Artículos de revistas: "Augusti"

1

Fishwick, D. "Numen Augusti". Britannia 20 (1989): 231. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/526166.

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2

Goodman, Penelope J. "Twelve Augusti". Journal of Roman Studies 108 (8 de junio de 2018): 156–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075435818000485.

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A rash of new festivals, a fashion for calendars and a renamed month all attest to the strength of anniversary culture in the Augustan era, and to Augustus’ own facility for capitalising upon it. We can safely assume that he would have understood, and perhaps even anticipated, that the bimillennium of his death might be commemorated. Whether he would quite have expected the exhibitions, conferences and publications with which twenty-first-century academics chose to mark it is perhaps another matter. This review article examines some of the scholarly fruits of Augustus’ 2014 anniversary, encompassing twelve books which were published that year, took it as an explicit prompt or were developed out of bimillennial conferences. They are tackled in three broad groups, the better to bring out the characteristic interests and approaches of each.

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3

Dopico Caínzos, María Dolores. "Lucus Augusti: perspectivas para su investigación = Lucus Augusti: Research perspectives". Estudios Humanísticos. Historia, n.º 16 (31 de enero de 2020): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.18002/ehh.v0i16.6125.

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En este trabajo pretendo hacer un balance de nuestro conocimiento sobre Lucus Augusti, una de las tres principales ciudades del Noroeste peninsular, capital de un conventus iuridicus. Centrándome en tres cuestiones concretas -el urbanismo, el territorio y las estructuras socio-políticas- trataré de mostrar los problemas y los límites de nuestra investigación así como las posibilidades de avanzar en el conocimiento de la ciudadIn this paper I will try to evaluate our knowledge of Lucus Augusti, one of three main cities of North-western Hispania, the head of a conventus iuridicus. Considering three aspects - its urbanism, territory and sociopolitical structures-I will try to show the problems and the limits of our research as well as the possibilities of advancing in the knowledge of the city

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4

Jospin, Jean-Pascal. "Uicus Augusti : Aoste, Isère". Revue archéologique de Narbonnaise 38, n.º 1 (2005): 61–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/ran.2005.1150.

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5

Simpson, Christopher J. "Caligula's Cuit. Imitatio Augusti". Revue belge de philologie et d'histoire 75, n.º 1 (1997): 107–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/rbph.1997.4165.

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6

Rich, J. W. "Res gestae divi Augusti". Mnemosyne 64, n.º 3 (2011): 504–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852511x548234.

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7

García Martínez, Sonia María. "El monumento funerario como reflejo del status socioeconómico. Un ejemplo concreto: Asturica Augusta, Bracara Augusta y Lucus Augusti". Estudios humanísticos. Geografía, historia y arte, n.º 18 (8 de febrero de 2021): 83. http://dx.doi.org/10.18002/ehgha.v0i18.6716.

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In this article, we are going to analize the socioeconomic differences that exist inside each conventual capital of the Hispanic-roman Northwest (Asturica Augusta, Bracara Augusta y Lucus Augusti) taking as specimen the funerary monuments remaining from the Roman period as they reflect both the religious belief and the social position of the deceased and of the person who dedicates the epitaph.

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8

Da Costa Campos, Carlos Eduardo. "As Res Gestae Diui Augusti: perspectivas sobre a obra". Revista História: Debates e Tendências 19 (4 de septiembre de 2019): 586–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.5335/hdtv.3n.19.9885.

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A proposta do artigo é problematizar as Res Gestae Diui Augusti de Otávio Augusto. Assim, analisaremos o espaço das inscrições epigráficas no Império Romano para compreendermos a inserção das RGDA, a sua visibilidade e circulação. Desse modo, o artigo estabelece processos de análise sobre a tipologia documental e leva em consideração o contexto histórico e a suas características quanto à forma e o conteúdo. Nosso argumento central é que esse objeto foi um mecanismo edificado para consolidar a imagem de Otávio Augusto, assim preservando a sua memória como bom governante para as gerações posteriores e de regiões distantes do império.

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9

Liubimova, O. V. "Наследие популяров в политике Августа (по Res Gestae Divi Augusti)". Istoricheskii vestnik, n.º 19(2017) part: 19 (1 de marzo de 2017): 226–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.35549/hr.2017.2017.34960.

