Artículos de revistas: "Asylums"

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Ekdawi, Mounir. "Asylum, asylums and rehabilitation". Psychiatric Bulletin 13, n.º 11 (noviembre de 1989): 640. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/pb.13.11.640.

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Geller, Jeffrey L. y Joseph P. Morrissey. "Asylum Within and Without Asylums". Psychiatric Services 55, n.º 10 (octubre de 2004): 1128–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1176/appi.ps.55.10.1128.

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3

Ruckshana, Azeez, Veldmeijer Claire, Lomax Paul y O’Brien Aileen. "The surrey county lunatic asylum-an overview of some of the first admissions in 1863-1867". Archives of Psychiatry and Mental Health 6, n.º 1 (31 de mayo de 2022): 023–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.29328/journal.apmh.1001039.

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In the 19th Century in much of Western Europe and North America the number and size of asylums increased hugely. In London, there was a wave of new asylums built in response to the 1808 County Asylums Act and the 1845 Lunacy Act, which required publicly funded care for those deemed mentally unwell. One such asylum was the Surrey County Lunatic Asylum which was built on the grounds which now house Springfield University Hospital in South West London. This paper describes the admission records from Surrey County Lunatic Asylum, between 1863-1867, from information stored in the London Metropolitan Archives. Although the terminology is different from that of today’s, the picture the records paint is of an institution aiming at recovery rather than long-term incarceration which can be how asylums are now remembered. This more nuanced view is starting to be discussed more in public conversations about the topic. The optimism this may imbue is tempered by the shocking number of patients who died within the institution.

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Dahl, Hilde. "‘Insane criminals’ and the ‘criminally insane’: criminal asylums in Norway, 1895–1940". History of Psychiatry 28, n.º 2 (9 de febrero de 2017): 209–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0957154x17691004.

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This article looks into the establishment and development of two criminal asylums in Norway. Influenced by international psychiatry and a European reorientation of penal law, the country chose to institutionalize insane criminals and criminally insane in separate asylums. Norway’s first criminal asylum was opened in 1895, and a second in 1923, both in Trondheim. Both asylums quickly filled up with patients who often stayed for many years, and some for their entire lives. The official aim of these asylums was to confine and treat dangerous and disruptive lunatics. Goffman postulates that total institutions typically fall short of their official aims. This study examines records of the patients who were admitted to the two Trondheim asylums, in order to see if the official aims were achieved.

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5

Stein, M. A. "Mental Disability in Victorian England: The Earlswood Asylum 1847–1901. By David Wright. [Oxford: Oxford University Press. 2001. xii, 244 and (Index) 10 pp. Hardback £40. ISBN 0–19–924639–4.]". Cambridge Law Journal 61, n.º 2 (24 de junio de 2002): 463–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008197302401699.

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Under the auspices of the 1808 Asylums Act, twelve county asylums for the institutionalised care of “dangerous idiots and lunatics” were created from 1808 through 1834. The advent of the New Poor Law in that latter year, with its emphasis on economising costs through “relieving” the poor in Union workhouses, resulted in a drastic increase in the number of mentally disabled people under the care of the Poor Law Overseers. Subsequently (and partially in consequence) the Lunatics Act of 1845 directed that all “lunatics, idiots, or persons of unsound mind” be institutionalised in county asylums. The Earlswood Asylum (formerly the National Asylum for Idiots) was the premier establishment for the care of people with mental disabilities throughout the Victorian era, and the institution upon which a national network would be modelled. This book chronicles and examines the history of the Earlswood Asylum from 1847–1901.

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Mac Lellan, Anne. "Disease, danger and death: illness and injuries among staff of Monaghan District Asylum (1869–1950)". Irish Journal of Psychological Medicine 33, n.º 3 (29 de octubre de 2015): 193–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ipm.2015.49.

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ObjectiveThe purpose of this paper has been to investigate the vulnerability of staff in an Irish district lunatic asylum (1869–1950) to infection and injury as exemplified by the records of Monaghan District Asylum (renamed Monaghan Mental Hospital in 1924 and St Davnet’s Hospital in 1954). Some comparisons with other Irish district asylums are included.MethodsThe Minutebooks of Monaghan District Asylum, located in St Davnet’s Complex, Monaghan, were sampled in December of each year from 1869 to 1950 with the sampling extended outwards as required. In addition, the reports on the District, Criminal and Lunatic Asylums in Ireland (1869–1921) and the annual reports of the Inspector of Mental Hospitals (1923–2013) were surveyed for comparisons.ConclusionsStaff in Monaghan District Asylum were vulnerable to infection from contagious diseases including typhoid, tuberculosis and Spanish influenza. As with other Irish district asylums, overcrowding was the norm and isolation facilities were either absent or inadequate. The close proximity of staff to patients in an overcrowded and frequently insanitary institution placed them at increased risk of contracting disease. Moreover, staff at all levels, from resident medical superintendent to attendant, were, on occasion, at risk of injury from patients. The Monaghan experience would seem to indicate that any consideration of staff patient relationships within asylums should be nuanced by a consideration of the risks posed to staff due to their occupation.

