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Literatura académica sobre el tema "Asia Foreign relations China"

Autor: Grafiati

Publicado: 4 de junio de 2021

Última modificación: 2 de febrero de 2022

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Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Asia Foreign relations China"

1

Yahuda, Michael. "The Foreign Relations of Greater China". China Quarterly 136 (diciembre de 1993): 687–710. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000032306.

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Greater China refers in the first instance to the close economic ties of trade, technology transfers and investment that have emerged since the second half of the 1980s linking Taiwan and Hong Kong with the rapid development of southern China. But it also suggests that the economic links are buttressed by familial, social, historical and cultural ties of a peculiarly Chinese kind. These ties and links have developed between different Chinese communities whose political divergences had until recently precluded such a development. Consequently the emergence of Greater China poses new challenges and opportunities to the political identities of its three constituent members and to the conduct of relations between them. Greater China and its possible future trajectory affects and is also affected by the rest of the Asia-Pacific region including the major powers of the United States and Japan as well as those in the immediate vicinity of South-east Asia.

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Taranenko, Anna. "BILATERAL UKRAINE-CHINA RELATIONS AT THE CURRENT STAGE". Politology bulletin, n.º 81 (2018): 68–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2415-881x.2018.81.68-74.

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Foreign policy is one of the most important directions of sovereign states’ activity. An especially important place in foreign policy shaping is bilateral relations between states. For Ukraine, such vectors of foreign policy as European, Euro-Atlantic, Eurasian and Asian are traditionally important. In particular, the implementation of the Asian foreign policy vector and the establishment of effective relations with the People's Republic of China as one of the leaders of world economic development is a very important task for Ukrainian diplomacy at this time. The analysis of foreign and Ukrainian sources regarding this topic demonstrates the interest of researchers in bilateral Ukrainian-Chinese relations. One of the important trends in world socio-political development is globalization processes. In this article the author examines the state of bilateral Ukrainian-Chinese relations at the present stage characterized by dynamic globalization rate. In the results of the conducted study one can note that currently there are certain obstacles to the effective development of bilateral relations between Ukraine and China, however at the same time there is sufficient potential for further intensification of bilateral relations between the indicated countries. On the basis of the analysis, one can conclude that among the successes of Ukraine's foreign policy over the past few years, one can identify the establishment of a fairly fruitful relationship with the People's Republic of China: cooperation in the agricultural and trade sectors, transport sphere, cultural exchanges. At the same time, it is necessary to strengthen the effective use of the foreign policy resource for more effective cooperation with the People's Republic of China — one of the most powerful current leaders of world economic development. It is important to avoid controversial military and political issues. It is vital to establish effective international cooperation with this country, which would allow achieving mutually beneficial goals. This is related to further research prospects concerning further development of Ukraine's relations with the countries of the Asia-Pacific region, in particular with the states of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and APEC (Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation).

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Baviera, Aileen S. P. "China’s Strategic Foreign Initiatives Under Xi Jinping". China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies 02, n.º 01 (enero de 2016): 57–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2377740016500032.

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This article provides a summary of China’s new strategic foreign initiatives under Xi Jinping’s leadership. These initiatives include the “One Belt, One Road” proposal, the establishment of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, and calls for a “New Asian Security Concept” as well as for “a new type of major power relations.” In a localized Southeast Asian context, they are operationalized, as projects under the so-called 21st Century Maritime Silk Road proposal, a “[Formula: see text] cooperation framework for China-Southeast Asia relations,” and the so-called “dual track” approach to the management of the South China Sea disputes. These initiatives are expected to provide a favorable external environment for the attainment of the “Chinese dream” and to pave the way for China to emerge into a position of global power and leadership. The article mainly focuses on what these initiatives may be signaling to China’s neighbors, and the subsequent implications for Southeast Asia and its relations with China. There are, for instance, some doubts as to whether China can be a reliable provider of security and stability as public goods in its own region if China itself is a key party in the territorial contentions and power rivalries that could be likely causes of conflict. The fact that China is still trying to defend primordial territorial and cultural-ideational interests, settle historical scores, and find an effective model for its domestic politics and governance that will serve its increasingly globalized economy, indicates that China may not be ready yet to make the sacrifices and compromises that will be required of regional — let alone global — leadership.