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On the basis of The Deeds of Divine Augustus or Res Gestae Divi Augusti (RGDA), the author analyses the significance of the legacy of populares, one of the main political movements in the Late Republic, in the politics of Emperor Augustus. The main features of this political movement, in the opinion of modern researchers, were their demagogic political style, their assertion of the sovereignty of Roman people and their protection of economic interests of the lower classes. In the RGDA there is no mention of the odious political methods of the populares that entailed conflicts and unrest but the text significantly dwells on the tribunician power granted to Augustus. In the Late Republic the tribunician power served as the basis of the populares political method. The ideology reflected in the RGDA entrusts the Roman people with an important role in the public administration and describes the Roman people as a fullfledged partner of the Senate, however it lacks the populares contraposition of the Roman people to the Senate (or to the oligarchy controlling the Senate). The populares legacy is particularly apparent in the RGDA chapters describing Augustus expenses in favor of the Roman people such as the organisation of various social measures, shows and public building. Augustus inherited from the populares of the Late Republic the idea of Roman plebs as a source of political power and of satisfaction of its interest as a mechanism of maintaining political stability, but discarded those of populares slogans and methods that had a conflict potential.На материале Деяний Божественного Августа (Res Gestae Divi Augusti) рассматривается вопрос о том, какое место занимало в политике Августа наследие популяров одного из двух основных политических течений Поздней республики. В качестве характерных черт этого движения исследователи выделяют демагогический политический стиль приверженность идеологии народного суверенитета защиту экономических интересов неимущих слоёв. В RGDA не упоминаются одиозные политические методы популяров, которые влекли за собой конфликты и беспорядки, но важное место занимает предоставленная Августу трибунская власть, которая в Республике служила основой популярского Modus Operandi. Идеология, выраженная в RGDA, отводит римскому народу важное место в управлении государством и представляет его равноправным партнёром сената однако в ней отсутствует характерное для популяров противопоставление народа сенату (или олигархии, контролирующей сенат). Наиболее очевидно наследие популяров в тех главах RGDA, где описываются расходы Августа в пользу римского народа: социальные мероприятия, организация зрелищ и строительство. Август заимствовал у позднереспубликанских популяров представление о том, что римский плебс может служить источником политической силы, и удовлетворение его интересов необходимо для поддержания политической стабильности, однако исключил из своего арсенала те политические лозунги и методы популяров, которые имели конфликтный потенциал.

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10

Makhlayuk, Alexander. "The Space of the Roman World in the Res gestae divi Augusti". Vestnik drevnei istorii 79, n.º 3 (2019): 653–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032103910007708-1.

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11

Heslin, Peter. "Augustus, Domitian and the So-called Horologium Augusti". Journal of Roman Studies 97 (noviembre de 2007): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.3815/000000007784016106.

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Buchner's reconstruction of the Horologium Augusti continues to be influential, despite fatal flaws demonstrated by Rodríguez-Almeida and Schütz; so we begin by reviewing the state of the evidence. There is no credible indication that Augustus or his successors built an extensive sundial, so we must conclude with Schütz that what Pliny described and what the excavations of the German Archaeological Institute (DAI) uncovered was a solar meridian line. We then proceed to discuss its significance in the context of the Augustan building programme. Since the DAI in fact discovered a Flavian reconstruction, the final question to be addressed is what purpose it served Domitian to rebuild a largely symbolic Augustan instrument that had grown inaccurate over time.

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12

Berdowski, Piotr. "Ex amicis divi Augusti: P. Vedius Pollio". Palamedes 12 (10 de diciembre de 2019): 93–140. http://dx.doi.org/10.5913/pal.2017.45650853.

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The present article attempts a comprehensive overview of the career of P. Vedius Pollio, an equestrian and a close associate of Augustus at a time of the constitutional transformation of the Roman Republic. The issues under discussion include Pollio’s political career in the years immediately following the battle of Actium, not least the mission to Asia Minor that Augustus entrusted him with, as well as his business activities, which are better known to us after Pollio’s withdrawal from politics. Much space is devoted to his relationship with the princeps and the birth of the so-called black legend of Pollio, which disparaged him as a cruel and psychopathic.

