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Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Australia Foreign public opinion"

Autor: Grafiati
Publicado: 4 de junio de 2021
Última modificación: 28 de enero de 2023

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1

GOLDSMITH, BENJAMIN E., and MATTHEW LINLEY. "Engaged or Not? Perceptions of Australian Influence among Asian Publics." Japanese Journal of Political Science 13, no. 4 (November 1, 2012): 525–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109912000254.

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AbstractDespite Australia's increasing economic ties with Asia, little is known about how it is perceived by the typical citizen in the region. This paper seeks to contribute to the Australian discussion on ‘Asian engagement’, as well as to a general understanding of the structure of foreign policy beliefs, by examining perceptions of Australia's influence among the mass publics of 14 Asian polities. Despite some anxiety in Australia on national op-ed pages and among political leaders over how the country is perceived, we find that the average person in Asia probably does not have a strong or meaningful opinion about Australia's foreign policy. Using survey data covering the years 2006 through 2008 from the AsiaBarometer project, we find that, on average, far more people view Australia's influence on their country favorably (40.5%) than view it unfavorably (6.1%). A similar percentage (41.5%), however, have neutral views of Australia's influence, and 12% of people in Asian nations express no opinion on the topic. We suggest these high frequencies of neutral perceptions and non-response are evidence of considerable indifference towards Australia. Furthermore, we investigate the correlates of perceptions of Australia's influence and find that in almost all cases citizens’ views about US and Chinese influence on their country are much better predictors of their views of Australia's influence than core values, identity, information, and demographic characteristics. We posit that opinions about Australia, even those that are favorable, may have less to do with perceptions of Australia specifically, and more to do with respondents’ general internationalist sentiment or perceptions of major powers.
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2

Ma, Yuhanyin. "Social Media and Marriage Equality in Australia: The Media Roles in the Public Sphere and the Agenda-Setting." Insight - News Media 3, no. 1 (September 21, 2020): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.18282/inm.v3i1.335.

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<p align="justify">Marriage equality or the equal status of same-sex marriage has undergone a rather tough road in Australia, involving diverging opinions in parties at the state and federal levels and constitutional amendments. It appears that people in power set the agenda on the legalization of same-sex marriage. However, it cannot be denied that social media played an almost decisive role in this process because it enabled the gathering of massive public opinion to pressure the government to make changes. To be specific, social media or social networking sites offered platforms for people concerned to share reports about the progress of foreign countries in legalizing same-sex marriage, to express their opinions and to launch campaigns in support of their beliefs. This essay explores the role that social media played in the legalization of marriage equality movement in Australia from the perspectives of the public sphere theory and the agenda-setting theory.</p>
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3

Nathania, Christina, and Megahnanda Alidyan K. "An Analysis of Australia’s Foreign Policy through its Domestic Factors to Combat Child Sex Tourism in Project Childhood." ARISTO 11, no. 1 (July 11, 2022): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.24269/ars.v11i1.5318.

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2010 was the year Australia initiated and signed Project Childhood, a grant and partnership to protect children from sexual exploitation due to travel and tourism. Four countries in the Greater Mekong Subregion, Thailand, Cambodia, Laos, and Vietnam, are in a sub-region where child sex tourism occurs a lot. The phenomenon of transnational borders will involve sending country as the country of traveling child sex offenders, and receiving country for victims coordinates to make serious law enforcement regarding this issue. In formulating foreign policy, domestic factors are one way of looking at why Australia provides funding, assistance, and initiate international cooperation to combat child sex tourism in GMS. Through this research, the authors will explain the domestic factors that influence Australia in initiating Project Childhood as its foreign policy, using domestic determinants as the level of analysis. Then, it will be divided into 3 sub-determinants, they are; highly stable, demonstrating an Australian responsibility for TCSO originating in the country. This is related to one of the demographic components that cause migration problems. Moderately stable, in relation to the domestic reforms that are actively being carried out in the context of enforcing the extraterritoriality. The last, unstable, the factor of public opinion which also has played an important role so that the government gives attention to this phenomenon
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4

Hynd, Alasdair. "Making Australian foreign policy on Israel-Palestine: media coverage, public opinion and interest groups." Continuum 27, no. 6 (October 17, 2013): 944–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10304312.2013.843642.

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5

Ames, David. "The things that batter." International Psychogeriatrics 28, no. 6 (April 27, 2016): 879. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1041610216000387.