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Ehizuelen, Michael Mitchell Omoruyi y Hodan Osman Abdi. "Sustaining China-Africa relations". Asian Journal of Comparative Politics 3, n.º 4 (18 de septiembre de 2017): 285–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2057891117727901.

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China’s “One Belt One Road” (OBOR) Initiative forms the centerpiece of China’s leadership’s new foreign policy. The initiative aspires to put the nations of Asia, Oceania, Europe, and Africa on a new trajectory of higher growth and human development through infrastructural connectivity, augmented trade, and investment. The initiative offers tremendous opportunities for international economic cooperation, especially for African nations. This article examines China-Africa relations, centering on the possibility of expanding the OBOR initiative to cover more African nations. Africa has been the focus of China’s foreign policy since 2013. A study on the implementation of OBOR in Africa will allow for a better understanding of contemporary China-Africa relations, while hopefully providing answers to some of the questions surrounding the issue. In this article, we carefully examine the economic drivers, challenges – with suggestions on ways to navigate those challenges – and opportunities of the OBOR initiative.

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Ziegler, Charles E. "Central Asia, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, and American Foreign Policy". Asian Survey 53, n.º 3 (mayo de 2013): 484–505. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2013.53.3.484.

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This paper examines U.S. engagement in Central Asia over the past two decades, with specific reference to the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. While alarmist voices occasionally warn of the threat to American interests from China and Russia through the SCO, the organization’s influence appears limited. Washington has engaged it only sporadically, preferring to conduct relations bilaterally with the Central Asian states.

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Hevia, James L. "Tribute, Asymmetry, and Imperial Formations: Rethinking Relations of Power in East Asia". Journal of American-East Asian Relations 16, n.º 1-2 (2009): 69–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187656109793645751.

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AbstractIn organizing the conference “History and China's Foreign Relations, ” John Wills set two difficult tasks for the participants. The first was to consider the role of the academy in U.S. policy-making toward China and surmise whether academics were more influential in John Fairbank's day than today. The second involved a consideration of the models or theoretical constructs used for characterizing China's relations with other countries. Although there is much to say about the relation between area studies and the state, my focus will be on the latter topic, models and theories of foreign relations.

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Panda, Jagannath P. "China in SAARC". China Report 46, n.º 3 (agosto de 2010): 299–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000944551104600310.

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Crafting interregional cooperation that involves China as a participant has been the hallmark of Chinese foreign policy in recent times. Though the Chinese involvement in South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) is a statement of China’s adherence to the theory of multilateral practices; it is Beijing’s orderly contact with the SAARC members and systematic ‘good-neighbourhood’ policy that have fetched adequate space to China in South Asian politics today. Consequently, Beijing institutionalises the China–South Asia network through SAARC. In addition, the rise of China offers greater scope for both South Asia as a region and SAARC as an institution to expand and grow. Given the complexities that rising powers pose in global politics, it goes without mentioning that China in its affiliation to SAARC would aspire for a greater purpose in South Asia and that could shape the regional power politics in coming future.

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Fernando, Sithara N. "China’s Relations with Sri Lanka and the Maldives". China Report 46, n.º 3 (agosto de 2010): 285–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000944551104600309.

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China’s contemporary relations with both Sri Lanka and the Maldives have been described as ‘models of good relations between small and big countries’. China has been an important trading partner for Sri Lanka, with a large and growing trade surplus in China’s favour in the last few years. At the same time it has also been a significant source of investment and foreign economic assistance to Sri Lanka. Similarly, while China enjoys a large surplus in its trade with the Maldives as well, it is also a significant source of economic assistance and tourism for the Maldives. Given that India is in many ways the preeminent power in South Asia, China’s relations with Sri Lanka and the Maldives in the South Asian regional context have been analysed in terms of two ‘strategic triangles’: China–India–Sri Lanka and China–India–Maldives. What emerges from this analysis is that the sustenance of the cooperative momentum in the China-India relationship is crucial to the improvement of China’s relations with South Asia as a whole.