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7

Talbott, John A. "The Need for Asylum, Not Asylums". Psychiatric Services 55, n.º 10 (octubre de 2004): 1127. http://dx.doi.org/10.1176/appi.ps.55.10.1127.

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8

Shepherd, Jade. "‘I am very glad and cheered when I hear the flute’: The Treatment of Criminal Lunatics in Late Victorian Broadmoor". Medical History 60, n.º 4 (15 de septiembre de 2016): 473–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mdh.2016.56.

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Through an examination of previously unseen archival records, including patients’ letters, this article examines the treatment and experiences of patients in late Victorian Broadmoor Criminal Lunatic Asylum and stakes the place of this institution within the broader history of therapeutic regimes in British asylums. Two main arguments are put forth. The first relates to the evolution of treatment in Victorian asylums. Historians tend to agree that in the 1860s and 1870s ‘psychiatric pessimism’ took hold, as the optimism that had accompanied the growth of moral treatment, along with its promise of a cure for insanity, abated. It has hitherto been taken for granted that all asylums reflected this change. I question this assumption by showing that Broadmoor did not sit neatly within this framework. Rather, the continued emphasis on work, leisure and kindness privileged at this institution into the late Victorian period was often welcomed positively by patients and physicians alike. Second, I show that, in Broadmoor’s case, moral treatment was determined not so much by the distinction between the sexes as the two different classes of patients – Queen’s pleasure patients and insane convicts – in the asylum. This distinction between patients not only led to different modes of treatment within Broadmoor, but had an impact on patients’ asylum experiences. The privileged access to patients’ letters that the Broadmoor records provide not only offers a new perspective on the evolution of treatment in Victorian asylums, but also reveals the rarely accessible views of asylum patients and their families on asylum care.

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Funnell, Warwick, Valerio Antonelli, Raffaele D’Alessio y Roberto Rossi. "Accounting for madness: the “Real Casa dei Matti” of Palermo 1824-1860". Accounting, Auditing & Accountability Journal 30, n.º 5 (19 de junio de 2017): 1111–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aaaj-05-2015-2047.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to understand the role played by accounting in managing an early nineteenth century lunatic asylum in Palermo, Italy. Design/methodology/approach The paper is informed by Foucault’s studies of lunatic asylums and his work on governmentality which gave prominence to the role of statistics, the “science of the State”. Findings This paper identifies a number of roles played by accounting in the management of the lunatic asylum studied. Most importantly, information which formed the basis of accounting reports was used to describe, classify and give visibility and measurability to the “deviance” of the insane. It also legitimated the role played by lunatic asylums, as entrusted to them in post-Napoleonic early nineteenth century society, and was a tool to mediate with the public authorities to provide adequate resources for the institution to operate. Research limitations/implications This paper encourages accounting scholars to engage more widely with socio-historical research that will encompass organisations such as lunatic asylums. Originality/value This paper provides, for the first time, a case of accounting applied to a lunatic asylum from a socio-historical perspective.

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Myers, E. D. "Workhouse or asylum: the nineteenth century battle for the care of the pauper insane". Psychiatric Bulletin 22, n.º 9 (septiembre de 1998): 575–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/pb.22.9.575.

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Throughout the 19th century some 20–25% of all known pauper lunatics in England and Wales were accommodated in workhouses. Early on, the lunacy commissioners considered that all pauper lunatics should be admitted to asylums and were highly critical of the conditions under which they were kept in workhouses. As the century progressed the lunacy commissioners were forced to compromise because of the lack of space in asylums and diminishing confidence in the results of asylum treatment. By the end of the century the lunacy commissioners were reconciled to the accommodation of feeble-minded, imbecile, idiot, chronic psychotic and demented paupers in workhouses, but held to the view that the acute pauper insane should be admitted to asylums.

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Kosky, Robert. "From Morality to Madness: A Reappraisal of the Asylum Movement in Psychiatry 1800–1940". Australian & New Zealand Journal of Psychiatry 20, n.º 2 (junio de 1986): 180–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.3109/00048678609161330.

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This essay outlines the history of the asylum movement in psychiatry, but from a somewhat different angle than usual. It attempts to delineate the historical interactions between perceptions of morality and of madness. Changes in these interactions relate to the rise of the asylum movement, around 1800, and its demise, just after World War II. I argue that, whilst insanity was defined against the rational, secular morality of the eighteenth century, it could be separated from immorality and put aside into its asylum. Once mechanistic science and medical scientism began, during the nineteenth century, to include immorality in the systems of disease, the distinction could not hold. The asylums became flooded with the immoral, and management became custodial and nihilistic. This nexus was broken when the asylums were defined, by a few revolutionary superintendents, as instruments of social control. Nevertheless, intellectual paradigms derived from asylum psychiatry persist.

