Bibliografías temáticas / Australian Foreign Policy

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Literatura académica sobre el tema "Australian Foreign Policy"

Autor: Grafiati
Publicado: 4 de junio de 2021
Última modificación: 20 de febrero de 2023

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Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Australian Foreign Policy"

1

Vietrynskyi, I. "Australian Foreign Policy during the World War II". Problems of World History, n.º 18 (8 de noviembre de 2022): 65–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2022-18-3.

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The article is related to the establishment of Australian foreign policy tradition and becoming of Australia as a subject of international relations. The significant role of the dominions during First World War Great and their help for Great Britain victory, intensified their struggle for independence. As the result of long-term efforts, dominions reached the proclamation of the Balfour Declaration in 1926 by London, which was later confirmed by the Statute of Westminster (1931), which established the authority for dominions for an independent foreign policy. The development of Australian foreign policy before and during World War II was analyzed. The evolution of the relations of the Australia and Great Britain in the context of the events of the World War II is traced, in particular the peculiarities of the allied relations of the two countries. There is shown the regional dimension of the World War II within the Asia-Pacific region, in the context of Australia and the United States actions against Japanese aggression. There are analyzed the peculiarities of external threats effect on the transformation of the Australian foreign policy strategy, in particular in the national security sphere. The main threat for Australia in that period become Japanise aggressive and expansionist policy in the Asia-Pacific region. A lot of Australian soldiers and military equipment were sent to Great Britain to support traditional allie. But in actual strategic situation in Europe there were great doubts that British troops and the navy would be able to effectively help Australians in case of an attack by Japan. Politics of national security and defense of Australia in the context of its participation in World War II is considered. In the conditions of real threat of Japanese invasion, as well as the lack of sure to receive necessary support from Great Britain, the Australian government start to find a military alliance with the USA. There were identified the key implications of World War II for Australian socio-economic system.
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Zulkarnain y Aos Yuli Firdaus. "Australia Foreign Policy Effect On Indonesia Post Independence of Timor Leste". Britain International of Humanities and Social Sciences (BIoHS) Journal 4, n.º 2 (16 de junio de 2022): 282–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.33258/biohs.v4i2.667.

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As initially, Australia supported the integration of Timor Leste into the Republic of Indonesia, many events occurred which caused the relationship between Indonesia and Australia to be slightly disturbed. The changes that have taken place in Australia's relationship with Indonesia illustrate the real effects of Timor-Leste's independence. As a result of Australia's role in the East Timorese independence process, its relationship underwent many changes, especially in the political and military fields. The changes taking place in military relations are evident. First, the Agreement on Mutual Security (AMS) was released. Second, the joint training was cancelled, and the troops that used to work together became enemies. Eventually, Australian arms sales to Indonesia were stopped. Changes in the political and diplomatic sphere, including all political visits, were cancelled, and politicians within Australia and Indonesia publicly denounced others. Furthermore, cooperation within the global framework is limited, and the Ambassador's 'high alert' status is. Overall, Australia's relations with Indonesia became hostile. This study aims to determine how the influence of Australian foreign policy on Indonesia after the independence of Timor Leste. This research shows that the independence of Timor Leste and Australia's role in this process directly influenced government relations between Australia and Indonesia. Most Indonesians view the Australian government's actions and policies as separate from its relationship with Australian citizens. However, the relationship between people must still be considered when making policies about Indonesia because of widespread reactions to Australia's role in the East Timorese independence process.
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Benvenuti, Andrea y David Martin Jones. "Engaging Southeast Asia? Labor's Regional Mythology and Australia's Military Withdrawal from Singapore and Malaysia, 1972–1973". Journal of Cold War Studies 12, n.º 4 (octubre de 2010): 32–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00047.