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13

Green, Roger, M. Dewar y Claudian. "Claudian: Panegyricus de Sexto Consulatu Honorii Augusti". Phoenix 53, n.º 1/2 (1999): 178. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1088141.

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14

Balbuza, Katarzyna. "Idea Aeternitatis Augusti - początki i kierunek rozwoju". Zeszyty Naukowe Centrum Badań im. Edyty Stein, n.º 15 (22 de octubre de 2018): 243–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/cbes.2016.15.18.

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Although the first unambiguous original proofs of the aeternitas Augusti idea come from the Flavian dynasty, its origin lies in the period of the late Republic and Principate. Aeternitas was a deified abstraction, which expressed the state the emperor could obtain as a result of deification. It was also an attribute of the emperor, the property of his divine nature. Analysis of the places and contexts of the occurrence of the eternity phenomenon with respect to the emperor in preserved sources suggests that the ideas of the state and the emperor’s eternity were complementary and mutually conditioned.The emperor’s aeternitas was declared to emphasize his religious and political role in thestate, in the process of granting him everlastingness. It was discussed in the context ofconcerns about his health and safety, particularly in the context of neutralizing plots toassassinate him, and in the context of the implications to the policy of the throne. Despite the fact that proclaiming the emperor’s aeternitas in the Julio-Claudian dynasty had noofficial character, the number and diversity of its original evidences prove the significantpopularity of this idea in society.

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15

Bueno, Giovanni Pando. "Desfazendo o consenso: lógica subalterna nos altares dos Lares Augusti". Mare Nostrum 11, n.º 2 (8 de diciembre de 2020): 161–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/issn.2177-4218.v11i2p161-186.

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Dentre as reformas religiosas promovidas por Augusto durante seu Principado (27 a.C. – 14 d.C.) estava o culto aos Lares compitales, praticado em encruzilhadas pela iniciativa de magistri vici (libertos, em sua maioria), que se tornam então Lares Augusti. Encarou-se essa mudança como prova do reconhecimento demonstrado pelas camadas subalternas ao novo Princeps de Roma e à ideologia hegemônica da Era Augustana, caracterizada como um período de consenso geral. Neste artigo, através da análise iconográfica de dois altares do novo culto, investigaremos a agência histórica dos magistri e a mobilização das imagens e da materialidade dos altares para expressar seus interesses próprios.

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16

Bringmann, Klaus. "Res gestae divi Augusti. Hauts faits du divin Auguste. Texte établi et traduit par John Scheid." Gnomon 81, n.º 3 (2009): 217–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.17104/0017-1417_2009_3_217.

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17

Hillner, Gisela. "Theodor Mommsen, Digesta Iustiniani Augusti, Ëditio maior (1870)". Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte. Romanistische Abteilung 125, n.º 1 (1 de agosto de 2008): 696–704. http://dx.doi.org/10.7767/zrgra.2008.125.1.696.

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18

Goldberg, Caren S. y Cecil R. Schwalbe. "CONSIDERATIONS FOR MONITORING A RARE ANURAN (ELEUTHERODACTYLUS AUGUSTI)". Southwestern Naturalist 49, n.º 4 (diciembre de 2004): 442–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1894/0038-4909(2004)049<0442:cfmara>2.0.co;2.

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19

Arnaud, Pascal. "Les sesterces de Néron au portus Ostiensis Augusti". Bulletin de la Société Nationale des Antiquaires de France 2008, n.º 1 (2015): 176–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/bsnaf.2015.12004.

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20

Kirillova, M. "What was the content of lex divi Augusti?" Indo-European linguistics and classical philology XXII (7 de junio de 2018): 619–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.30842/ielcp230690152247.

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21

Yardley, J. C. "Justin on tribunates and generalships, Casares, and Augusti". Classical Quarterly 50, n.º 2 (diciembre de 2000): 632–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cq/50.2.632.

