Literatura académica sobre el tema "Artist-consumer interaction"

The purpose of the research is to review all types of modern audiovisual art, understand its components and novelty, which it offers. The article also analyzes the interactions of an audiovisual artist with the audience together with the new aspects of the interaction of the consumer with the artistic content. Moreover, it is important to understand the influence of this type of art on human consciousness as well as the changes it brings with it into long known forms such as films and video games. The methodology of the research consists in using the following methods: theoretical (regarding the scientific articles, which conduct the discussion concerning audiovisual art within theoretical plain) and empirical (consideration and analysis of various media materials to receive information on the latest audiovisual art products). Scientific novelty. Considering that audiovisual art appeared fairly recently, there is not a big quantity of researches, which would analyze the components of audiovisual art in-depth as well as the elements of novelty, which the said type of art offers. It has to be noted that the scientific novelty abroad is present to a lesser extent, however, within the space of Ukrainian scientific thought, this type of art is still not being researched thoroughly. Conclusions. Throughout the research, we have established the primary traits of audiovisual art, regarded in detail the relationships and interactions of the audiovisual artist with his audience and the degree of control available to the consumer over the artistic idea. The article also established the possibility of using audiovisual art as a therapeutic method for healing mental traumas.

The study aims to analyze a 2008 advertising product (poster) by Volkswagen AG (referencing the works of S. Dali) in the context of the dialogue between elite and mass culture, identify ways to attract the consumer’s attention to the merits of the offered product through references to cultural pretext, and also consider the features of the representation of classical painting images in advertising. The paper examines the features of the cultural dialogue in the process of the creative interpretation of the plots and images of Salvador Dali’s artistic masterpieces “The Persistence of Memory” and “The Anthropomorphic Cabinet” by the advertising artist K. Chudinskiy. In addition, various intentional means of influencing the recipient through the advertising product are considered. The scientific novelty of the paper is accounted for by the fact that the analysis of advertising material that refers to cultural artifacts of the past makes it possible to consider the main techniques for engaging the consumer in a dialogue with Dali’s legacy in order to generate interest in the offered product; to show ways of manipulative influence of advertising on the recipient through playing with cultural pretext; to identify the specifics of the dialogue between elite and mass culture as a result of the creative interaction of a modern designer artist with classical art. Furthermore, the advertising product in question has not previously received researchers’ attention. As a result of the study, it was found that through various means of representing classical painting images in the 2008 Volkswagen AG advertising campaign, the advertiser, firstly, stimulated the consumer’s interest in their product by using the imagery of Dali’s works. This approach allows for the satisfaction of the buyer’s aesthetic needs and convinces them that the product deserves attention. Secondly, the interpretation of the plot of classical painting offered by the designer artist in the advertising product makes it possible to “sell” a certain lifestyle, a dream that can be realized with the purchase. The work of art allows the consumer to believe that the product offered is intended specifically for them. Thirdly, the effect of the advertising slogan (“Absurdly low consumption”), promoting the principle of rational consumption, is amplified by the use of a cultural pretext, which is intended to remind the buyer, a civilized person, of their responsibility for actions that change the surrounding world. Fourthly, by creatively interpreting the artistic heritage of the past, the author of the advertisement not only encourages the consumer to purchase the product, but also awakens intellectual interest in masterpieces of painting, including the recipient in a dialogue between elite and mass culture. The main means of representing classical painting images in the advertising, which allow the modern artist to creatively interact with the classical heritage, are modifications of the object’s locus, playing with the cultural pretext, irony, symbolization of the artistic space of the advertising product, allusion.

Abstract This paper presents the definition of cultural marketing services phenomena, trying to identify new ways to interact and gain insight in consumer preference and behavior. The existence of Big Data and Internet of Things can be used in the Cultural Services sector. Traditional marketing and digital marketing can be reunited with the help of Big Data trends and analytics to better connect with target audience. Big Data can be used to analyze and discover new patterns in social trends and uncover customer preference. There are digital ways in which now consumers interact with their favorite cultural service and these are mostly, by internet. This new level of interaction live with your favorite cultural service, band or artist, even with other services like museums or conferences, where a human voice exists, can make the difference between returning or not to a certain service. Customizing the experience for each customer gives way to improving the overall marketing mix and improve profits. Big Data can help at improving this experience and create a better hypothesis for future strategies used in new cultural events. The main objective of marketing cultural services is to offer the client a unique selling proposition that can’t be refused. Using the internet, they leave a digital footprint with every action they make in regard with a certain services: they engage via social networks or check in via GPS. These are just a few examples of raw data that can be collected and used to exemplify future possibilities and predict where people will be in relation with a certain cultural call to action. This information, with consumer behavior studies, motivations, drives and other characteristics (age, sex, income, social position) can determine the best marketing approach for a certain event or communication in order to achieve maximum return on investment.