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12

Walsh, Dermot. "The lunatic asylums of Ireland 1825-1839". Irish Journal of Psychological Medicine 25, n.º 4 (diciembre de 2008): 151–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0790966700011307.

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AbstractObjectives: By the early 19th century the social manifestations of psychiatric disorder had become a matter of public and parliamentary pre-occupation in Ireland. This concern led to legislative provision for the establishment of a national system of district lunatic asylums. This paper describes some details of the early foundation of this system.Method: Examination of House of Commons papers on the lunatic asylums of Ireland 1835-1839.Results: Details are presented concerning the activities, numbers of residents, admissions and costs of the 11 asylums in operation by 1839.Conclusions: By 1839 the operational, administrative and cultural characteristics of a national asylum system that would take another half century to complete and would extend well into the 20th century had been established.

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13

Bongiorno, Vincenzo. "Proposals for Mental Health in Italy at the End of the Nineteenth Century: between Utopia and Anticipating the “Basaglia Law”". Clinical Practice & Epidemiology in Mental Health 9, n.º 1 (28 de noviembre de 2013): 210–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.2174/1745017920131029001.

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The present work refers to the debate which took place in Italy in the final years of the nineteenth century in relation to mental health and lunatic asylums, from which emerged various innovative proposals for avoiding compulsory confinement in numerous cases. Some of them became part of new legislative regulations regarding asylums, but most were excluded. Today, a new historical interpretation allows us to grasp a connection between Law 180, dated 1978 and known as the “Basaglia Law” from the name of its promoter, and alternative proposals to asylum custody omitted from the 1904 law.

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14

BROWN, MICHAEL. "RETHINKING EARLY NINETEENTH-CENTURY ASYLUM REFORM". Historical Journal 49, n.º 2 (junio de 2006): 425–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x06005279.

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This article seeks, through the medium of a case study of the York Lunatic Asylum scandal of 1813 to 1815, to rethink aspects of the existing historiography of early nineteenth-century asylum reform. By moving away from the normative medical historical focus on ‘madness’ and ‘custody’, it relates the reform of lunatic asylums to the wider social, cultural, and political currents of the early nineteenth century. In particular, it demonstrates how the conflict over the administration of the York Asylum represented a clash between different conceptions of social power and public accountability which were rooted in mutually opposed cultural ideologies. In addition, by bringing more recent work on identity and performance to bear on a classic set of historical issues, it also seeks to investigate how the reform of lunatic asylums, and the cultural shifts which they embodied, impacted upon the social identities of medical practitioners engaged in the charitable care of the sick and mad.

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15

Yanni, Carla. "The Linear Plan for Insane Asylums in the United States before 1866". Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 62, n.º 1 (1 de marzo de 2003): 24–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3655082.

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Nineteenth-century psychiatrists believed that 80 percent of insanity cases were curable if treated early, outside the home, in carefully planned, purpose-built structures. This essay traces the development of the architecture of insane asylums in the United States. In 1854, the Quaker Philadelphian Thomas S. Kirkbride published guidelines for 250-bed asylums; they were based in part on John Notman's state hospital in Trenton, New Jersey, and dominated asylum design for decades. While followers of Kirkbride favored large aggregate buildings, other reformers supported the cottage plan, a system that broke the monolithic hospitals into small, houselike edifices. Although the doctors disagreed on many issues, they concurred that the architecture of asylums was one of the most powerful tools for the treatment of insanity. Additionally, the paper explores a concept that architectural historians and architects sometimes take for granted: that architecture shapes behavior. In this case, it was expected to help cure a disease.

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Hilton, Claire y Benjamin Hilton. "Samuel Alderman Lomas (1838–1901) the man with two gravestones, his brother MuscotAtkin Lomas (1840–1907) and their lives in Victorian asylums". Journal of Medical Biography 17, n.º 2 (28 de abril de 2009): 100–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1258/jmb.2008.008028.

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Samuel Alderman Lomas died in the Hertfordshire County Asylum, Hill End, St Albans in 1901. He was buried in the asylum cemetery where two gravestones bear his name. This paper traces his life history and that of his brother Muscot Atkin Lomas. Both were classed as idiots in Victorian society and spent most of their lives – from childhood until death – in asylums.

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Haw, Camilla M. "John Conolly and the treatment of mental illness in early Victorian England". Psychiatric Bulletin 13, n.º 8 (agosto de 1989): 440–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/pb.13.8.440.