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This article draws on previously classified Australian and British archival material to reevaluate Australian Prime Minister Gough Whitlam's foreign policy. The article focuses on the Whitlam government's decision in 1973 to withdraw Australian forces from Malaysia and Singapore—a decision that constitutes a neglected but defining episode in the evolution of Australian postwar diplomacy. An analysis of this decision reveals the limits of Whitlam's attempt to redefine the conduct of Australian foreign policy from 1972 to 1975, a policy he saw as too heavily influenced by the Cold War. Focusing on Whitlam's approach to the Five Power Defence Arrangement, this article contends that far from being an adroit and skillful architect of Australian engagement with Asia, Whitlam irritated Australia's regional allies and complicated Australia's relations with its immediate neighbors. Australia's subsequent adjustment to its neighborhood was not the success story implied in the general histories of Australian diplomacy. Whitlam's policy toward Southeast Asia, far from being a “watershed” in foreign relations, as often assumed, left Australia increasingly isolated from its region and more reliant on its chief Cold War ally, the United States.
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Firdaus, Aos Yuli. "The Effects of Australia's Foreign Policy on Indonesia Post-Independence Timor Leste". British Journal of Philosophy, Sociology and History 2, n.º 1 (13 de enero de 2022): 24–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.32996/bjpsh.2022.2.1.4.

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As initially, Australia supported the integration of Timor Leste into the Republic of Indonesia, many events occurred which caused the relationship between Indonesia and Australia to be slightly disturbed. The changes that have taken place in Australia's relationship with Indonesia illustrate the real effects of Timor-Leste's independence. As a result of Australia's role in the East Timorese independence process, its relationship underwent many changes, especially in the political and military fields. The changes taking place in military relations are evident. The Agreement on Mutual Security (AMS) was released, the joint training was canceled, and the troops that used to work together became enemies. Eventually, Australian arms sales to Indonesia were stopped. Changes in the political and diplomatic sphere, including all political visits, were canceled, and politicians within Australia and Indonesia publicly denounced others. Furthermore, cooperation within the global framework is limited, and the Ambassador's 'high alert' status is. Overall, Australia's relations with Indonesia became hostile. This study aims to determine how the influence of Australian foreign policy on Indonesia after the independence of Timor Leste. This research shows that the independence of Timor Leste and Australia's role in this process directly influenced government relations between Australia and Indonesia. Most Indonesians view the Australian government's actions and policies as separate from its relationship with Australian citizens.
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Downer, Alexander. "Securing Australia's interests—Australian foreign policy priorities". Australian Journal of International Affairs 59, n.º 1 (marzo de 2005): 7–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1035771042000331995.

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Tsokhas, Kosmas. "Dedominionization: the Anglo-Australian experience, 1939–1945". Historical Journal 37, n.º 4 (diciembre de 1994): 861–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00015120.

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ABSTRACTThe role of decolonization in the decline of the British empire has received a great deal of attention. In comparison there has been little research or analysis of the process of dedominionization affecting Australia and the other dominions. During the Second World War economic ties were seriously weakened and there were substantial conflicts over economic policy between the British and Australian governments. Australia refused to reduce imports in order to conserve foreign exchange, thus contributing to the United Kingdom's debt burden. The Australian government insisted that the British guarantee Australia's sterling balances and refused to adopt the stringent fiscal policies requested by the Bank of England and the British treasury. Australia also took the opportunity to expand domestic manufacturing industry at the expense of British manufacturers. Economic separation and conflict were complemented by political and strategic differences. In particular, the Australian government realized that British military priorities made it impossible for the United Kingdom to defend Australia. This led the Australians towards a policy of cooperating with the British embargo on Japan, only to the extent that this would be unlikely to provoke Japanese military retaliation. In general, the Australians preferred a policy of compromise in the Far East to one of deterrence preferred by the British.
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Bloomfield, Alan. "Issues in Australian Foreign Policy". Australian Journal of Politics & History 64, n.º 4 (19 de noviembre de 2018): 641–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ajph.12513.

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BEDDIE, B. D. "Problems of Australian Foreign Policy". Australian Journal of Politics & History 3, n.º 2 (7 de abril de 2008): 139–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1958.tb00378.x.