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Over 20 years ago, the Australian Liberal/National Party Federal Opposition had a set of policies with which it hoped to persuade the Australian people to return it to government in the election due in 1996. This particular collection of proposed initiatives was called “The things that matter”. When the then leader of the opposition, Alexander Downer (later Australia's Foreign Minister 1996–2007 and now Australian High Commissioner in London), launched the Opposition's policy on family violence (the Coalition parties, like their Labor opponents, were and are against it in principle), his introductory line was: “From the things that matter to the things that batter”. Not long afterwards he lost his job as Opposition Leader, his engagement with what was and is a serious and troubling issue having been deemed too glib by half by the shapers of public opinion.
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6

Farooq, Mohammad, and Tariq Mahmood. "WTO Regulations and the Audio-visual Sector— An Analytical Framework for Pakistan." Pakistan Development Review 42, no. 4II (December 1, 2003): 587–606. http://dx.doi.org/10.30541/v42i4iipp.587-606.

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Audio-visual services play a crucial and formative role in any society. These services are closely linked to the preservation of cultural identity and social values, and play a major role in shaping public opinion, safeguarding democratic system and developing creative potential. Due to these reasons, governments of both developed and developing countries not only provide direct and indirect incentives to their domestic industries but also strictly regulate the content of audio-visual media. During the Uruguay Round of WTO (World Trade Organisation) negotiations, audio-visual service sector witnessed limited liberalisation. Even major players such as the EU, Australia and Canada did not make any commitments to liberalise trade in these services. This was primarily to protect the domestic industries from foreign competition, promote their growth and to protect the cultural heritage of the nations from foreign influence. Many countries have repeatedly raised concerns about the capability of the GATS (General Agreement on Trade in Services) framework to take into account the democratic, cultural and social aspects. Others have explained that audio-visual sector is largely covered by domestic regulations and normal trade rules are not applicable to these services.
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7

Голованова, Наталья, and Natalya Golovanova. "Seized Property Regulation Issues." Journal of Russian Law 4, no. 10 (September 19, 2016): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/21525.

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This article provides some insight into foreign states’ regulation of seized property and weaknesses and opportunities for increasing effectiveness of existing regimes. Asset confiscation through proceeds of crime legislation, as well as assets originated from corruption, has taken on a new lease of life over the past few years. The main object of criminal proceeds confiscation laws is to divestiture the financial gain derived from criminal activity and to relinquish it to the state. The author evaluates the legislation and practice in the framework of regulation of seized property in Europe, USA and Australia, and lays stress on social reuse of propriety. In author’s opinion, Italian experience in transferring confiscated assets to local authorities in favour of the society is especially interesting for Russia. It is noted that besides achieving the common goal to seize illicit assets from criminals to the subsequent payment of compensation to victims of crime, to fight against organized crime, terrorism and economic crimes, it is important to create an economically viable asset recovery system, preserving their value in the interests of the state, society and victims, as well as ensuring accountability, transparency and public confidence in the system of asset recovery.
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8

Gomes, Catherine. "Living in a Parallel Society." Journal of International Students 10, no. 1 (February 15, 2020): xiii—xv. http://dx.doi.org/10.32674/jis.v10i1.1850.