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This year, 1989, marks the 150th anniversary of the abolition of mechanical restraints at the Hanwell Asylum. It was, of course, John Conolly who carried out this large-scale experiment in the application of non-restraint at Hanwell. He was in charge of the diagnosis and treatment of the 800-odd pauper lunatics in this, the largest of the county asylums. Most of his patients had been insane for many years before their admission to Hanwell from the parish workhouses. The prospects of curing them were slim: Hanwell had the second lowest cure rate among the county asylums, a meagre 6% for the period 1835–1845 (Conolly, 1847).

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Miller, Ed. "The Role of the Poor Law in the Care of the Insane in the Nineteenth Century". History & Philosophy of Psychology 8, n.º 2 (2006): 17–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.53841/bpshpp.2006.8.2.17.

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Where writings in abnormal and clinical psychology refer to the ways in which the ‘insane’ were dealt with in the past, they almost universally assume that the two dominant features were the asylum and the asylum doctor. The large, nineteenth century public asylums were built for the ‘pauper insane’ and the vast majority of those regarded as insane were pauper insane. As a consequence of this the Poor Law played a crucial role in the care of the insane and it was the local Poor Law officials who, together with magistrates, determined who were to be regarded as the pauper insane and whether such individuals were to be sent to the asylum or dealt with in other ways. Even at the end of the nineteenth century about 20% of the pauper insane were resident in workhouses and not asylums. There was also considerable local variation in how officials handled the problem of insanity. Many of the pauper insane retained in workhouses remained there for long periods and their treatment was often unsatisfactory.

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Farquharson, Lauren. "A ‘Scottish Poor Law of Lunacy’? Poor Law, Lunacy Law and Scotland’s parochial asylums". History of Psychiatry 28, n.º 1 (29 de noviembre de 2016): 15–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0957154x16678123.

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Scotland’s parochial asylums are unfamiliar institutional spaces. Representing the concrete manifestation of the collision between two spheres of legislation, the Poor Law and the Lunacy Law, six such asylums were constructed in the latter half of the nineteenth century. These sites expressed the enduring mandate of the Scottish Poor Law 1845 over the domain of ‘madness’. They were institutions whose very existence was fashioned at the directive of the local arm of the Poor Law, the parochial board, and they constituted a continuing ‘Scottish Poor Law of Lunacy’. Their origins and operation significantly subverted the intentions and objectives of the Lunacy Act 1857, the aim of which had been to institute a public district asylum network with nationwide coverage.

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Farquharson, Jennifer. "Health and hierarchy: soldiers, civilians and mental healthcare in Scotland, 1914–34". History of Psychiatry 29, n.º 1 (14 de diciembre de 2017): 79–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0957154x17745262.

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During the First World War injured servicemen were constructed as a better class of patient than civilians, and their care was prioritized in social and political discourses. For the mentally disordered servicemen themselves, however, these distinctions were permeable and transient. This article will challenge the reality of the ‘privileged’ service patient in civil asylums in Scotland. By examining the impact of the war on asylum structures, economies and patient health, this study will explore exactly which patients were valued in these difficult years. In so doing, this paper will also reveal how the lives of institutionalized ex-servicemen and the civilian insane inside district asylums were not quite as distinct as political and social groups would have liked.

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Gingell, Kate. "The forgotten children: children admitted to a county asylum between 1854 and 1900". Psychiatric Bulletin 25, n.º 11 (noviembre de 2001): 432–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/pb.25.11.432.

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Aims and MethodTo assess the part that the 19th century asylums played in the development of the discipline of child psychiatry. Admissions to the Worcester County Asylum between the years 1854 and 1900 were screened to identify children aged 16 and under. An item sheet was used to record details of the admission.ResultsOne-hundred and ninety-five children were admitted. Risk of suicide and dangerousness were routinely recorded, family history rarely. It was not possible to make retrospective diagnoses. The death rate was high and contact with the family was minimal post admission.Clinical ImplicationsChildren were treated exactly like the adult patients, and therefore asylums did not contribute significantly to the development of the discipline of child psychiatry.

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Kritzman-Amir, Tally. "Privatization and Delegation of State Authority in Asylum Systems". Law & Ethics of Human Rights 5, n.º 1 (1 de mayo de 2011): 194–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1938-2545.1057.

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One of the measures taken by states to relieve the burden of providing for asylum seekers and refugees is privatization and delegation of asylum regimes. I analyze the privatization and delegation of authority that is taking place within asylum systems and describe three tiers of privatization/delegation: 1. admission at points of entry or criminalization of undocumented entry, 2. status determination, 3. social integration and provision of social and economic rights and benefits. I then ask why states are privatizing and delegating authority within the context of asylum systems and argue that privatization and delegation of authority are intended to be used to maintain control and reduce immigration and integration of asylum seekers. Governments are often helpless in their attempts to manage refugee migration and need to recruit other sectors to assist them in regaining control over immigration. This tool is particularly instrumental as it allows governments to maintainto a large extentcontrol of immigrations and at the same time distance themselves from their responsibilities, from human rights violations, etc. Governments attempt to have private or other actors carry out acts that they cannotwhether because of practical reasoning or due to legal constraints. Finally, I argue that asylums systems are a special locus; thus, special care, great caution, much regulation, or complete refrain from privatizing at all, is paramount since privatization of asylums systems carries unique and severe consequences.