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Little, if anything, in Justin scholarship has been as controversial as the dating of the so-called Epitome of the Philippic History of Pompeius Trogus. Suggested dates have varied from the time of Antoninus Pius through the third century to the end of the fourth. The latter was proposed in 1988 by Sir Ronald Syme, but has in fact received little support in subsequent literature on Justin, which has tended to accept the earlier dating (late second/early third centuries). An exception is T. D. Barnes, who has voiced support for a later dating based on a linguistic parallel to Justin in the Historia Augusta.Barnes observes that Oscar Hey, author of the article ducatus in TLL (5.2129.30–2131.42), drew attention to the similarity between Justin 30.2.5 Agathocles regis lateri iunctus civitatem regebat, tribunatus et praefecturas et ducatus mulieres ordinabant and HA Heliog. 6.2 militaribus… praeposituris et legationibus et ducatibus venditis. Hey, he notes, refers at the head of that particular section of the article (Section 2 [2130.5–63]) to Seeck's article on dux. Seeck had demonstrated—and this is now taken for granted by scholars—that from the time of Diocletian dux is used technically as a formal title, and, in drawing attention to the parallel between HA Heliog. 6.2 and Justin, Hey must have been intimating that Justin is, like the author of Heliog. 6.2, using ducatus as a (post-Diocletianic) formal title. He then seems to suggest that Hey was right and Justin is to be dated to at least some time after 260.

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22

Heslin, Peter. "Augustus, Domitian and the So-called Horologium Augusti". Journal of Roman Studies 97, n.º 01 (noviembre de 2007): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075435800014842.

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23

Adema, Suzanne. "Alwetend en objectief". Lampas 52, n.º 3 (1 de septiembre de 2019): 305–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/lam2019.3.007.adem.

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Summary Word order and lexical cohesion are the main devices by means of which the coherence of the Res Gestae Divi Augusti is made explicit. Word order is used to structure the text as a whole, while lexical cohesion functions as a cohesion device on the level of the caput; on this level, the particle autem is used as well. In brief asides, usually relative clauses, the author evaluates his deeds. An analysis of tense usage (both quantitative and in close reading) shows that the text type of the Res Gestae Divi Augusti is non-narrative, with an important role for the perfect tense. At the sentence level epistolary tense usage creates the effect of a temporal standpoint after the death of Augustus. Together, these Latin cohesion devices enhance the objective and factual tone of the Res Gestae Divi Augusti.

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24

Montalva, Jose Miguel, Juan L. Allendes y Mariano Lucia. "The large carpenter bee Xylocopa augusti (Hymenoptera: Apidae): New record for Chile". Journal of Melittology, n.º 12 (11 de junio de 2013): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.17161/jom.v0i12.4480.

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The large carpenter bee Xylocopa (Neoxylocopa) augusti Lepeletier de Saint Fargeau, 1841, is here recorded for the first time in Chile. This new record increases to four the number of carpenter bees known for the country. Host plant associations for X. augusti in Chile are provided. A key to the species of Xylocopa Latreille in Chile as well as comments on the presence of X. (N.) bruesi Cockerell in the country are also presented.

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25

Bringmann, Klaus. "Alison E. Cooley: Res gestae Divi Augusti. Text, Translation, and Commentary". Gnomon 83, n.º 8 (2011): 708–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.17104/0017-1417_2011_8_708.

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26

Barr, W. "Claudian, Panegyricus de Sexto Consulatu Honorii Augusti. M Dewar". Classical Review 48, n.º 2 (1 de febrero de 1998): 322–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/48.2.322.

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27

Stasse, Baudouin. "Ἐπαρχεία : le cas du iussum Augusti de 27a (I.Kyme, 17)". L'antiquité classique 78, n.º 1 (2009): 161–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/antiq.2009.3743.

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28

LOZANO, FERNANDO. "DIVI AUGUSTI AND THEOI SEBASTOI: ROMAN INITIATIVES AND GREEK ANSWERS". Classical Quarterly 57, n.º 1 (mayo de 2007): 139–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838807000134.

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29

Augusti, Rodinei. "Professor Rodinei Augusti, an enthusiast for the progress of chemistry in Brazil, kindly spoke to BrJAC". Brazilian Journal of Analytical Chemistry 10, n.º 38 (22 de diciembre de 2022): 2–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.30744/brjac.2179-3425.interview.augusti.

