace conference was held at Paris in 1919. As a victorious ally and as one of the Five Great Powers of the day, Japan participated at the Paris Peace Conference, and proposed racial equality to be enshrined in the Covenant of the League of Nations. This Racial Equality Bill, despite the tireless efforts of the Japanese delegates who engaged the representatives of other countries in intense diplomatic negotiations, was rejected. The rejection, a debatable issue ever since, has inspired many explanations including the theory that it was a deliberate Japanese ploy to achieve other goals in the agenda. This thesis has researched the reasons for rejection and contends that the rejection was not due to any one particular reason. Four key factors: a) resolute opposition from Australian Prime Minister Hughes determined to protect White Australia Policy, b) lack of British support, c) lack of US support, and d) lack of support from the British dominions of New Zealand, Canada and South Africa; converged to defeat the Japanese proposal. Japanese inexperience in international diplomacy evident from strategic and tactical mistakes, their weak presentations and communications, and enormous delays in negotiations, at Paris, undermined Japan's position at the conference, but the reasons for rejection of the racial equality proposal were extrinsic.
Mode of access: World Wide Web.
xii, 188 leaves
42
Kinuthia, Wanyee. "“Accumulation by Dispossession” by the Global Extractive Industry: The Case of Canada". Thèse, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/30170.
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This thesis draws on David Harvey’s concept of “accumulation by dispossession” and an international political economy (IPE) approach centred on the institutional arrangements and power structures that privilege certain actors and values, in order to critique current capitalist practices of primitive accumulation by the global corporate extractive industry. The thesis examines how accumulation by dispossession by the global extractive industry is facilitated by the “free entry” or “free mining” principle. It does so by focusing on Canada as a leader in the global extractive industry and the spread of this country’s mining laws to other countries – in other words, the transnationalisation of norms in the global extractive industry – so as to maintain a consistent and familiar operating environment for Canadian extractive companies. The transnationalisation of norms is further promoted by key international institutions such as the World Bank, which is also the world’s largest development lender and also plays a key role in shaping the regulations that govern natural resource extraction. The thesis briefly investigates some Canadian examples of resource extraction projects, in order to demonstrate the weaknesses of Canadian mining laws, particularly the lack of protection of landowners’ rights under the free entry system and the subsequent need for “free, prior and informed consent” (FPIC). The thesis also considers some of the challenges to the adoption and implementation of the right to FPIC. These challenges include embedded institutional structures like the free entry mining system, international political economy (IPE) as shaped by international institutions and powerful corporations, as well as concerns regarding ‘local’ power structures or the legitimacy of representatives of communities affected by extractive projects. The thesis concludes that in order for Canada to be truly recognized as a leader in the global extractive industry, it must establish legal norms domestically to ensure that Canadian mining companies and residents can be held accountable when there is evidence of environmental and/or human rights violations associated with the activities of Canadian mining companies abroad. The thesis also concludes that Canada needs to address underlying structural issues such as the free entry mining system and implement FPIC, in order to curb “accumulation by dispossession” by the extractive industry, both domestically and abroad.
43
Henry, Adam. "Manufacturing Australian foreign policy 1950 - 1966". Phd thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150822.
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The transition from the liberal foreign policy approach of the Chifley Labor Government to the more strident anti-communism of the conservative Menzies Government after 1949 is a significant event in 20th Century Australian history. During the period 1950-1966 the Menzies Government faced a range of challenges such as relations with the USA, responses to the USSR and China and the question of Indonesia and decolonisation in post-war Southeast Asia. In response the Menzies Government developed new foreign policies, encouraged a particular style of diplomacy and helped to establish a new Cold War attitude towards Australian international affairs. In the 1950s, the Cold War, the United Nations (UN) and the establishment of new overseas diplomatic missions (particularly in Asia) placed growing administrative and bureaucratic demands on the machinery of Australian diplomacy. From the mid 1950s the Department of External Affairs (DEA) was restructured in order to meet such demands. This process allowed the Department to establish what were considered to be the defining characteristics and attitudes of a new professional Australian diplomacy. The selection and training of new diplomatic recruits is one such area in which this occurred. This period saw growing interest from politicians, diplomats and academics for developing new types of foreign policy analysis about communism in South East Asia, or the Cold War in general. While some networks between politics, bureaucracy and academia linked to foreign policy analysis had existed in the 1930s and 1940s, from the 1950s new and more powerful relationships were being established. Various academics, many from the Australian Institute of International Affairs (AlIA) and the Australian National University (ANU) forged close and ongoing contacts with the DEA. The relationships between small groups of key individuals and institutions ultimately wielded significant influence on issues such as the Cold War and Australian foreign policy debates. By the 1960s this small foreign policy network had built a vital relationship with the Ford Foundation of New York. This relationship certainly helped to define dominant attitudes towards Australian foreign policy debates. The ANU, AIIA, DEA and Ford Foundation network established a style of foreign policy analysis that was openly (or at least cautiously) sympathetic to the policies of Canberra and Washington often accepting the official justifications at face value.