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Whenever I write an opinion piece in any online media outlet about international students in Australia, I brace myself for the responses that appear in the comments section below the article. Often, a repeated complaint is that international students refuse to engage with local culture and society and hence keep to themselves by hanging out with co-nationals and speaking their native languages. While the general public in Australia does not engage in open conflict with international students over such grievances, they will instead discuss these anonymously online and with each other. Often these grievances have public airing through the media (e.g., Australian Broadcasting Corporation’s Four Corners episodes “Degrees of Deception,” 2015, and “Cash Cows,” 2019) or for political point scoring by Australian politicians (e.g., Senator Pauline Hanson of the right-wing, nationalist and anti-immigration party One Nation; Kainth, 2018).
 However, the reception international students receive in terms of the attitudes of the citizenry unsurprisingly does not assist in any way in helping them feel a sense of belonging to their host country Australia. In 2013 I interviewed 47 Asian international students in the Australian city of Melbourne on their self-perceived identities, social networks, and engagements with media and communication technologies, in order to understand how they create a sense of belonging for themselves while overseas (Gomes,2015, 2017). The results revealed that international students create a parallel society with other international students in order to cope with living in a foreign country without the familiarity of family or loved ones who they left behind. While this parallel society allows international students to create a sense of community in Australia, its side effect is a perceived distancing from local society.
 An International Student Parallel Society
 International students strongly identify themselves more so as international students than their nationality. A student from India, for instance, explained that while in Australia, he prefers to be identified as an international student rather than by his nationality. Taking this point further, a student from Vietnam explained that while he is proud of his nationality, he prefers not to reveal that he is from Vietnam for fear of any negative assumptions the citizenry make about Vietnamese people. These negative assumptions he felt, would then be translated into ways the citizenry might treat him.
 At the same time, the Asian international students also revealed that they did not consider ethnicity as significant to them. This was played out interestingly in how they viewed Asian Australians. Here the students felt that they had very little in common with Asians who were born or grew up in Australia. An international student from China explained that Australians of ethnic Chinese descent or ABCs (Australian-born Chinese) as she called them, were more Australian than they were Chinese. Meanwhile an Indian student undertaking postgraduate study vividly explained that he thought Indian-Australians were “not true Indians.” He said that while they may look like him, they were significantly different because he considered Indian-Australians culturally Australian and not culturally Indian. These responses are not surprising. In a separate study where colleagues and I surveyed 6,699 international students in Australia on who made up their friendship circles, we found that less than 1% of international students were friends with Australians who were of the same ethnicity as them (Gomes et al., 2015).
 International students identifying themselves according to their status as foreigners studying in Australia also provides itself to be a beacon for the development of friendships with other international students. The Asian international students interviewed revealed that their friendship circles were made up of fellow international students who were co-nationals in the first instance, which was followed by international students from the Asian region, and then, to a lesser extent, international students from elsewhere. These friendship circles contribute to the parallel society international students inhabit where they exist, occupy, and mimic Australian communities but do not integrate with them. For instance, international students may adopt and recreate Australian cultural practices that involve their friendship circles (e.g., having backyard barbeque parties) but do not integrate with Australian societies (e.g., the backyard barbeque parties are made up solely of fellow international students).
 In addition, forming friendships with fellow international students rather than with local communities has practical benefits. For instance, international students revealed that their local peers were unable to advise them on the everyday challenges they faced especially when they first arrive to Australia such as how to open bank accounts and where to find dependable Asian grocery shops. Clearly being friends with international students is important, if not necessary.
 Conclusion
 The significance of international student friendships during their study experience is enduring, if not complex. While international students may form a parallel society, they do so in order to feel a sense of belonging in Australia rather than to Australia. Though this is unsurprising, the challenge that emerges affects those international students wanting to stay longer through further study, work, or permanently reside. Not integrating somewhat into Australian society may have consequences for students in terms of their long-term plans (e.g., employment) primarily because they have not tapped into local networks.
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9

Rabinovych, Petro, and Anna Nakonechna. "NEED-RESEARCHING APPROACH: DOMESTIC AND FOREIGN EXPERIENCE (COMPARATIVE LEGAL ASPECT)." Visnyk of the Lviv University. Series Law 74, no. 74 (June 30, 2022): 23–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vla.2022.74.023.

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The article is devoted to the comparative legal analysis of domestic and foreign experience of the needs approach. It is established that Professor P. Rabinovych made a significant contribution to the development of the issue on the importance of legal regulation to meet the needs of the domestic general theory of law. He was the first to introduce into scientific circulation the term «needs approach» as the idea that the essence of social phenomena are those useful characteristics that can be used by man and society to meet their needs and interests. Associate professors V. Bigun, R. Gavrilyuk, D. Hudyma, Y. Loboda, O. Pankevych, A. Rabinovych, as well as Professor S. Rabinovych and others developed his ideas on the application of the needs approach in their scientific works. Consequently, R. Gavrilyuk defined that law is a way of normative existence of an individual in the society based on the freedom of expression to satisfy his/her personal (private) and general (public) needs on the basis of freedom, equality and justice. O. Pankevych applied the needs approach to establish the essence of the social state, as well as to define the concept of social law, its subject, method and status in the system of positive law. D. Hudyma used the term «need» to reveal the meaning of «the essence of law», to define the need-researching approach as a kind of anthropological approach and argues that «law is objectively designed to help meet human needs.» A. Rabinovych noted that at least two preconditions must be provided for the use of the needs approach: 1) it is necessary to comprehend the general understanding of the needs of subjects, as well as to identify the main types of these needs through their classification; 2) it is necessary to acquire a meaningful knowledge of general social, group and individual needs in the society in which the studied phenomenon was formed and exists. It is found that in the modern European and Australian scientific literature, the theory of the needs approach as a justification of human rights has become somewhat widespread. Fundamental representatives of these theories are Czech jurist Martin Gapla, British political scholar David Miller, professor at the Royal College of Great Britain Massimo Renzo, professor of medical ethics at the University of London Len Doyal, professor at the British Research Center for Social Exclusion Ian Gaff, as well as the Australian scholar James Griffin. The essence of the above approach, in their opinion, is the following: – human needs, namely universal, are the basis for human rights. Such human rights are considered «real» and are able to create and ensure a dignified human life; – people with full capacity are «regulatory agents», that is their needs, the number of which grows over time and are constantly improving, serve as a basis for the creation of regulations, making them, thus, both a guarantor and a tool to meet them; – the effective functioning of legislation depends on the successful functioning of means and mechanisms to meet human needs, which legitimize certain rules of law.
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10

Cruz, Isabel Cristina Fonseca da. "A scientific evidence: the OBJN has more quantitative and qualitative links." Online Brazilian Journal of Nursing 3, no. 2 (October 20, 2004): 1–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.17665/1676-4285.20044931.