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Rodinei Augusti holds a degree in chemistry (1986), a master’s degree in chemistry (1990), and a doctorate in chemistry (1993), all from the University of Campinas (UNICAMP), SP, Brazil. Currently, he is a full professor in the Department of Chemistry, Institute of Exact Sciences, Federal University of Minas Gerais (UFMG), Belo Horizonte, MG, Brazil. He conducts research on the application of mass spectrometry in several areas, such as monitoring reactions of environmental interest and quality control of alcoholic beverages. Prof. Augusti is an advisor to the following journals: Rapid Communications in Mass Spectrometry, Journal of Mass Spectrometry, Analytical Chemistry, Inorganic Chemistry, Journal of the Brazilian Chemical Society, Analyst (London), Journal of the American Society for Mass Spectrometry, and Quimica Nova.

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30

Goldberg, Caren S., Brian K. Sullivan, John H. Malone y Cecil R. Schwalbe. "DIVERGENCE AMONG BARKING FROGS (ELEUTHERODACTYLUS AUGUSTI) IN THE SOUTHWESTERN UNITED STATES". Herpetologica 60, n.º 3 (septiembre de 2004): 312–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1655/03-81.

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Mommsen, Th. "Theodor Mommsen, Digesta Iustiniani Augusti, Praefationes minores von 1866 und 1868". Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte. Romanistische Abteilung 126, n.º 1 (1 de agosto de 2009): 461–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.7767/zrgra.2009.126.1.461.

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Scheid, John. "Res gestae divi Augusti, 9,1: les jeux pour le salut d’Auguste". Bulletin de la Société Nationale des Antiquaires de France 2008, n.º 1 (2015): 92–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/bsnaf.2015.11984.

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Fullerton, Mark D. "The Domus Augusti in Imperial Iconography of 13-12 B. C." American Journal of Archaeology 89, n.º 3 (julio de 1985): 473. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/504362.

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Salmon, E. Togo. "Veneratio Augusti: Eine Studie zu den Tempeln des ersten römischen Kaisers". Classical World 80, n.º 6 (1987): 461. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4350117.

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35

Silvestrini, Marina. "Una nuova iscrizione per i Lari Augusti dal territorio di Vibinum". Mélanges de l’École française de Rome. Antiquité 104, n.º 1 (1992): 145–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/mefr.1992.1751.

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Cruz, Nicolás. "ESCRITURA, MEMORIA Y DISCURSO: EL CASO DE RES GESTAE DIVI AUGUSTI". Acta literaria, n.º 51 (diciembre de 2015): 119–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.4067/s0717-68482015000200008.

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37

Darab, Ágnes. "Adversa divi Augusti. Pliny the Elder: Naturalis Historia 7. 147–150". Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 55, n.º 1-4 (marzo de 2015): 273–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/068.2015.55.1-4.20.

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Gómez García, Natalia. "Becoming Roman? Two-Sided Stelae in Lucus Augusti and its Hinterland". Collectanea Philologica, n.º 25 (16 de diciembre de 2022): 215–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1733-0319.25.15.

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In this article we analyze the two-sided stelae of Lucus Augusti and its hinterland, unique pieces throughout the Roman Empire, with the aim of compiling the information we have about them and analyzing them from the perspective of postcolonial romanization theories. To this end, Bourdieuʼs theory of habitus is fundamentally used, understanding habitus as a generator of principles of social behavior. The use of the toga in the representations of these stelae and their link with Roman citizenship are key to understanding who commissioned these funerary monuments, as well as the correct interpretation of the themes on the reverse provide us with new data. The analysis of the granite blocks allows us to know that they were not large stelae or with an epigraphic text that is now lost, but that it was a conscious choice which they did not have text rather images on both sides. The two-sided stelae are the reflection of a local custom, that is, part of a new hybrid culture: the provincial Galician-Roman culture. *This article was supported by a PhD fellowship from the Spanish Ministry of Universities called “Ayudas para la Formación de Profesorado Universitario” (FPU19/00148). This research was conducted within the framework of the R+D+i project “Nuevas bases documentales para el estudio histórico de la Hispania romana de época republicana: ciudadanía romana y latinidad (90 a.C. – 45 a.C.)” (PID2019-105940GB-I00) (4 years).