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Tanner, Murray Scot. "China in 2015". Asian Survey 56, n.º 1 (enero de 2016): 19–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2016.56.1.19.

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Surveying China in 2015, this article focuses on how the Xi leadership dealt with several of the most complex economic and security challenges it faced during the year, in particular: sustaining economic growth; responding to social unrest; confronting environmental problems; managing foreign relations in Southeast Asia and the South China Sea; reforming and modernizing the People’s Liberation Army; and managing cross-Strait relations.

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Freeman, Carla P. "China’s ‘regionalism foreign policy’ and China-India relations in South Asia". Contemporary Politics 24, n.º 1 (19 de diciembre de 2017): 81–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13569775.2017.1408168.

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Tesis sobre el tema "Asia Foreign relations China"

1

Liu, Qianqian. "China's strategy towards East Asian regional cooperation since the Asian financial crisis". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609782.

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Lee, Jae-hyung. "China and the Asia-Pacific region : geostrategic relations and a return to a naval dimension". Title page, abstract and table of contents only, 2002. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phl4782.pdf.

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Bibliography: leaves 285-314. Introduction -- Ch. 1. Sea power and the world -- Ch. 2. Chinese sea power and the century of humiliation -- Ch. 3. China's emerging sea power in the PRC period -- Ch. 4. China's expanding maritime sphere of influence int he Western Pacific and the Indian Ocean -- Ch. 5. Southeast Asia: gateway to China's maritime expansion -- Ch. 6. Russia and India: China's immediate competitors -- Ch. 7. Japan and the Republic of Korea (ROK): China's competitive neighbours -- Ch. 8. The United States: China's strategic competitor -- Conclusion "The thesis examines China's geostrategic relations with Asia-Pacific countries with special reference to its naval ambitions toward the region. The thesis concentrates especially on the People's Republic of China (PRC)'s apparent intention to expand its maritime influence into the Western Pacific and the Indian Ocean by putting pressure on the security of sea lines of communication (SLOCs) from the Gulf to the nations of East Asia via the Arabian Sea, the Bay of Bengal, the Straits of Malacca and Singapore, the South China Sea, and the Taiwan Strait." -- ABSTRACT

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Kapyata, Dennis. "China-African Union relations : 2001 to the present". HKBU Institutional Repository, 2020. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_oa/738.

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The increasing engagement of China in Africa after the cold war has steered debates concerning the growing complexion of this relationship. However, the emphasis of assessment has mainly been narrowed to the bilateral relationship between China and African countries. Insufficient consideration has been focused to the increasing relationship concerning China and African Union which is the continental Regional Organization of African states. This study explores the nature and impact of China-African Union relationship and its consequences to the African Union member states generally. The study examines the significance of this relationship and demonstrates how both China and African Union are using this relationship to fulfill their objectives and the ultimate effect to the African Union member states that have bilateral relations with China. By using qualitative design and the lens of constructivism this study has tested the extent of the application of China's objectives under the China African policy and the African Union objectives under the Constitutive Act and Agenda 2063 by analyzing the extent the parties are using this relationship to enhance the fulfillment of their objectives, by testing the study on the objectives of infrastructure development, peace and security, health, and capacity development as the research variables. This study shows the extent at which the parties' relations has led to the achievement of these objectives thus demonstrating the importance of the relationship between China and African Union. This relationship has enhanced peace and security preservation of the African continent, facilitated the development of African Union Centre for Disease Control and Prevention to boost the health objective on the continent, as well as aggrandized skill development through capacity development initiatives on the continent. China has also supported, consistently praised and acknowledged the role of the AU in solving African problems as well as constructing for it the biggest office block hence giving the continental organization a new face. Nevertheless, the study shows that China is using this relationship to project itself as a more active external partner for the AU and the African continent compared to the rest. Similarly, China is trying to use this relationship with the AU to socialize the AU member states towards its own priorities, and the relationship is positioning China to initiate, maintain and increase its Soft power interests on the African continent as well as advance its norms. Equally, China is carefully using its relationship with the AU to promote its geostrategic and political interests on the African continent for instance through its recent establishment of the Chinese military base in Djibouti. The study also highlights how Chinese Africa relations is not only based on interest of exploiting African resources entirely as described by previous authors, but there is also commitment towards increasing its engagement with the African Union basing on each other's policies and priorities in order to fulfill their objectives