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It is very important to a scientific journal the citation index. The ejournals are emerging and there is not a consensus protocol to evaluate them. But, the OBJN and other Brazilian ejournals were evaluated by a team research. We present and discuss here part of this report.Marcondes et al (2004) evaluated the Brazilian emerging ejournals in science and technology. they created a methodology based on analysis of links to ejournal’s site. They found these results for the ejournals in public health: AREA HEALTH SCIENCES – PUBLIC HEALTH – 3 EJOURNALSEjornalInc. SciELOtot. linkstot. repeated linkstot. Links from SciELOtot.links foreigners(X 2)tot.links authorities(X 3)tot.Simple links (X 1)GradeCadernos de Saúde Pública yes100 87102 27Revista de Saúde Publica(Public Health journal)yes100 9460 12Revista de Saúde Coletiva yes62 5730 8 Marcondes et al (2004) rated also the nursing ejournals. The table below summarizes the results: AREA: HEALTH SCIENCES – NURSING – 2 EJOURNALSEjornalInc. SciELOtot. linkstot. repeated linkstot. Links from SciELOtot.links foreigners(X 2)tot.links authorities(X 3)tot.Simple links (X 1)GradeOnline Brazilian Journal of Nursing No29 271158Revista Latino Americana de Enfermagem(LatinAmerican Journal of Nursing)Yes75 6840311 Marcondes et al (2004) considered that the area of Nursing revealed a surprising result because in spite of quality criteria to be included in SciELO gateway, Revista Latino-americana de Enfermagem(LatinAmerican Journal of Nursing) got a grade of one-fifth of the grade obtained by the recent published, pure electronic Online Brazilian Journal of Nursing. The authors point out that they did not have a feed back from an expert in nursing, so they supposed that these results may be due to the fact that the OBJN is published in English. Beside that, the OBJN has also link of site considered authority (Brazilian university library). The authors observed that in the foreign links, there are many digital reference services from libraries outsideBrazil (and they refer the OBJN). So, they consider that this may indicate the need to adjust and fine tune the methodology and to enlarge the concept of authority, encompassing the foreign digital reference services.But what are the implications of these research results to the OBJN?First of all, it is very good sensation to got a scientific evidence related to what was a common sense.The OBJN has published 07 numbers totalizing 27 original articles, 20 revision articles,07 opinion articles, 11 these abstracts, 09 editorials, 01 book review and 12 professional communications. Since article submission until its publication takes almost 3 months. The OBJN has more than 47 international peer-reviews. The OBJN is indexed or linked to Brazilian Nursing Association, CINAHL, CUIDEN, DOAJ, Free Medical Journals, Latindex, LIS-BIREME, Nurses. Info, RealNurse, and so on.The OBJN has free access and received more than 11.000 page views since its creation. The last number published in April 2004 received 2450 page views! Our visitors came from Brazil (67,2%), United States (9,3%), Portugal (1,8%), Canadá (1,8%), Korea (1,5%), Australia (1,3%), Chile (1,3%), United Kingdom (0,9%), Spain (0,8%), Mexico (0,7%), unkown (4,7%), and the rest (8,7%) (http://www.nedstatbasic.net/s?tab=1&link=1&id=2963790 Access in 08/25/04, 14:23h)Second, these results showed to us that the OBJN is an important tool to the nursing researcher reach out her/his professional reader.Third, the free access by the web and the texts in English permitted to introduce the Brazilian scientific production to the nurse community around the world.We have working hard to accomplish these goals! But we are also sure that we have to work much more to maintain our position and,of course, to expand it!
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11

SIMONIYA, Aida A. "NEW APPOINTMENTS TO ASEAN AND THE UN HAVE NOT YET LED TO A BREAKTHROUGH IN RELATIONS WITH MYANMAR." Southeast Asia: Actual Problems of Development, no. 1 (54) (2022): 139–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2022-1-1-54-139-159.