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STUKE, JENS-HERMANN, MARIANO LUCIA y ALBERTO H. ABRAHAMOVICH. "Host records of Physocephala wulpi Camras, with a description of the puparium (Diptera: Conopidae)". Zootaxa 3038, n.º 1 (22 de septiembre de 2011): 61. http://dx.doi.org/10.11646/zootaxa.3038.1.6.

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Physocephala wulpi Camras was reared from Xylocopa artifex Smith, Xylocopa augusti Lepeletier, and Xylocapa splendidula Lepeletier. The puparium is described. An overview of conopid host records from the Neotropic Region, and records from Conopidae that develop in Xylocopa, is provided.

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40

Somavilla, Alexandre, Márcio Luiz De Oliveira y José Albertino Rafael. "Social wasps (Vespidae: Polistinae) from two National Parks of the Caatinga Biome, in Brazil". Sociobiology 64, n.º 3 (17 de octubre de 2017): 334. http://dx.doi.org/10.13102/sociobiology.v64i3.1593.

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This work recorded 593 specimens allocated in 11 genera and 23 species of social wasps were collected in Ubajara National Park and Sete Cidades National Park, Caatinga Biome, Northeast of Brazil. Chartergellus communis Richards, 1978, Chartergus globiventris de Saussure, 1854, Metapolybia docilis Richards, 1975, Polybia paulista (von Ihering, 1896), P. rejecta (Fabricius, 1798), Protonectarina sylveirae (de Saussure, 1854) and Protopolybia exigua (de Saussure, 1854) are new occurrence records for Ceará state. Apoica flavissima van der Vecht, 1898, Brachygastra augusti (de Saussure, 1854), C. globiventris, Metapolybia cingulata (Fabricius, 1804), Polybia chrysothorax (Lichtenstein, 1796), P. paulista, P. scutellaris (White, 1841) and Protopolybia chartergoides Gribodo, 1891 are new occurrence records for Piauí state. Eighteen species were collected in the Ubajara National Park, being eight exclusive and fifthteen in the Sete Cidades National Park, being five exclusive; ten species were collected in both Parks. Brachygastra augusti and M.docilis are new records for Caatinga biome.

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Lucia, Mariano, Soledad Villamil y Victor H. Gonzalez. "A gynandromorph of Xylocopa augusti and an unusual record of X. iris from Brazil (Hymenoptera: Apidae: Xylocopini)". Journal of Melittology, n.º 53 (18 de septiembre de 2015): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.17161/jom.v0i53.4979.

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We describe and illustrate for the first time a mixed gynandromorph of Xylocopa (Neoxylocopa) augusti Lepeletier de Saint Fargeau from Buenos Aires, Argentina. Also, we document and discuss a historical specimen of the Old World carpenter bee X. (Copoxyla) iris (Christ) possibly collected in Brazil.

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42

Waldstein, Wolfgang. "Justiniani Augusti Pandectarum codex Florentinus I, curaverunt A. Corbino und B. Santalucia". Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte. Romanistische Abteilung 107, n.º 1 (1 de agosto de 1990): 415–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.7767/zrgra.1990.107.1.415.

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43

Taylor, Rabun. "Torrent or Trickle? The Aqua Alsietina, the Naumachia Augusti, and the Transtiberim". American Journal of Archaeology 101, n.º 3 (julio de 1997): 465. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/507107.

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44

Yao, J. T. P. "Probabilistic Methods in Structural Engineering (G. Augusti, A. Baratta and F. Casciati)". SIAM Review 28, n.º 3 (septiembre de 1986): 442–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1137/1028148.

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45

O'Sullivan, David y Sean Hammond. "Dyslexia Augusti: Does Suetonius describe a pattern of signs consistent with dyslexia?" Dyslexia 25, n.º 4 (29 de agosto de 2019): 335–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/dys.1633.

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46

Espinosa-Espinosa, David y A. César González-García. "a. d. viiii Kalendas Octobres, dies natalis Augusti. Some Considerations on the Astronomical Orientation of Roman Cologne and the Imperial Cult". Numen 64, n.º 5-6 (28 de septiembre de 2017): 545–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685276-12341479.