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ANDREWS, JOHN. "Problems of Australian Foreign Policy". Australian Journal of Politics & History 4, n.º 2 (7 de abril de 2008): 141–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1958.tb00394.x.

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WEBB, LEICESTER. "Problems of Australian Foreign Policy". Australian Journal of Politics & History 5, n.º 1 (7 de abril de 2008): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1959.tb00486.x.

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Tesis sobre el tema "Australian Foreign Policy"

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Whelan, Kathryn M. "Australia's foreign relations with Indochina : the evolution of an independent Australian foreign policy? /". Title page, table of contents and conclusion only, 1993. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arw566.pdf.

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LAMARCA, CLAUDIA. "THE AUSTRALIAN FOREIGN POLICY TOWARDS EAST TIMOR". PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2003. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=4246@1.

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COORDENAÇÃO DE APERFEIÇOAMENTO DO PESSOAL DE ENSINO SUPERIOR
A presente dissertação constitui um estudo da política externa australiana para o Timor Leste desde a invasão indonésia em 1975, até a intervenção internacional no território em 1999. O principal objetivo do trabalho é explicar como a política australiana para o Timor se modificou, de uma posição conivente com a invasão e o domínio indonésio durante mais de vinte anos, para uma postura de engajamento na discussão sobre o status futuro do território, que culmina com a participação do país na intervenção internacional, assumindo o papel de liderança da força multinacional.
This work constitutes a study of the Australian foreign policy towards East Timor, from the Indonesian invasion in 1975, to the international intervention in the territory in 1999. The main goal is to explain how the Australian foreign policy towards East Timor changed from a position that was conniving with the Indonesian invasion and rule for more than twenty yeras, to a stance of engagement in the debate on the future status of the territory. With that change, Australian eventually took participation in the international intervention and assumed the role of leader of the multinacional force.
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Daly, Philippa. "Lone White Faces: Australian Foreign Policy & the Nixon Doctrine". Thesis, Department of History, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/8816.

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On 25 July 1969, President Richard Nixon would announce a new direction in American foreign policy towards Asia that would have far reaching implications for its ANZUS partner in Australia. This study aims to map out the affects the Nixon Doctrine would have on Australian policy reforms in an attempt to critically examine the forces within international politics that saw Australia comprehensively engage with its Asia neighbours. This Asian region, which had previously been looked at with fear, was gradually viewed in the light of Nixon’s new policies as the only path to Australia’s long-standing future in the region.
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Webster, Samuel Murdoch. "Australian Strategic Imaginaries". Thesis, University of Sydney, 2021. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/24502.

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This thesis looks at the foreign and defence policies of the Australian Commonwealth from 1901 to 2020, with closest attention being paid to the period between 1942 and 1996. It argues that the thinking of Australian policymakers has been undergirded by a ‘strategic imagination’, a concept which provided a way of imagining Australia’s place in the world and situated Australian national identity in regional and international geo-politics. Since federation, the strategic imagination has itself undergone changes that were largely in reaction to external events. The history of Australian foreign and defence policy can thus be broken up into three broad and overlapping periods corresponding to three distinctive and shifting ways in which policymakers have imagined the geo-strategic landscape in which the national community resides. The first period, from the late nineteenth century to 1967, was greatly influenced by conceptions of Australia as a proud custodian of the British racial ideal in a world dominated by European empires. The second, from the mid-1940s to the early 1990s, was marked by the waning of empire and a developing Australian familiarity with emerging post-colonial states in Asia. At the same time, Australia’s strategic alignment with the United States in the overarching Cold War bi-polar rivalry with the Soviet Union strengthened conceptions of Australia as a ‘western’ country. The third period, commencing with the end of the Cold War, saw Australian policymakers rely on American strategic pre-eminence as a firm foundation for deep integration of the Australian and Asian economies.
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Kavanagh, John. "Australian foreign policy under Hawke : "New fiddler - same tune" /". Title page and contents only, 1991. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09ark216.pdf.