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The crisis in Myanmar has also affected the beginning of the activities of high-ranking officials who recently took office. Cambodia, represented by Prime Minister Hun Sen, took over the baton as ASEAN Chairman, Singaporean diplomat Noelene Heizer was appointed Special Envoy of the UN Secretary-General to Myanmar. Cambodia's Foreign Minister Prak Sokhonn replaced Erivan Yusof as ASEAN's Special Envoy for Myanmar. The Prime Minister of Cambodia caused dissatisfaction of his ASEAN colleagues and outrage of the world community due to his visit to Myanmar a week after officially taking office. The first visit of the head of State to Myanmar after the military coup was perceived as ensuring the legitimacy of the military administration. At the same time, due to a misunderstanding between the guest and the host party on the issue of the release of an Australian citizen, the leader of Cambodia "lost face". Noelene Heizer underestimated the power of public opinion. She was fiercely attacked by opponents of the military regime because of the use of an unsuccessful thesis about the "division of power". The Office of the Special Envoy tried to "save face" by insisting that Heizer had never suggested power sharing as an option, and the interview with N. Heizer was misinterpreted. The mission of the new ASEAN Special Envoy, Prak Sokhonn, was not crowned with great success either. During his visit to Myanmar, he met only with representatives of the regime and did not meet with all interested parties, which contradicts the five-point consensus.
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12

Soroka, Stuart N. "Media, Public Opinion, and Foreign Policy." Harvard International Journal of Press/Politics 8, no. 1 (January 2003): 27–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1081180x02238783.

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13

Kapur, Devesh. "Public Opinion and Indian Foreign Policy." India Review 8, no. 3 (August 6, 2009): 286–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14736480903116818.

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14

TOMZ, MICHAEL, and JESSICA L. P. WEEKS. "Public Opinion and Foreign Electoral Intervention." American Political Science Review 114, no. 3 (April 14, 2020): 856–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055420000064.

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Foreign electoral intervention is an increasingly important tool for influencing politics in other countries, yet we know little about when citizens would tolerate or condemn foreign efforts to sway elections. In this article, we use experiments to study American public reactions to revelations of foreign electoral intervention. We find that even modest forms of intervention polarize the public along partisan lines. Americans are more likely to condemn foreign involvement, lose faith in democracy, and seek retaliation when a foreign power sides with the opposition, than when a foreign power aids their own party. At the same time, Americans reject military responses to electoral attacks on the United States, even when their own political party is targeted. Our findings suggest that electoral interference can divide and weaken an adversary without provoking the level of public demand for retaliation typically triggered by conventional military attacks.
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15

Abenova, A. S. "PUBLIC OPINION AND EFFICIENCY OF PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION." BULLETIN Series of Sociological and Political sciences 69, no. 1 (March 15, 2020): 80–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.51889/2020-1.1728-8940.11.

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The article discusses the concept of public opinion, its importance for the effective interaction of the state and various structures of civil society. Foreign methodologies, scientific theories and research, the development of the phenomenon of «public opinion» by foreign researchers, as well as an analysis of the effects of QMS on society. An attempt was also made to evaluate the experience of the Government of the Republic of Kazakhstan in optimizing public administration by introducing a system for assessing the effectiveness of government bodies.
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16

Blount, Simon. "Public opinion and tax aversion in Australia." Journal of Sociology 36, no. 3 (December 2000): 275–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/144078330003600301.

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17

Walter, Aaron T. "Foreign Policy: Public Opinion and Political Legacy." Slovak Journal of Political Sciences 15, no. 3 (July 1, 2015): 202–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sjps-2015-0009.

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Abstract To the degree that public opinion, as domestic variable, influences a leaders decision-making in the area of foreign affairs is significant. Political leaders use public opinion polling to support government position or in attempts to mold policy position(s) in the affirmative. The following article investigates how public opinion affects U.S. presidential foreign policy decisions and to the degree those decisions are the base for political legacy. The theoretical argument is that domestic variables and leaders decisions often act in mutual support of each others in complementary interests and when not the case, it is the leader whose agenda setting or creating a frame impacts public opinion.
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18

Mayer, Henry. "Public Opinion and Media Concentration." Media Information Australia 44, no. 1 (May 1987): 18–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x8704400106.

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While, in February 1987, 61% of Australians believed that the Government should restrict the concentration of media ownership in Australia and 48% were concerned by the Murdoch takeover, the very young, the unskilled, and women were least concerned.
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19

McAllister, I. "Public opinion in Australia on restricting smoking in public places." Tobacco Control 4, no. 1 (March 1, 1995): 30–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/tc.4.1.30.

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20

Podgórzańska, Renata. "Public Opinion and Foreign Policy of the State. Analysis from the Perspective of Polish Foreign Policy." Reality of Politics 6, no. 1 (March 31, 2015): 60–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/rop201505.