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4

D'Haeseleer, Tineke. "Northeast Asia during the Tang dynasty : relations of the Tang court with Koguryŏ, Bohai, and Youzhou-Yingzhou". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609937.

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Ye, Shulan. "Rising China's regional policy in East Asia : a constructivist perspective". HKBU Institutional Repository, 2010. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/1191.

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6

Karrar, Hasan H. (Hasan Haider) 1973. "The new silk road diplomacy : a regional analysis of China's Central Asian foreign policy, 1991-2005". Thesis, McGill University, 2006. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=102514.

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This thesis explores China's relations with Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan, from 1991 to 2005, contributing to the body of knowledge by arguing that China's relations with post-Soviet Central Asia were shaped by security and economic imperatives in Xinjiang, home to Muslim Turkic nationalities who have historically challenged Beijing's jurisdiction.
As discussed in Chapter One, after 1949, the Communist Party sought to bring Xinjiang firmly within Beijing's orbit, ending a 150-year long period during which Beijing's hold over Xinjiang periodically faltered. The dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991, coupled with instability in Afghanistan, led to new challenges to Beijing's authority.
Chapter Two examines China's relations with Central Asia from 1992 to 1996. In the post-Cold War order characterized by US primacy, China envisioned Central Asia as an arena of cooperation between China, Russia, and the independent republics. However, the republics became fertile ground for transnational Islamist movements. China feared spillover into Xinjiang; consequently, China extended economic cooperation to the impoverished republics with the understanding that they would suppress emigre Uighur organizations. Bilateral economic cooperation was also important for Xinjiang, which benefited from cross-border trade.
Chapter Three examines Sino-Central Asian relations from 1996 to 2001, exploring the development of the Shanghai Five mechanism in 1996 between China, Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan, which initially addressed confidence building, but after 1998, focused on regional security. This was important for China, since in 1996/1997, Xinjiang experienced instability that was exacerbated by the independence of Central Asia. Competition over the region's energy is also examined, which contributed to international rivalry.
Chapter Four examines Sino-Central Asian relations from 2001 to 2005. In June 2001, the Shanghai Accord signatories, and Uzbekistan, established the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO). While envisioned as a forum for wide-ranging cooperation, combating "terrorism, separatism, and extremism," was an immediate priority. Following the attacks on September 11, 2001, the United States sought a military presence in Central Asia that temporarily undermined China's influence, heightening China's concerns over energy security. China's response was to gradually deepen relations with the republics in the energy and security fields.

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7

Ma, Yansheng 1956. "Dynamics of regional (in)security in the post-cold war era : China and Southeast Asia". Thesis, McGill University, 1999. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=30186.

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This thesis has explored two basic themes in post-Cold War international relations. The first is the transformation of the global and regional security environments leading to a projected decline in the importance of traditional realist-style security problems. The second is the supposed shift in state behavior with conflictual strategies giving way to accommodation. These presumed trends are explored in the context of Southeast Asia and, more specifically, China's security strategies and relations in the region. This study argues that conventional security problems have declined in Southeast Asia in the short term but still remain prominent. In terms of policies, while China's goals remained partly revisionist with regard to territorial issues and status/power relationships, its approaches became more accommodative in coping with disputed issues in the region. This was manifested above all in its gradual acceptance of a multilateral framework for dialogue on regional security issues and in its willingness to undertake some confidence building measures in the military area. This shift can be explained partly in terms of China's external political concerns at both the global and regional levels. The more fundamental explanation, however, lies in China's drive for economic modernization with an accommodative regional strategy intended to ensure the flow of external resources required for this purpose.