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Yarnell, Caroline Janet. "Is the Australian public ‘rational’ on foreign policy issues?" Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/14427.

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The purpose of this thesis is to test the ‘rational public’ theory first espoused by Page and Shapiro (1988) for the Australian case. I aim to ascertain whether the Australian public, at the aggregate level, has the capacity to form ‘rational’ opinions on foreign policy issues. I do this by testing three major hypotheses using collective opinion data from the Australian Election Study (AES) 1987 – 2010: 1) opinion will be durable, or stable over time, 2) opinion will be coherent, and 3) opinion will respond reasonably, as predicted, to such triggers as changing international situations, elite cues, and particular events or trends. I found considerable support for all three hypotheses. Aggregate Australian opinion was as stable as US, Canadian, German, French, Italian, and Dutch opinion when using comparable measures, and more stable when using methods specific to the AES dataset. Opinion was also coherent, and, in most cases, responded to available directly and indirectly experienced triggers, as posited. I also performed a sub-set of tests for all three of these major hypotheses on the group of respondents who professed to have ‘no interest’ in politics, often referred to as the inattentive public, and found they held slightly less stable and coherent opinions overall, but were more responsive: results which lend further weight to the overall ‘rational public’ hypothesis. These results for the Australian case enable cross-national comparison to determine whether the ‘rational public’ thesis is generalisable, or whether it is dependent on such factors as a state’s position in the international system, its political institutions, or its political culture. I also envisage this thesis as providing a basis for further research into the functioning of Australian democracy as regards the public opinion, media, and policy-making nexus, incorporating further cross-national comparison. PAGE, B. I. & SHAPIRO, R. Y. 1988. Foreign policy and the rational public. Journal of conflict resolution, 32, 211-247.
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Murphy, T. A. "The Snowy Mountains Engineering Corporation as an instrument of Australian foreign policy". Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/130322.

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Australia's foreign policy may be drafted in Canberra, but it is implemented in the jungles of Java and the bazaars of Dar-es-Salaam, as well as in the offices and boardrooms in Washington, London or Bonn. The aim of this sub-thesis is to examine the role of the Snowy Mountains Engineering Corporation (SMEC) as an instrumentality for the practical implementation of Australia's foreign policy, particularly in relation to developing countries, and more specifically in the AsiaPacific Region. Towards this end a comparison and contrast will be made of two SMEC overseas projects. As well as covering some specific details, it is hoped that these two case studies will present SMEC's overseas operations in microcosm.
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Marshall, Helen. "Australian foreign policy and Cambodia : international power, regionalism and domestic politics". Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/112135.

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The Hawke Labor government came to power in March 1983 committed to playing a more active role in finding a solution to the Cambodian conflict, improving bilateral relations with Vietnam and restoring Australian aid. This signalled a departure from the Fraser government's minimal involvement in the issue, and reflected a closer identification of Australia's interests with the Asia-Pacific region. As Foreign Minister, Bill Hayden, explained: The war in Cambodia, in all its many dimensions, is the greatest unresolved source of tension in Southeast Asia...The future of Australia lies in developing a mature and balanced set of relationships with its neighbours in Southeast Asia. Indochina is part of that neighbourhood.
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de, Somer Gregory John Humanities &amp Social Sciences Australian Defence Force Academy UNSW. "The Redefinition of Asia : Australian Foreign Policy and Contemporary Asian Regionalism". Awarded by:University of New South Wales - Australian Defence Force Academy. School of Humanities and Social Sciences, 2003. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/38666.