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For the purposes of this article it has been assumed that public opinion is a rapidly changing state of consciousness of large social groups, made up of more or less stable ideas and beliefs, relating to debatable issues, which has a direct or indirect impact on the current or future interests of society by its properties. This article aims to analyze the impact of public opinion on Polish foreign policy after 1989. The article assumes that: the public opinion has an impact on decisions affecting foreign policy, although the extent of this impact is very different and often is purely indirect; impact of public opinion in Poland on foreign policy increases, but still shall be defined only as incidental impact; public opinion in Poland does not determine foreign policy.
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21

Bartels, Lorana, Robin Fitzgerald, and Arie Freiberg. "Public opinion on sentencing and parole in Australia." Probation Journal 65, no. 3 (May 27, 2018): 269–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0264550518776763.

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Australia has nine different legislative regimes for sentencing and parole, as well as eight prison regimes; it has therefore been described as an ideal penal laboratory. This paper presents an overview of the extensive body of recent Australian research on public opinion on sentencing and, more recently, parole. The discussion on parole is situated in the context of an analysis of the legislative and policy landscape, which has undergone significant changes in recent years. The paper concludes with some comments on future research directions in relation to Australian public opinion on parole.
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22

Kelley, Jonathan, and John Braithwaite. "Public opinion and the death penalty in Australia." Justice Quarterly 7, no. 3 (September 1, 1990): 529–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07418829000090721.

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23

Goldsmith, Benjamin E., and Yusaku Horiuchi. "Spinning the Globe? U.S. Public Diplomacy and Foreign Public Opinion." Journal of Politics 71, no. 3 (July 2009): 863–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022381609090768.

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24

Zelikow, Philip, and Douglas C. Foyle. "Counting the Public in: Presidents, Public Opinion, and Foreign Policy." Foreign Affairs 79, no. 2 (2000): 155. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20049656.

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25

Powlick, Philip J., and Andrew Z. Katz. "Defining the American Public Opinion/Foreign Policy Nexus." Mershon International Studies Review 42, no. 1 (May 1998): 29. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/254443.

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26

Fyodorov, Valery, and Dmitry Polikanov. "Public opinion and foreign policy of modern Russia." Journal of Political Theory, Political Philosophy and Sociology of Politics Politeia 36, no. 1 (2005): 22–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.30570/2078-5089-2005-36-1-22-39.

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27

Grose, Peter, and John E. Rielly. "American Public Opinion and U.S. Foreign Policy 1987." Foreign Affairs 65, no. 5 (1987): 1105. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20043230.

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28

Lee, Hak-Seon. "Inequality and U.S. Public Opinion on Foreign Aid." World Affairs 182, no. 3 (August 8, 2019): 273–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0043820019862268.

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I investigate how the level of inequality affects American public opinion on foreign aid. As the level of inequality increases across the United States, the majority of the public will be more likely to demand the government implement policies that should ameliorate severe inequality in society. Assuming that government resources are limited, a greater level of inequality in American society may weaken public support for foreign aid because the public may prioritize providing social safety nets and welfare programs in domestic milieu over granting foreign aid to developing countries. In addition, as inequality widens, the public may perceive economic globalization as one of the main causes of inequality; thus, their overall support for globalization will decline. As a result, American support for global engagement will be negatively affected, and public support for foreign aid may decrease. An empirical test using public opinion data in 50 U.S. states since the 1980s confirms my theory: widening inequality both across states and within a given state does weaken public support for U.S. foreign aid.
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29

Milner, Helen V., and Dustin Tingley. "Public Opinion and Foreign Aid: A Review Essay." International Interactions 39, no. 3 (July 2013): 389–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03050629.2013.784090.

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Efimova, Anna, and Denis Strebkov. "Linking Public Opinion and Foreign Policy in Russia." International Spectator 55, no. 1 (January 2, 2020): 93–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03932729.2019.1700040.

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31

FURIA, PETER A., and RUSSELL E. LUCAS. "Determinants of Arab Public Opinion on Foreign Relations." International Studies Quarterly 50, no. 3 (September 2006): 585–605. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2478.2006.00415.x.

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32

LOUREIRO, FELIPE PEREIRA, FELICIANO DE SÁ GUIMARÃES, and ADRIANA SCHOR. "Public opinion and foreign policy in João Goulart's Brazil (1961-1964): Coherence between national and foreign policy perceptions?" Revista Brasileira de Política Internacional 58, no. 2 (December 2015): 98–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0034-7329201500206.

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Abstract This paper analyses public opinion during the João Goulart government in Brazil (1961-1964), focusing on public perceptions on domestic and foreign policies. We employ a recently declassified public opinion survey conducted on behalf of United States Information Agency (USIA) in urban areas. We found that the Brazilian public opinion was somewhat coherent, supporting redistributive reforms domestically and a neutralist approach in foreign affairs.
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33

Haks, Donald. "Publieke opinie, buitenlandse politiek en het einde van de Spaanse Successieoorlog." Tijdschrift voor geschiedenis 127, no. 4 (November 1, 2014): 673–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/tvgesch2014.4.haks.