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23

Maher, Winifred B. "Asylums Revisited". Contemporary Psychology: A Journal of Reviews 35, n.º 9 (septiembre de 1990): 870–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/029030.

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Reuber, Markus. "The architecture of psychological management: the Irish asylums (1801–1922)". Psychological Medicine 26, n.º 6 (noviembre de 1996): 1179–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s003329170003590x.

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SynopsisThis analysis examines some of the psychological, philosophical and sociological motives behind the development of pauper lunatic asylum architecture in Ireland during the time of the Anglo–Irish union (1801–1922). Ground plans and structural features are used to define five psycho-architectonic generations. While isolation and classification were the prime objectives in the first public asylum in Ireland (1810–1814), a combination of the ideas of a psychological, ‘moral’, management and ‘panoptic’ architecture led to a radial institutional design during the next phase of construction (1817–1835). The asylums of the third generation (1845–1855) lacked ‘panoptic’ features but they were still intended to allow a proper ‘moral’ management of the inmates, and to create a therapeutic family environment. By the time the institutions of the fourth epoch were erected (1862–1869) the ‘moral’ treatment approach had been given up, and asylums were built to allow a psychological management by ‘association’. The last institutions (1894–1922) built before Ireland's acquisition of Dominion status (1922) were intended to foster the development of a curative society.

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Kelly, Brendan D. "One hundred years ago: The Richmond Asylum, Dublin in 1907". Irish Journal of Psychological Medicine 24, n.º 3 (septiembre de 2007): 108–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0790966700010430.

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AbstractThe Richmond Asylum (St Brendan's Hospital) in Grangegorman, Dublin was established in 1815 to help address the unmet needs of the mentally ill in 19th century Ireland. This paper examines the Richmond Asylum Joint Committee Minutes from 1907 in order to explore specific aspects of management and clinical activity at the Richmond Asylum, including: (a) patient populations in the asylums; (b) staffing and management issues; (c) challenges presented by workhouse populations in the early 20th century; and (d) the clinical ‘segregation’ of patients performed by the Medical Superintendent, Dr Conolly Norman, in 1907.

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Bastiaens, Lucie. "alternatief voor het krankzinnigengesticht? Psychiatrische zorg in Maastricht en de lange aanloop naar een bureau voor psychiatrische voor- en nazorg (1937)". Studies over de sociaaleconomische geschiedenis van Limburg/Jaarboek van het Sociaal Historisch Centrum voor Limburg 65 (2 de diciembre de 2022): 76–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.58484/ssegl.v65i.12886.

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The care for psychiatric patients outside mental asylums developed in the Netherlands during the first decades of the twentieth century. In Maastricht, a psychiatric pre- and after care facility opened in 1937, but little is known about its history. This paper attempts to unravel this history and analyses to what extent causes which stimulated psychiatric care outside the mental asylum on a national level also played a role in Maastricht. It becomes clear that Maastricht had its own local dynamic; overcrowding of the mental asylum was never an issue here, growing costs of hospitalization in mental asylums did not encourage the local government in Maastricht to search for alternatives and due to the absence of a psychiatrist no new perspectives on hospitalization and psychiatric care in society came into being. Furthermore, it is likely that family members and philanthropic associations played an important role in taking care of and supporting psychiatric patients. It thus seems that in Maastricht there was no strong sense of urgency or need to develop new forms of psychiatric care outside the mental asylum. The provincial cross society initiated a psychiatric pre- and after care facility. This however could only be realized because of the presence of a psychiatrist in Maastricht since 1936, who supported this new facility. The Maastricht ‘case’ broadens our view and understanding of the development of psychiatric care in society in the Netherlands.

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Floate, Susan y Margaret Harcourt Williams. "The early years". Psychiatric Bulletin 15, n.º 7 (julio de 1991): 426–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/pb.15.7.426.

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By 1841, advances in communication and education, coupled with an increasing number of medical staff attached to mental asylums, made the idea of a formal grouping of such asylum staff a viable proposition. Although, as the following paragraphs indicate, such a group took many years to become established, the body whose early years are described briefly here, is the direct ancestor of the Royal College of Psychiatrists.

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Silva, Guilherme Henrique da y Marizete Lucini. "Between the musealized memories and the elderly people’s memories of “Pão de Santo Antônio”: thoughts on the elder people’s memories in a decolonial perspective". JOURNAL OF RESEARCH AND KNOWLEDGE SPREADING 3, n.º 1 (28 de mayo de 2022): e13627. http://dx.doi.org/10.20952/jrks3113627.