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This thesis set out to ascertain the position of recent Australian Governments on the latest instalments of Asian regionalism in the context of an assessment of whether there has been a redefinition of Asia and thus a redefinition of Australia???s engagement with Asia. It will concentrate on the broad themes of politico-strategic and economic engagement. Whilst there has been extensive research and documentation on the Asian economic crisis there has been less work on the issue of a new Asian regionalism and the implications for Australia???s complex and variable engagement with the region. This is the basis for the claim to originality of this thesis, a claim supported by its focus on the practical and policy implications of Australia???s engagement, or lack of it, with regional institutions. The process of regional integration has been extremely slow, thus supporting the conclusion that there is no evidence of a major redefinition of Asia. Efforts at Asian regionalism are meeting obstacles that pose immense challenges. Asian regionalism remains nascent and poorly defined. This reflects the diversity and enormous disparities in cultures, political systems and the levels of economic development and differences over economic philosophies within East Asia. What is discernible is that the regionalism is proceeding more rapidly on financial issues than on trade, and in the security area it is conspicuously absent. This research highlights the fact that the question of Asian engagement remains a sensitive issue in Australia and continues to grow more complex. Australia???s engagement with Asia since 1996 has been variable because of the Howard Government???s broader balance of priorities between global and regional issues, and because of the changing nature of the Asian region. The perception gleaned from sources is that, for the Australian Government, regionalism initiatives are characterised by much discussion but lack substance. Consequently, this appears to have led the Government to the position that exclusion from some manifestations of regionalism is not so important. Australia is excluded from some of the regional architectures being constructed. In its efforts to seek inclusion in ASEAN + 3 and ASEM, Australia is facing the same barriers that have stood in the way of an AFTA-CER agreement. Exclusion would be important if the performance of regional groupings was not so indifferent. Exclusion from ASEAN + 3 and ASEM, however, does not equate to Australia???s exclusion from the region.
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Auton, Luke Thomas Humanities &amp Social Sciences Australian Defence Force Academy UNSW. "'A sort of middle of the road policy' : forward defence, alliance politics and the Australian Nuclear Weapons Option, 1953-1973". Awarded by:University of New South Wales - Australian Defence Force Academy. Humanities & Social Sciences, 2008. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/40319.

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This thesis is about the importance of nuclear weapons to Australian defence and strategic policy in Southeast Asia between 1953 and 1973. It argues that Australia's approach to nuclear issues during this period, and its attitude towards the development and acquisition of nuclear weapons in particular, was aimed exclusively at achieving narrowly defined political objectives. Australia was thus never interested in possessing nuclear weapons, and any moves seemingly taken along these lines were calculated to obtain political concessions - not as part of a 'bid' for their acquirement. This viewpoint sits at odds with the consensus position of several focused studies of Australian nuclear policy published in the past decade. Although in general these studies correctly argue that Australia maintained the 'nuclear weapons option' until the early 1970s, all have misrepresented the motivation for this by contending that the government viewed such weapons in exclusively military terms. The claim that Australia was interested only in the military aspect of nuclear weapons does not pay due attention to the fact that defence planning was based entirely on the provision of conventional forces to Southeast Asia. Accordingly, the military was interested first and foremost with issues arising from extant conventional planning concepts, and the government was chiefly concerned about obtaining allied assurances of support for established plans. The most pressing requirement for Australia therefore was gaining sway over allied countries. However, the Australian government was never in a position to overtly influence more powerful allies against an undertaking that could escalate into limited war, and was similarly incapable of inducing its allies to retain forces in the region in spite of competing pressures. It was for this reason that Australia would seek to manipulate the nuclear weapons option. Indeed, access to such weapons offered Australia the opportunity to achieve greater integration in formulating allied planning, while the threat to manufacture them provided a means of convincing regional partners to maintain a presence in the area. The thesis therefore concludes that Australia carefully presented its options for procuring nuclear weapons to gain influence over its allies in response to strategic developments in Southeast Asia.
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Libros sobre el tema "Australian Foreign Policy"

1

Gyngell, Allan. Making Australian foreign policy. 2a ed. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007.

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1968-, Wesley Michael, ed. Making Australian foreign policy. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2003.

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Evans, Gareth J. Making Australian foreign policy. Melbourne, Victoria: Australian Fabian Society, 1989.