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Abstract Public opinion, foreign policy, and the end of the War of the Spanish SuccessionDid public opinion have an impact on foreign policy in early modern times? States put in much effort publicly to legitimize their foreign policy. But they did not always prevent open discussion. England during the War of the Spanish Succession is a case in point. The revolution of 1688-9, the growing influence of parliament on foreign policy, opportunities for political journalism, and different views about how to end the war made public debate a matter of political importance. Pamphlets and public addresses expressed various opinions. May we call this ‘public opinion’? How should we define this concept? And were public opinion and decision-making in some way related? This case improves our understanding of public opinion and foreign policy: it seems after all that public opinion in England did indeed hasten the end of the War of the Spanish Succession.
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34

Foyle, Douglas. "Foreign Policy Analysis and Globalization: Public Opinion, World Opinion, and the Individual." International Studies Review 5, no. 2 (June 2003): 155–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1521-9488.5020013.

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35

Lee, Hak-Seon. "Inward Foreign Direct Investment and U.S. Public Opinion on Immigration." World Affairs 181, no. 2 (June 2018): 181–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0043820018791645.

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I investigate how the direct investment of foreign firms in the United States affects public opinion on immigration. On one hand, when foreign firms invest in the United States, local residents may have job opportunities and a better understanding of foreign cultures following social and work-related interactions with foreign employees at multinationals. As a result, American workers may have a positive attitude toward immigration. On the other hand, when local residents see foreign investment as a foreign acquisition of American assets, or if they experience any unpleasant interactions with foreign nationals at multinationals, foreign investment may result in a negative impact on public perception on immigration. My empirical test of inward investment’s impact on public opinion demonstrates the aforementioned contrasting impacts: While more local employees working at foreign multinationals lead to positive sentiments on immigration, the existence of more local affiliates of foreign firms has a negative impact on public opinion of immigration.
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36

Goldsmith, Benjamin E., and Yusaku Horiuchi. "In Search of Soft Power: Does Foreign Public Opinion Matter for US Foreign Policy?" World Politics 64, no. 3 (June 27, 2012): 555–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887112000123.

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Does “soft power” matter in international relations? Specifically, when the United States seeks cooperation from countries around the world, do the views of their publics about US foreign policy affect the actual foreign policy behavior of these countries? The authors examine this question using multinational surveys covering fifty-eight countries, combined with information about their foreign policy decisions in 2003, a critical year for the US. They draw their basic conceptual framework from Joseph Nye, who uses various indicators of opinion about the US to assess US soft power. But the authors argue that his theory lacks the specificity needed for falsifiable testing. They refine it by focusing on foreign public opinion about US foreign policy, an underemphasized element of Nye's approach. Their regression analysis shows that foreign public opinion has a significant and large effect on troop commitments to the war in Iraq, even after controlling for various hard power factors. It also has significant, albeit small, effects on policies toward the International Criminal Court and on voting decisions in the UN General Assembly. These results support the authors' refined theoretical argument about soft power: public opinion about US foreign policy in foreign countries does affect their policies toward the US, but this effect is conditional on the salience of an issue for mass publics.
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37

Vezhlivtseva, N. Yu. "Public Opinion as an Instrument of Socio-Cultural Influence in the Debate on the «NATO Option» in Finland." Concept: philosophy, religion, culture, no. 1 (July 7, 2020): 164–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2541-8831-2020-1-13-164-171.

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The article analyzes how the attitude of the Finnish population to Finland’s policy of military non-alignment correlates with the official foreign strategy. The question of public opinion can act as a possible sociocultural tool for its change is examined. The author explains the main reasons for the formation of stable public opinion in favor of neutrality, based on national and cultural identity. The role of public opinion in the Finnish internal debate on the «NATO option» is shown. The thesis that public opinion plays only an auxiliary role in comparison with external circumstances affecting the foreign policy of Finland, which is widespread in research circles, is considered. The author argues that public opinion on Finland’s possible entry into NATO is crucial in two key ways. First, at present, it’s a factor supporting the stable foreign policy decision, which is carried out by the state government. Secondly, in the future, public opinion may become a factor capable, under certain conditions of having a significant impact on the change of the Finnish course in foreign and security policy. The second option assumes that public opinion can play its own role by changing the pre-planned foreign policy scenario.
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38

Gaubatz, Kurt Taylor. "Intervention and Intransitivity: Public Opinion, Social Choice, and the Use of Military Force Abroad." World Politics 47, no. 4 (July 1995): 534–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887100015203.