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This article’s main goal is to present thoughts about a research the elderly people’s memories who lives in asylums in a phenomenological-hermeneutic approach. Therefore, we place the context in which the elderly people living in asylums, In this case,Pão de Santo Antônio asylum, Along with the Santo Antônio Typography Museum and the Voz de Diamantina Newspaper, Shapes the “Pão de Santo Antônio” Association complex, formerly called “Recolhimento dos Pobres de Pão de Santo Antônio”, in Diamantina, Minas Gerais, showing its invisibility through the production of institutionalized memories. We also propose a listening/interpretation of these subjects' narratives as a possibility of knowing other stories that break with the colonized perspective which contributes to the silencing of other’s histories, through a phenomenological approach. Finally, It is highlighted the potential for further inquiries that enable the emergence of other human stories opposed to the institutionalized memory.

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Orme, Eddie. "21st Century Asylums". Learning Disability Practice 7, n.º 7 (1 de septiembre de 2004): 25–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.7748/ldp.7.7.25.s27.

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Robinson, A. "Asylums and after". Science 354, n.º 6309 (13 de octubre de 2016): 188. http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/science.aah4751.

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Bland, Roger. "Zoos and Asylums". Canadian Journal of Psychiatry 45, n.º 4 (mayo de 2000): 386. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/070674370004500409.

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Bernadt, M. "After the asylums". BMJ 300, n.º 6734 (12 de mayo de 1990): 1274. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.300.6734.1274-b.

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Levy, R. "After the asylums." BMJ 300, n.º 6736 (26 de mayo de 1990): 1397. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.300.6736.1397.

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Warsh, Cheryl Krasnick. "The First Mrs. Rochester: Wrongful Confinement, Social Redundancy, and Commitment to the Private Asylum, 1883‑1923". Historical Papers 23, n.º 1 (26 de abril de 2006): 145–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/030985ar.

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Abstract Historians have debated the growth of asylums as either a movement towards social control or as a benevolent reform; yet commitment was primarily initiated by kin. The rapid overcrowding of asylums reflected the success of institutions in responding to family crises. Through analysis of 1,134 case histories of a private asylum, the Homewood Retreat of Guelph, Ontario, the dynamics of the late Victorian and Edwardian middle-class household are evident in the circumstances which culminated in the decision to commit. Urban industrialization and the declining birth rate rendered households less able to care for the insane, while the permeation of capitalist relations into family life rendered the heads of households less willing to care for nonproductive adult members, particularly socially redundant women. The diagnosis of neurasthenia enabled members of the middle class to institutionalize kin for behaviour which, although not violent or destructive, was irritating and antagonistic, thereby reflecting the high standard of middle-class proprieties.

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Raoult, Sacha y Bernard E. Harcourt. "The mirror image of asylums and prisons: A study of institutionalization trends in France (1850–2010)". Punishment & Society 19, n.º 2 (1 de agosto de 2016): 155–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1462474516660696.

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This article analyzes trends in prison rates and mental hospital rates in France since the earliest available statistics. It shows that, on almost two centuries of data and amidst an agitated political history, every asylum trend in France is “countered” by an inverse prison trend, and vice-versa. Both trends are like a mirror image of each other. We reflect on the possible explanations for this intriguing fact and show that the most obvious ones (a population transfer or a building transfer) are not able to account for most of the relationship. After these explanations have been dismissed, we are left with an enigma with wide theoretical and practical implications. How is it that when prisons fall, asylums rise and when prison rise, asylums fall? We suggest possible research avenues drawing on the 1960s and 1970s critical literature on “total institutions” and offer implications for current theories of the “punitive turn” and current quantitative studies of prison rates.

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36

Fiebrandt, Maria, Bodo Rüdenburg y Thomas Müller. "Von Südtirol nach Württemberg. Die «Umsiedlung» Südtiroler Psychiatriepatienten im Rahmen des deutsch-italienischen Optionsvertrages ab 1939". Gesnerus 69, n.º 2 (11 de noviembre de 2012): 297–329. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22977953-06902004.

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Object of this article is the procedure of the transport of South Tyrol patients to the South Wuerttemberg asylums Zwiefalten und Schussenried as well as to some extent to the former asylum of Weissenau near Ravensburg in 1940 and 1942. Attention is focused on the pioneering state pre-negotiations, the so-called option treaties between the German Reich and Fascist Italy as part of the general aspect of National Socialist bio-Politics. The treatment of these South Tyrol patients in the asylums themselves, as well as their fate will be put into the context of the resettlement actions at the margins of the “Third Reich”, which started in 1939 and widely affected the European continent. By presenting the abuse of medical patients in the aim to solve the political problems having occurred after bio-political goals had been set into practice, this study offers new material to the history of National Socialist psychiatry, as well as to National Socialist Foreign Policy in the case of Italy.