44
Jansen, Robert. "Australian foreign policy and Africa, 1972-1983". Phd thesis, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/10916.
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This thesis examines Australian foreign policy with a focus on relations
with Africa. I contrast the foreign policy position of the Whitlam Labor
Party government with the international policies of the Fraser Liberal and
Country Parties government. The structure of analysis demonstrates the
links between general and specific elements of foreign policy. I discuss
Australia's relations with the United States, approach on the Indian Ocean
region, voting pattern at the United Nations, and role in the
Commonwealth. I also examine Australia's policies in relation to the
demands of developing countries in general, and study the positions of
Whitlam and Fraser on China, Vietnam, Cambodia, Indonesia and Papua
New Guinea. This narrowing of analysis culminates with an investigation
into Australian foreign policy on Africa, particularly South Africa and
Rhodesia. The comparison of the foreign policies of the Whitlam and
Fraser governments illustrates the extent of change and continuity in
Australia's international position over time. I argue that Whitlam and
Fraser produced similar foreign policy positions on Africa from different
political perspectives. I also argue that Whitlam and Fraser established an
anti-racist and anti-colonial foreign policy for Australia.
45
Wu, Jia-Hong y 吳嘉浤. "Australian Foreign Policy towards South Pacific Island Countries". Thesis, 2019. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/6977ug.
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碩士國立中興大學
國際政治研究所
107
Through foreign policy analysis, this article attempts to clarify the context and development of Australia''s foreign policy towards South Pacific island countries since the end of the Cold War. The environment of the South Pacific is special, and the island countries are rich in natural resources and special geographical locations. It is of special importance to Australia, which is also in the South Pacific. Although the international situation faced by the seven Australian prime ministers since 1991 has not been the same, "regional stability" and "foreign trade" have always been the cornerstone of Australia''s national interests. It is also the primary consideration for Canberra to develop a foreign policy towards South Pacific island countries. Through the two cases of Solomon Islands and Papua New Guinea, it can be found that Australia''s assistance to the two countries is an inevitable result of the policy. Not only will the development of South Pacific island countries be more stable, but also help to consolidate Australia''s national interests in the long run.
46
Welshe, Gillian. "Joint US-Australian defence facilities : some implications for Australian defence policy". Thesis, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/144284.
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McGibbon, Rodd. "Engaging with the Asia-Pacific : Australian foreign policy in the Pacific century". Phd thesis, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/11031.
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This thesis examines Australia's engagement with the Asia-Pacific. It seeks to locate
Australian foreign policy within a larger Westerri discourse of international relations (IR)
and geopolitics which has provided the dominant understandings, meanings and boundaries
of international political life in the modern period. In the chapters to follow, I show how this
larger discourse has been articulated in the history of Australian foreign policy through the
dominant elite perspectives of market liberalism and power politics realism. Rather than
treating these perspectives as discrete, mutually exclusive theories of IR, however, I
understand each as contending poles of this larger Western discourse. In doing so, I argue
that liberalism and realism have traditionally framed Australia's encounter with the AsiaPacific
region. I also show that, in continuing to draw on these dominant perspectives,
contemporary policy-makers have pursued a diplomacy of regional engagement designed to
integrate Australian strategic and trade interests more fully into the rapidly growing
economies of Asia.
This thesis provides a critique of this regional diplomacy as an inadequate and narrow policy
agenda that has focused on engaging with, and buttressing, unaccountable and undemocratic
elites in the region. That has been at the expense of a more wide-ranging regional
engagement with the grassroots communities of the Asia-Pacific. In advancing such a
critique, this work is designed to count the costs and dangers of a foreign policy so
unequivocally aligned to repressive and anti-democratic forces in the region. Those forces
have engendered precisely the kinds of instabilities, volatilities and insecurities that
contemporary foreign policy has been designed to counter.
In pointing out as much, however, this thesis is not intended as a blanket condemnation of
contemporary foreign policy for as I acknowledge there are some commendable elements of
our recent regional policies. Those elements provide a glimpse of where we might begin to
creatively respond to the challenges of contemporary global life. In particular, the
acknowledgment by the more intelligent sectors of the foreign policy community that we
need to seriously rethink identity through a fundamental intellectual and cultural engagement
with the region represents an important insight in the context of present foreign policy
challenges.