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This article argues that the problems identified in the literature on public choice should critically affect our research on public opinion and our understanding of the impact of public opinion on foreign policy. While a robust literature has emerged around social choice issues in political science, there has been remarkably little appreciation for these problems in the literature on public opinion in general and on public opinion and foreign policy in particular. The potential importance of social choice problems for understanding the nature and role of public opinion in foreign policy making is demonstrated through an examination of American public attitudes about military intervention abroad. In particular, drawing on several common descriptions of the underlying dimensionality of public attitudes on major foreign policy issues, it is shown that there may be important intransitivities in the ordering of public preferences at the aggregate level on policy choices such as those considered by American decision makers in the period leading up to the Gulf War. Without new approaches to public-opinion polling that take these problems into consideration, it will be difficult to make credible claims about the role of public opinion in theforeignpolicy process.
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39

Dragomir, Elena. "Lithuanian public opinion and the EU membership." Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies 2, no. 2 (December 15, 2010): 295–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.53604/rjbns.v2i2_9.

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During the early 1990s, following the restoration of independence, Lithuania reoriented in terms of foreign policy towards West. One of the state’s main foreign policy goals became the accession to the EU and NATO. Acknowledging that the ‘opinion of the people’ is a crucial factor in today’s democracy as it is important and necessary for politicians to know and take into consideration the ‘public opinion’, that is the opinion of the people they represent, this paper brings into attention the public support for the political pro-West project. The paper is structured in two main parts. The first one presents in short the politicians’ discourse regarding Lithuania’s accession to the EU and its general ‘returning to Europe’, in the general context of the state’s new foreign policy, while the second part presents the results of different public opinion surveys regarding the same issue. Comparing these two sides, in the end, the paper provides the answer that the Lithuanian people backed the political elites in their European projects. Although, the paper does not represent a breakthrough for the scientific community, its findings could be of interest for those less familiarized with the Lithuanian post-Cold War history, and especially for the Romanian public to whom this journal mainly addresses.
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40

McAllister, Ian, and Donley T. Studlar. "TRENDS IN PUBLIC OPINION ON THE ENVIRONMENT IN AUSTRALIA." International Journal of Public Opinion Research 5, no. 4 (1993): 353–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ijpor/5.4.353.

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41

Rix, Alan. "Cry Havoc?: Public Opinion and Recent Australia-Japan Relations." Policy, Organisation and Society 4, no. 1 (June 1992): 15–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10349952.1991.11876765.

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42

McAllister, Ian. "Public opinion towards gambling and gambling regulation in Australia." International Gambling Studies 14, no. 1 (December 4, 2013): 146–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14459795.2013.861001.

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43

Chudowsky, Victor, and Taras Kuzio. "Does public opinion matter in UkraineŒ The case of foreign policy." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 36, no. 3 (September 1, 2003): 273–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0967-067x(03)00039-4.

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The article critically surveys the impact of domestic public opinion on foreign policy in Ukraine by integrating it within theories of public opinion. Studies of public opinion in Ukraine have not given due weight to the unique characteristics of the Ukrainian ‘public’, which differs greatly from the Western public. Ukrainian society is passive, atomized and its power is ‘submerged’ relative to that of the state. The article argues that public opinion is of minimal importance in the area of foreign policy.
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44

Smith, Gaaddis, and Eugene R. Wittkopf. "Faces of Internationalism: Public Opinion and American Foreign Policy." Foreign Affairs 70, no. 3 (1991): 169. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20044851.

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45

Eichenberg, Richard C. "Public Opinion and Foreign Policy in the Obama Era." Politique américaine 14, no. 2 (2009): 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/polam.014.0011.

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Payne, Rodger A. "Public Opinion and Foreign Threats: Eisenhower's Response to Sputnik." Armed Forces & Society 21, no. 1 (October 1994): 89–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095327x9402100106.

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47

Robinson, Piers. "Do “Foreign Voices” Influence the News and Public Opinion?" International Studies Review 17, no. 2 (June 2015): 335–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/misr.12216.

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48

Russett, Bruce, and Eugene R. Wittkopf. "Faces of Internationalism: Public Opinion and American Foreign Policy." Political Science Quarterly 106, no. 3 (1991): 511. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2151745.

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MEERNIK, JAMES, and MICHAEL AULT. "Public Opinion and Support for U.S. Presidents' Foreign Policies." American Politics Research 29, no. 4 (July 2001): 352–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x01029004002.

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50

Heinrich, Tobias, Yoshiharu Kobayashi, and Kristin A. Bryant. "Public Opinion and Foreign Aid Cuts in Economic Crises." World Development 77 (January 2016): 66–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.worlddev.2015.08.005.

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