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Patience, Allan. Australian Foreign Policy in Asia. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-69347-7.

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Malcolm Fraser and Australian foreign policy. Sydney: Australian Professional Publications, 1986.

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Gary, Smith. Australia in the world: An introduction to Australian foreign policy. Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 1996.

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Firth, Stewart. Australia in international politics: An introduction to Australian foreign policy. St. Leonards, NSW: Allen & Unwin, 1999.

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Australia in international politics: An introduction to Australian foreign policy. 3a ed. Crows Nest, N.S.W: Allen & Unwin, 2011.

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Jaensch, Dean. Australian politics and foreign policy: An introduction. Melbourne: Longman Cheshire, 1987.

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Chubb, Danielle y Ian McAllister. Australian Public Opinion, Defence and Foreign Policy. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-7397-2.

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Capítulos de libros sobre el tema "Australian Foreign Policy"

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Wesley, Michael. "Australian Foreign Policy". En The Sage Handbook of Asian Foreign Policy, 1001–18. 1 Oliver's Yard, 55 City Road London EC1Y 1SP: SAGE Publications Ltd, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4135/9781526436078.n48.

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Wesley, Michael. "Foreign Policy and Security". En The Australian Study of Politics, 282–92. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230296848_21.

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Patience, Allan. "Liminal Australia in Asia". En Australian Foreign Policy in Asia, 1–16. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-69347-7_1.

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Patience, Allan. "Middle Powers and Awkward Partners". En Australian Foreign Policy in Asia, 17–50. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-69347-7_2.

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Patience, Allan. "Australia’s Middle Power Imagining". En Australian Foreign Policy in Asia, 51–88. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-69347-7_3.

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Patience, Allan. "To Be or Not to Be in Asia?" En Australian Foreign Policy in Asia, 89–136. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-69347-7_4.

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Patience, Allan. "Japan: ‘Australia’s Best Friend in Asia’?" En Australian Foreign Policy in Asia, 137–81. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-69347-7_5.

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Patience, Allan. "‘Fear and Greed’? Australia Relations with China". En Australian Foreign Policy in Asia, 183–213. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-69347-7_6.

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Patience, Allan. "To Appease or Offend? Australia’s Indonesia Dilemma". En Australian Foreign Policy in Asia, 215–32. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-69347-7_7.

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Patience, Allan. "Dependent Middle Power or Global Citizen?" En Australian Foreign Policy in Asia, 233–55. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-69347-7_8.

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Actas de conferencias sobre el tema "Australian Foreign Policy"

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Ahsani, Rahmatul Amalia Nur y Baiq Wardhani. "Australian Foreign Policy Shift in China’s One Belt One Road: The Role of Small Group and Multiple Autonomous Group". En Airlangga Conference on International Relations. SCITEPRESS - Science and Technology Publications, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5220/0010280305620567.

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Prakoso, Fauzi Firmansyah y Baiq Wardhani. "National Identity Analysis and Foreign Policy: Australia Turn Back the Boats Policy under Tony Abbott". En Airlangga Conference on International Relations. SCITEPRESS - Science and Technology Publications, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5220/0010279004770483.

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Fatima Hajizada, Fatima Hajizada. "SPECIFIC FEATURES OF THE AMERICAN VERSION OF THE BRITISH LANGUAGE". En THE FIRST INTERNATIONAL SCIENTIFIC – PRACTICAL VIRTUAL CONFERENCE IN MODERN & SOCIAL SCIENCES: NEW DIMENSIONS, APPROACHES AND CHALLENGES. IRETC, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.36962/mssndac-01-10.