The overall purpose of this thesis, then, is to question the more narrowly-conceived policy
perspectives of Australian diplomacy. The aim in doing so is to open up space in which to
rethink the dominant perspectives of liberalism and realism which have underpinned foreign
policy. In the final part of this work, accordingly, I discuss how it might be possible to think
beyond the realist-liberal impasse of prevailing foreign policy discourse in order to formulate
perspectives more attuned to the everyday realities of regional life. I conclude that the
formulation of such alternatives to traditional ways of thinking is imperative if more
equitable, just and sustainable ways of life across the Pacific are to be achieved than those
which are currently developing.
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Umetsu, H. "From Anzus to seato-a study of Australian Foreign Policy 1950-54". Thesis, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/1277.
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Bird, David Samuel. "J.A. Lyons, the 'tame Tasmanian': a study in Australian foreign and defence policy, 1932-39". 2004. http://repository.unimelb.edu.au/10187/7403.
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J.A. Lyons, Prime Minister of Australia, 1932-39, presided over twin policies of conciliation and rearmament in a search for peace. The thesis discusses his individual world-view, one chiefly constructed on principles of consensus, and analyses the foreign and defence policies of his government, thereby re-evaluating suggestions that Lyons was chiefly interested in only domestic policy.The foreign policy of the Lyons years was primarily directed at the Asian-Pacific region, especially at Japan. It consisted of an Australian variety of ‘cunctation’, superseded by the variety of ‘appeasement’ found in the Australian Eastern Mission of 1934, arguably the first time that appeasement was applied in East Asia and the first of three significant external policy initiatives of the Lyons years. Lyons himself lobbied in favour of appeasement in the broader imperial context from 1935, recognising that it needed to be targeted at Rome and Berlin, as well as at Tokyo. Any Australian government could not apply appeasement in Europe directly, in the absence of an Australian diplomatic service, although Lyons sought to advance conciliation through ‘personal diplomacy’ in certain foreign capitals. It was not, however, until the premiership of Chamberlain, after May 1937, that London and Canberra were united in the desire for the application of ‘wider appeasement’, the policy adopted at the 1937 Imperial Conference. At this gathering, Lyons presented a second major initiative, the proposal for a Pacific Pact of non-aggression; his magnum opus and the ultimate opportunity for his regional peacemaking.
The Imperial Conference had also discussed and endorsed measures designed to enhance the process of imperial consultation and once Whitehall subsequently began to apply appeasement in Europe, Lyons was keen to ensure that the voice of his dominion was heard. This was especially so during the first Czech crisis of September 1938 in which, it is argued, Lyons and his appeasing circle sought to play a significant consultative and intermediary role. These efforts seemed to have been rewarded by the climax of European appeasement: the 1938 ‘Munich Pact’. Appeasement was, however, everywhere dissolving from late-1938, as was the mechanism of imperial consultation, and the response of Lyons as prime minister was to initiate the process of establishing an independent Australian diplomatic service, something long considered by his government, but hitherto delayed. This initiative came too late to prevent his reluctant admission of the failure of appeasement, in March 1939.
The policy of conciliation was accompanied from the beginning of the Lyons years by a muscular defence policy. That policy involved five separate rearmament programs, September 1933-December 1938. Although mindful of imperial needs, this policy was chiefly directed at the requirements of home defence and the Lyons government remained wary of the Singapore strategy. Lyons’s character was stamped on it by his decisive opposition to conscription, 1938-39. Although it was his misfortune, as a leading Australian appeaser, that conciliation was everywhere overshadowed by rearmament, the considerable defensive preparations of the Lyons years ensured that a sufficient state of readiness was attained to match the hostile scenarios envisaged in defence planning after 1932. The attempts made to secure a level of joint, imperial defence planning, however, resulted in failure.
In its examination of the foreign and defence policies of the 1930s this thesis augments the revision underway in current scholarship. It demonstrates that an identifiable Australian foreign policy existed and that it was chiefly a regional one - even if the application of that policy was retarded by the absence of a diplomatic structure and by the consequent reliance on London. It nonetheless adhered to the patterns of external policy that had evolved since Federation. When combined with an examination of the robust defence measures of these years, Lyons emerges as a vigorous premier with a clear vision of Australia’s place in the world. It is argued that the search for peace of the ‘Tame Tasmanian’, 1932-39, was sustained and considerable.
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Hackforth-Jones, Simary. "The ALP's foreign policy towards Indonesia 1983-1996 : cooperating for peace?" Master's thesis, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/151221.
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