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8

Purba, Mandala Sukarto. "Towards regionalism through the Asean-China free trade area: prospects and challenges". Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2006. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_7530_1183461471.

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The main objective of this study was to examine the prospects and challenges facing ACFTA (Asean-China free trade area). It examined what ought to be done by the ASEAN member nations to match China's competitive ability having recently joined the World Trade Organization. The study also examined the compatibility of the ACFTA with the World Trade Organization rules and mode of dispute settlement under ASEAN and NAFTA as well as profound issues relating to ACFTA.

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9

Reeves, Jeffrey. "Mongolian state weakness, foreign policy, and dependency on the People’s Republic of China". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2010. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/287/.

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This thesis draws on a synthesis of foreign policy analysis (FPA) and constructivism in order to demonstrate how post Cold War Mongolia’s relations with the People’s Republic of China (PRC) can be analysed through a multisectoral approach to explain the dilemmas that a weak state faces when conducting its relations with a much more powerful neighbour. It proposes that the dissonance between Mongolia’s social identity and its structures of governance is the basis for the Mongolian state’s weakness and that such weakness makes growing economic dependency on the PRC more difficult to manage. Moreover, the resulting combination of economic dependency and state weakness seriously limits the government’s ability to maintain an effective broader foreign policy. The dissertation draws on government texts, academic and media articles, and interviews in Mandarin Chinese, Mongolian, and English. The thesis looks in detail at the nature of Mongolian identity politics by focusing on identity development over la longue durée. It then demonstrates how the international community failed to take account of the dynamics of Mongolian identity politics when it came to assisting the Mongolian government with the country’s post Cold War transition from communism. This led to an undue reliance on what can be termed ‘Washington Consensus’ type political and economic reforms that considerably added to the weakness of the state. The thesis then focuses on Mongolia’s economic relations with the PRC to show how such state weakness has resulted in a relationship of growing dependency. Building on economic dependency theory, the thesis then further examines the implications of Mongolia-Sino relations from environmental, societal, and military perspectives. In conclusion, the dissertation argues that the division between the Mongolian state and society has been exacerbated by the country’s adherence to capitalism and democracy in ways that have created the potential for domestic instability by increasing the depth and breadth of economic dependence on the PRC. This imposes severe constraints on foreign policy options but has also demanded some imaginative innovations that give interesting insights into the measures a vulnerable state can take to maximise its international presence. Ultimately, however, the disjuncture between social identity and the state acts as a constraining factor on such initiatives in the case of Mongolia.

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10

Wang, Qiu Wen. "Regional integration in East Asia :the feasibility study of East Asian community". Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2554634.

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Libros sobre el tema "Asia Foreign relations China"

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China-ASEAN relations and international law. Oxford: Chandos, 2009.

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Swaran, Singh. China-South Asia, issues, equations, policies. New Delhi: Lancer's Books, 2003.

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China among unequals: Asymmetric foreign relationship in Asia. Singapore: World Scientific, 2010.

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Womack, Brantly. China among unequals: Asymmetric foreign relationship in Asia. Singapore: World Scientific, 2010.

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Womack, Brantly. China among unequals: Asymmetric foreign relationship in Asia. Singapore: World Scientific, 2010.

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Harding, Harry. China and northeast Asia: The political dimension. Lanham, MD: University Press of America, 1988.

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U.S. policy in East Asia: Trade relations with China. New York, NY: East Asian Institute, Columbia University, 2000.

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Paramonov, Vladimir. China & Central Asia: Present & future of economic relations. [Camberley, Surrey]: Defence Academy of the United Kingdom, Conflict Studies Research Centre, 2005.

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Omar, Rusdi. China dan politik Asia Timur. Singapore: Thomson, 2006.