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English is one of the most spoken languages in the world. A global language communication is inherent in him. This language is also distinguished by a significant diversity of dialects and speech. It appeared in the early Middle Ages as the spoken language of the Anglo-Saxons. The formation of the British Empire and its expansion led to the widespread English language in Asia, Africa, North America and Australia. As a result, the Metropolitan language became the main communication language in the English colonies, and after independence it became State (USA, Canada, Australia, New Zealand) and official (India, Nigeria, Singapore). Being one of the 6 Official Languages of the UN, it is studied as a foreign language in educational institutions of many countries in the modern time [1, 2, s. 12-14]. Despite the dozens of varieties of English, the American (American English) version, which appeared on the territory of the United States, is one of the most widespread. More than 80 per cent of the population in this country knows the American version of the British language as its native language. Although the American version of the British language is not defined as the official language in the US Federal Constitution, it acts with features and standards reinforced in the lexical sphere, the media and the education system. The growing political and economic power of the United States after World War II also had a significant impact on the expansion of the American version of the British language [3]. Currently, this language version has become one of the main topics of scientific research in the field of linguistics, philology and other similar spheres. It should also be emphasized that the American version of the British language paved the way for the creation of thousands of words and expressions, took its place in the general language of English and the world lexicon. “Okay”, “teenager”, “hitchhike”, “landslide” and other words can be shown in this row. The impact of differences in the life and life of colonists in the United States and Great Britain on this language was not significant either. The role of Nature, Climate, Environment and lifestyle should also be appreciated here. There is no officially confirmed language accent in the United States. However, most speakers of national media and, first of all, the CNN channel use the dialect “general American accent”. Here, the main accent of “mid Pppemestern” has been guided. It should also be noted that this accent is inherent in a very small part of the U.S. population, especially in Nebraska, Iowa, and Illinois. But now all Americans easily understand and speak about it. As for the current state of the American version of the British language, we can say that there are some hypotheses in this area. A number of researchers perceive it as an independent language, others-as an English variant. The founder of American spelling, American and British lexicographer, linguist Noah Pondebster treats him as an independent language. He also tried to justify this in his work “the American Dictionary of English” written in 1828 [4]. This position was expressed by a Scottish-born English philologist, one of the authors of the “American English Dictionary”Sir Alexander Craigie, American linguist Raven ioor McDavid Jr. and others also confirm [5]. The second is the American linguist Leonard Bloomfield, one of the creators of the descriptive direction of structural linguistics, and other American linguists Edward Sapir and Charles Francis Hockett. There is also another group of “third parties” that accept American English as a regional dialect [5, 6]. A number of researchers [2] have shown that the accent or dialect in the US on the person contains significantly less data in itself than in the UK. In Great Britain, a dialect speaker is viewed as a person with a low social environment or a low education. It is difficult to perceive this reality in the US environment. That is, a person's speech in the American version of the British language makes it difficult to express his social background. On the other hand, the American version of the British language is distinguished by its faster pace [7, 8]. One of the main characteristic features of the American language array is associated with the emphasis on a number of letters and, in particular, the pronunciation of the letter “R”. Thus, in British English words like “port”, “more”, “dinner” the letter “R” is not pronounced at all. Another trend is related to the clear pronunciation of individual syllables in American English. Unlike them, the Britons “absorb”such syllables in a number of similar words [8]. Despite all these differences, an analysis of facts and theoretical knowledge shows that the emergence and formation of the American version of the British language was not an accidental and chaotic process. The reality is that the life of the colonialists had a huge impact on American English. These processes were further deepened by the growing migration trends at the later historical stage. Thus, the language of the English-speaking migrants in America has been developed due to historical conditions, adapted to the existing living environment and new life realities. On the other hand, the formation of this independent language was also reflected in the purposeful policy of the newly formed US state. Thus, the original British words were modified and acquired a fundamentally new meaning. Another point here was that the British acharism, which had long been out of use, gained a new breath and actively entered the speech circulation in the United States. Thus, the analysis shows that the American version of the British language has specific features. It was formed and developed as a result of colonization and expansion. This development is still ongoing and is one of the languages of millions of US states and people, as well as audiences of millions of people. Keywords: American English, English, linguistics, accent.
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