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Bręczewska-Kulesza, Daria. "Provincial treatment and care asylums for the mentally ill in East Prussia as forgotten cultural heritage: case study of the asylum in Allenberg (now Znamensk, Russian Federation)". Studia z Dziejów Rosji i Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej 56, n.º 3 (3 de enero de 2022): 41–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/sdr.2021.en6.02.

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The article focuses on issues demonstrating the role of architecture in the development of Prussian psychiatry in the nineteenth and the early twentieth century. The Provincial Treatment and Care Institution Allenberg (now Znamensk, Russian Federation) is used as a case study to demonstrate the perception of model solutions used in Prussian asylums located in distant provinces. The asylum discussed in this article met the contemporary requirements, proving that these models and newest trends reached East Prussia very quickly. The asylum complex in Allenberg was a testimony to the development of Prussian and European architectural thought in the service of medicine. Unfortunately, today the former asylum remains in a poor condition and is treated as unwanted legacy rather than a cultural monument.

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Brown, J. Paul. "Ghosts of the asylums". Medical Journal of Australia 171, n.º 7 (octubre de 1999): 369. http://dx.doi.org/10.5694/j.1326-5377.1999.tb123695.x.

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39

Konrad, Norbert. "Prisons as new asylums". Current Opinion in Psychiatry 15, n.º 6 (noviembre de 2002): 583–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/00001504-200211000-00004.

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40

Szasz, Thomas. "Asylums Attacked as Jails". Psychiatric News 42, n.º 14 (20 de julio de 2007): 28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1176/pn.42.14.0028b.

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Shaner, Andrew. "Asylums, Asphalt, and Ethics". Psychiatric Services 40, n.º 8 (agosto de 1989): 785–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1176/ps.40.8.785.

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42

Binder, Renée. "Return to Asylums? NEVER!" Psychiatric News 50, n.º 16 (21 de agosto de 2015): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.1176/appi.pn.2015.8b16.

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Wilbraham, Lindy. "Reconstructing Harry: A Genealogical Study of a Colonial Family ‘Inside’ and ‘Outside’ the Grahamstown Asylum, 1888–1918". Medical History 58, n.º 2 (abril de 2014): 166–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mdh.2014.9.

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AbstractRecent scholarship has explored the dynamics between families and colonial lunatic asylums in the late nineteenth century, where families actively participated in the processes of custodial care, committal, treatment and release of their relatives. This paper works in this historical field, but with some methodological and theoretical differences. The Foucauldian study is anchored to a single case and family as an illness narrative that moves cross-referentially between bureaucratic state archival material, psychiatric case records, and intergenerational family-storytelling and family photographs. Following headaches and seizures, Harry Walter Wilbraham was medically boarded from his position as Postmaster in the Cape of Good Hope Colony of South Africa with a ‘permanent disease of the brain’, and was committed to the Grahamstown Asylum in 1910, where he died the following year, aged 40 years. In contrast to writings about colonial asylums that usually describe several patient cases and thematic patterns in archival material over time and place, this study’s genealogical lens examines one white settler male patient’s experiences within mental health care in South Africa between 1908 and 1911. The construction of Harry’s ‘case’ interweaves archival sources and reminiscences inside and outside the asylum, and places it within psychiatric discourse of the time, and family dynamics in the years that followed. Thus, this case study maps the constitution of ‘patient’ and ‘family’ in colonial life,c.1888–1918, and considers the calamity, uncertainty, stigma and silences of mental illness.

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Sussman, Sam. "The First Asylums in Canada: A Response to Neglectful Community Care and Current Trends". Canadian Journal of Psychiatry 43, n.º 3 (abril de 1998): 260–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/070674379804300304.

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Objective: Humane treatment and care of mentally ill people can be viewed from a historical perspective. Intramural (the institution) and extramural (the community) initiatives are not mutually exclusive. Method: The evolution of the psychiatric institution in Canada as the primary method of care is presented from an historical perspective. A province-by-province review of provisions for mentally ill people prior to asylum construction reveals that humanitarian motives and a growing sensitivity to social and medical problems gave rise to institutional psychiatry. The influence of Great Britain, France, and, to a lesser extent, the United States in the construction of asylums in Canada is highlighted. The contemporary redirection of the Canadian mental health system toward “dehospitalization” is discussed and delineated. Results: Early promoters of asylums were genuinely concerned with alleviating human suffering, which led to the separation of mental health services from the community and from those proffered to the criminal and indigent populations. While the results of the past institutional era were mixed, it is hoped that the “care” cycle will not repeat itself in the form of undesireable community alternatives. Conclusion: Severely psychiatrically disabled individuals can be cared for in the community if appropriate services exist.