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Abstract A key factor in planning and orienting towns in the Roman world, and in particular in Augustan towns, was cosmology. The application of cosmological criteria in these towns, associated with specific political and religious principles of the principate of Augustus, has been already identified in Italia, Gallia, and Hispania. In this article we examine the orientation of the Roman town of Ara Ubiorum (present day Cologne) that could be related with the dies natalis Augusti. Based on these results, such a relation could have been deliberately sought by Roman and Ubian authorities to connect the newly founded town, where there was an ara of the Imperial cult probably consecrated to Rome and Augustus, with Augustus, who was identified with Apollo-Sol.

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47

Rosado Martín, María Concepción. "El juramento de fidelidad a Octaviano del año 32 a. C." El Futuro del Pasado 1 (1 de marzo de 2010): 337–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.14201/fdp.24513.

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El juramento de fidelidad del año 32 a. C. situó a Octaviano al frente de un bloque, liderado por Italia y secundado por las provincias occidentales, preparado para enfrentarse a Marco Antonio, quien estaba secundado por Cleopatra y por los territoriosorientales. Suetonio, Dión Casio y el propio Augusto en las Res Gestae Divi Augusti nos han transmitido la existencia de este juramento. El texto original no se conserva por lo quese ha comparado con otros juramentos de fidelidad, tanto de época republicana como imperial. Nuestro objetivo es estudiar cómo se gestó este juramento, en qué consistía y analizar otros juramentos de fidelidad parecidos al del año 32 a. C. Con este juramento, Italia y Occidente quedaron unidos políticamente a Octaviano de cara al inminente enfrentamiento de éste contra Marco Antonio cuya consecuencia será el paso de la República al Principado.

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48

Ozcáriz Gil, Pablo. "Natione Hispanus. Sobre la identificación de los hispanos en el Imperio Romano". Araucaria, n.º 47 (2021): 21–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.12795/araucaria.2021.i47.02.

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El objetivo de este artículo es poner de relieve que fue Roma la responsable de denominar Hispania al espacio geográfico que cuenta con los Pirineos y las costas mediterránea, atlántica y cantábrica como fronteras naturales. También de dotar a la palabra de una identidad propia. Este es el mismo término que a lo largo del tiempo evolucionó en tantos y tantos contextos históricos, administrativos, políticos y culturales y que terminó denominando a la España actual. El término fue asimilado por sus habitantes ya desde cronología republicana, independientemente de si eran nacidos en Corduba, en Emerita Augusta, en Lucus Augusti, en Tarraco, o cualquier otra pequeña localidad de sus respectivas provincias. Esta asimilación no fue idéntica en todas las escalas sociales, y evolucionó a lo largo del tiempo. Finalmente, se entra en detalle en la utilización de la fórmula natione Hispanus/a presente en la epigrafía romana.

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Butyrskii, Mikhail Nikolaevich. "Christ as Comes Augusti: On the Question of Numismatic Iconography of Justinian II". Античная древность и средние века 49 (2021): 55–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/adsv.2021.49.004.

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This paper compares iconography of the “image of power” on Roman coins of Emperor Aurelian (minted in Serdica, minted in 274–275) and Byzantine pieces of Emperor Justinian II (Constantinople and several Western provincial mints, 705–711). Not synchronous coin types demonstrate the similarity of the idea and image, which affirmed the divine power over the earthly empire in the pagan and Christian periods of its existence. This was achieved due to the novelty of the iconographic language: the half-length images of Sol and Christ, both titled “dominus”, are placed on obverse, with their physiognomy close to the appearance of the ruling emperor showed as a portrait or standing figure on reverse. The iconography of sun deity Sol called the “Lord of the Roman Empire” on the coins of Aurelian anticipated the iconography of Christ as the Lord and “Rex regnantium” on the coins of Justinian II; the latter, in the version from 705–711, inherited pre-Christian tradition of paired images of emperor and his deity-patron on the Roman coins (third and fourth centuries), demonstrating a “personal union” of the ruler and the deity.

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Szabó, Ádám. "ZUR FRAGMENTARISCHEN VOTIVINSCHRIFT DES P. AELIUS MAXIMUS SACERDOS ARAE AUGUSTI NOSTRI AUS DAZIEN *". Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 39, n.º 1-4 (marzo de 1999): 355–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/aant.39.1999.1-4.27.

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