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India) Emerging China: Prospects for Partnership in Asia (Conference) (2009 New Delhi. Emerging China: Prospects for partnership in Asia. Editado por Devare Sudhir editor, Singh Swaran 1961 editor, Marwah Reena 1960 editor, Indian Council of World Affairs y Association of Asia Scholars (New Delhi, India). New Delhi: Routledge, 2012.

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Capítulos de libros sobre el tema "Asia Foreign relations China"

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Stumbaum, May-Britt U. "Europe’s role in Asia". En US–China Foreign Relations, 130–44. Abingdon, Oxon; New York: Routledge, 2021. |: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003056683-14.

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Shifrinson, Joshua. "Europe and Asia (and China) in US grand strategy". En US–China Foreign Relations, 99–114. Abingdon, Oxon; New York: Routledge, 2021. |: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003056683-12.

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Patience, Allan. "‘Fear and Greed’? Australia Relations with China". En Australian Foreign Policy in Asia, 183–213. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-69347-7_6.

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Balme, Richard. "A European Strategy Towards China? The Limits of Integration in Foreign Policy Making". En Europe—Asia Relations, 125–44. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230583467_7.

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Chawla, Shalini. "China–Pakistan Relations". En Routledge Handbook on South Asian Foreign Policy, 298–312. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429054808-24.

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Kruarattikan, Sitthiphon. "Studies of Chinese politics and foreign relations in Thailand". En Researching China in Southeast Asia, 91–102. New York : Routledge, 2019. | Series: Routledge contemporary Southeast Asia series: Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429427039-7.

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Ross, Robert S. "The changing East Asian balance of power and the regional security order". En US–China Foreign Relations, 50–60. Abingdon, Oxon; New York: Routledge, 2021. |: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003056683-6.

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Cabestan, Jean-Pierre. "Central Asia-China Relations and Their Relative Weight in Chinese Foreign Policy". En China and India in Central Asia, 25–40. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230114357_3.

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Uemura, Takeshi. "China–Japan Relations: Balance of Soft Power". En The Sage Handbook of Asian Foreign Policy, 1075–93. 1 Oliver's Yard, 55 City Road London EC1Y 1SP: SAGE Publications Ltd, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4135/9781526436078.n52.

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Hossain, Delwar. "Bangladesh–China Relations in an Era of Globalisation". En Routledge Handbook on South Asian Foreign Policy, 326–43. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429054808-26.

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Actas de conferencias sobre el tema "Asia Foreign relations China"

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Sivtsova, Nadezhda, Yulia Boltenkova y Jin Changhao. "Foreign Economic Relations Between China and Countries of Central Asia: Trends and Development Prospects". En 8th International Conference on Contemporary Problems in the Development of Economic, Financial and Credit Systems (DEFCS 2020). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/aebmr.k.201215.031.

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"Reconsideration on Foreign Trade Relations in Ancient China—Centered on the Silk Road and Tribute System". En 2019 Asia-Pacific Forum on Economic and Social Development. The Academy of Engineering and Education (AEE), 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.35532/jsss.v2.003.

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Karnyshev, Alexander. "Psychologo-Economic and Environmental Assessment Baikal Resources in the Geopolitics of China and Russia". En Irkutsk Historical and Economic Yearbook 2020. Baikal State University, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/978-5-7253-3017-5.37.

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In geopolitics, the concepts of geography and territory are reduced to the fundamental aspects of relations between States, they serve as a basic method of interpreting the past, they act as the main factors of human existence, organizing all other aspects of existence around them. It is in this perspective that the article examines the attitude to Baikal in the history of the mutually linked foreign policy of Russia and China. It is noted that the Mongols and Manchus, who once conquered China, not only found themselves largely assimilated by the defeated society, but over time, a large part of their ancestral territories began to be perceived as native Chinese. Far from being justified, this also applied to Baikal, although the Yakut etymology of its name, associated with the ethnic ancestors of the Yakuts — the Huns, has been clearly traced since ancient times. Since ancient times, Buryats and Evenks who voluntarily became part of Russia have lived around Baikal. Modern development is characterized by the “penetration” of the Chinese into the business of Asian Russia. In the Baikal region, this focus has basically three goals: forest, clean water, and ownership of land and other natural resources. In a special row, it is necessary to put projects for supplying the population of some Chinese territories with Baikal water, which is planned to be transported both in bottled form and in the future through pipes.