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Romero Ruiz, María Isabel. "Fallen women and the London Lock Hospital Laws and By-Laws of 1840 (revised 1848)". Journal of English Studies 8 (29 de mayo de 2010): 141. http://dx.doi.org/10.18172/jes.151.

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The nineteenth century witnessed a huge increase in both private and public institutions to control and to contain two elements deemed to be the most dangerous in British society: the prostitute and the fallen woman. These individuals were considered deviant at a time when the middle-class exercised philanthropy supporting the double standard code of morality. Charity and state intervention were carried out by two kinds of institutions which were closely connected: lock hospitals and lock asylums. However, the role of lock hospitals was to cure venereal disease, whereas the role of the lock asylums was the reformation and instruction of these women. As a consequence, this paper seeks to examine the importance of the London Lock Hospital and Asylum Laws and By-laws of 1840, especially in relation to female patients and penitents, so as to ascertain the roles of these two institutions in the reproduction of the moral standards of the middle-class and of the religious discourse of the time. We shall see that these regulations reflect the ideas of industriousness, repentance and atonement for these women’s past lives, emphasizing the differences between the sexes as far as sexual and moral behaviour were concerned.

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Tesi, Chiara y Mario Picozzi. "Five autopsy reports of rib fractures in the mental hospital of Reggio Emilia (1874–5): pathogenesis proposal in defence of the ‘non-restraint’ system". History of Psychiatry 32, n.º 3 (7 de mayo de 2021): 350–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0957154x211011051.

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At the end of the nineteenth century, recurrent cases of rib fractures were recorded in psychiatric asylums, opening a long chapter of discussions about the application of the ‘non-restraint’ system. Here we present a brief discussion of an article written by Enrico Morselli about five cases of rib fractures in the mental asylum of Reggio Emilia, in 1874–5. Morselli, a supporter of the ideas of ‘non-restraint’, suggested a common pathological cause. His analysis proposed the osteomalacic condition as the possible cause of fractured ribs, rejecting the accusations of violence by asylum attendants. The discussion also examines similar cases of the same period, making rib fractures the means through which the issue of management of the insane was addressed.

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Walsh, Dermot. "The Ennis District Lunatic Asylum and the Clare Workhouse Lunatic Asylums in 1901". Irish Journal of Psychological Medicine 26, n.º 4 (diciembre de 2009): 206–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0790966700000732.

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AbstractThe 1901 Census of Population returns provide a unique opportunity to examine the broad characteristics of institutionalised mental illness in one county over a century ago by complementing and extending the information contained in the main statutory source, the Report of the Inspector of Lunacy. This paper presents these characteristics as they relate to the first area on which such data have become publicly accessible - County Clare.

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Ritch, Alistair. "Workhouse or asylum? Accommodating pauper lunatics in nineteenth-century England". Medical History 67, n.º 2 (abril de 2023): 109–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mdh.2023.15.

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AbstractThe late eighteenth and early nineteenth century witnessed a dramatic increase in the number of pauper lunatics being admitted to institutions and many mentally-ill paupers found their way into workhouses. The range of options existing for the admission of paupers, who at the time were described as lunatics or insane, included private madhouses, charitable asylums, public asylums as well as workhouses. Legislation relating to transfer from a workhouse to a one of these other institutions was ambiguous and depended on the concept of dangerousness and whether a workhouse inmate was manageable, rather than the nature of their illness. Because demand exceeded the space available because of overcrowding, workhouses and public asylums continually needed to increase provision by means of converting existing facilities or erecting new buildings. Nevertheless, the transfer of patients between asylums was commonplace and extensive. This article will explore the interface between two urban workhouses in the West Midlands of England and their local asylums from the late eighteenth until the end of the nineteenth century. It will demonstrate that, although local circumstances at any one time may have contributed to decisions on transfer, the overriding difficulty in the correct placement of pauper lunatics throughout the time period was institutional overcrowding, mainly driven by the increasing numbers of pauper lunatics.

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Breathnach, Caoimhghin S. "Conolly". Irish Journal of Psychological Medicine 11, n.º 3 (septiembre de 1994): 143–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0790966700014890.

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AbstractJohn Conolly [1774 - 1866] was born at Market Rasen into a collateral branch of the prominent Castletown, Co. Kildare, family. After graduating at Edinburgh in 1821, his efforts in clinical practice, bolstered by indifferent forays into medical journalism, were repeatedly unsuccessful. Thus, at the age of 45, over the course of four years as Resident Superintendent of Hanwell Asylum in Middlesex, he became one of the leading psychiatrists in England. Though his consulting practice blossomed thereafter, it is as the consummate, kindly administrator responsible for the introduction of non-restraint in public asylums in England and Wales that he is remembered today.

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Hickman, Clare. "Moral therapy, asylums and gardens". Journal of Medical Biography 15, n.º 4 (noviembre de 2007): 187. http://dx.doi.org/10.1258/j.jmb.2007.06-62.

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