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Rahmadini, Anggia y Citra Hennida. "National Identity Analysis and Foreign Policy China Aggressive Stance in South China Sea under Xi Jinping". En Airlangga Conference on International Relations. SCITEPRESS - Science and Technology Publications, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5220/0010278404340440.

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Gazioğlu, Şaziye y Fatoş Otcuoğlu. "The Central Asian Countries and the Energy Sector: Economics, Politics and Legal Aspects". En International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c03.00434.

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This paper is written with aim of investigating the importance of the natural resources within the Central Asian energy sector. The geopolitics position of the Central Asian Countries place them in the centre of conflicting powers; that is to say, on the one hand they are providing energy to Europe and USA, and on the other hand they are next to China, which has the highest and growing demand for energy consumption. In political arena, China accordingly seeks to prevent the independence of East Turkistan, which has historical links to Turkistan (West) in Russia. In this regard, we examine the energy policies and trade between states, and we particularly focus on the gas and oil pipelines from said countries to Europe. We also examine the demand from Caucasian and the Central Asian Countries by European, and Pacific Countries and, as well as, the USA. Correspondingly, we discuss the political conflicts upon the energy investments, and mainly concentrate on the investments in Central Asian and Commonwealth of Independent States (“CIS”), and the political risks and legal disputes relating to foreign energy investment and stability implications in this regard.

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P., Btari Istigfarrah P. y I. Gede Wahyu Wicaksana. "Domestic Politics and Foreign Policy: US Pivot to Asia". En Airlangga Conference on International Relations. SCITEPRESS - Science and Technology Publications, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5220/0010278604480454.

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Barov, Sergey. "CHINA`S FOREIGN POLICY IN EAST ASIA". En 5th International Multidisciplinary Scientific Conferences on SOCIAL SCIENCES and ARTS SGEM2018. STEF92 Technology, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2018/1.2/s01.003.

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Selminskaya, O. N. y N. A. Babkina. "FOREIGN ECONOMIC SECURITY OF RUSSIA: CONTENT AND ASSESSMENT". En CONTEMPORARY ECONOMIC PROBLEMS OF RUSSIA AND CHINA. Amur State University, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.22250/medprh.63.

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The article defines the essence of economic security in the context of the global crisis during the pandemic, analyzes the state of foreign economic security of the Russian Federation using the coefficient of import coverage by export, its dynamics, and compliance of indicators of foreign economic relations with the limit value.

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Sari, Ni Komang Yulia Cempaka y I. Gede Wahyu Wicaksana. "United States in Asia: Transition in the International System and Restraining China Influence". En Airlangga Conference on International Relations. SCITEPRESS - Science and Technology Publications, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5220/0010279805290535.

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Chunying, Zhou. "A Quantile Regression Analysis on the Relations between Foreign Direct Investment and Technological Innovation in China". En 2011 International Conference on Information Technology, Computer Engineering and Management Sciences (ICM). IEEE, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/icm.2011.233.

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Informes sobre el tema "Asia Foreign relations China"

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Goode, Kayla y Heeu Millie Kim. Indonesia’s AI Promise in Perspective. Center for Security and Emerging Technology, agosto de 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.51593/2021ca001.

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The United States and China are keeping an eye on Indonesia’s artificial intelligence potential given the country’s innovation-driven national strategy and flourishing AI industry. China views Indonesia as an anchor for its economic, digital, and political inroads in Southeast Asia and has invested aggressively in new partnerships. The United States, with robust political and economic relations rooted in shared democratic ideals, has an opportunity to leverage its comparative advantages and tap into Indonesia’s AI potential through high-level agreements.

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