In the context of media space digitalization, issues of using multimedia in audiovisual works and in screen arts become increasingly important. Evolutionary processes in audiovisual production form a new system of expressive means, determine the scope of modern multimedia, transforming them into a new communicative space. The article notes that the gap between the intensity of the introduction of this type of creativity and lack of theoretical justification of the process is due to the rapid formation of a new artistic environment, its adaptation and relevance. The purpose of the article is to analyze the exploration of the new type of communicative space, change and adapt the art form when introducing multimedia into the movie plot. The author gives a generalized description of the interaction of the viewer with a work of art, equipped with elements of interactivity, which is represented in the creative dialogue of the artist and the consumer. But the design format involves fundamental knowledge in the field of cinema and practical skills when using technologies in screen arts. In the section on practical techniques for implementing multimedia, the author focuses on the short stories developed by the teachers of the Department of Animation and Computer Graphics for training multimedia directors at VGIK. Taking the work of VGIK students as an example, the article substantiates the integration of theoretical knowledge and practical skills in teaching students whose training is based on common and fine culture in combination with the skills of using digital technology. The article touches upon the education of a multimedia director an auteur and professional, capable of realizing their plan with audiovisual means involving the transformation of screen time and space, which is a difficult but important educational task in digital time.

In examining Michel Foucault’s philosophical vision I have used Gilles Deleuze’s definition: “A seer is someone who sees something not seen.” Being situated on the border between the discursive and the non-discursive, images offer an opportunity to get out of the discursivity; this rupture enables one to see and say something new. The images carry in themselves “an uncertainty essential for creativity”. This property relates images to Foucault’s philosophical vision, aimed at destroying the evidence characteristic of a historical formation in the sphere of what is seen and what is said.In addition, one can notice three different directions in Foucault’s understanding of art, which correspond to different periods in his thinking. In his first work Folie et déraison. Histoire de la folie à l’âge classique (1961) there is a vertical view. Influenced by Martin Heidegger’s ontological conception of art, Foucalt sees images as “growing out of the Earth”, as a specific truth which he valued highly during this period.”Archéologie du savoir (1969) reveals a different vision of art. In this work, Foucault stressed that, at least in one of its dimensions, art is a discursive practice “at the most superficial (discursive) level”. In this “superficial” phase, his account of art may be compared to George Dickie’s institutional theory of art. I call the gaze moving along the surface the horizontal.However, as early as the 1970s, Foucault’s understanding of art becomes spherical: art lacks an ontological dimension; instead, images emerge in a historical fabric, within a network of power, as a result of complex interaction between various forces. Foucault participates in this “fight” mainly at the discursive level, but he does not suffocate images with text; instead, he revitalizes them, making them visible again in a novel way.Eventually the question arises whether the direction of the view has an effect on the interpretation of art.Firstly, there is the problem of value. In a broader wider perspective, the vertical is inherently tied to this. It touches on hierarchy, on looking up from below and the awe this invokes. A connotation is assigned to divine structures and the symbolic significance of such things. Growing from the artist’s hand via forces unknown, self-made artworks thus evoke a different kind of reverence than those produced merely on a flat surface. Foucault’s earlier works in his vertical period reference visual art notably more than his later works. Pictures made in the vertical seem to offer him more inspiration. It is only during this period that pictures speak to him, later it would be reversed – he would speak of the image.Admittedly he never finished his horizontal interpretation, producing only a barebones sketch. Such an approach does not demand viewing or listening to the art itself, but rather offers a possible way to hold a discussion on it. Maybe Foucault just did not have the time to write on the horizontal or maybe it simply did not engage him enough.The horizontal approach, specifically the version put forth by Dickie is a consumer-centric vision. Art would mean a market that is based purely on supply and demand. With this approach, artworks tend to contract the one time use and disposability of commodities.Secondly, there is the issue of visual art’s material or virtual nature. Words like verticality and Earth remind us that art has been material (until now) and thus literally originates from the ground. One can easily argue that works come from the Earth and emerge with the help of the artist, as Heidegger claimed. If we say that artworks have been material until now, we draw attention to the evolution of art as a configuration of shining pixels on a computer screen. The screen may be material but how and in what way is the light emitted from the tiny points of light material? However one approaches it, the virtual image is material in a different way than traditional works of art. Might it be that Foucault’s spherical view is a good fit for analyzing such virtual art?

There is a tendency in academic literature to compare and contrast reli- gions to try to understand the motivations of the convert. What are the costs and benefits of conversion? What is gained and what is lost? Thinking in these utilitarian terms can lead to a focus on causality and materiality, rather than the metaphysical and ephemeral aspects of religious thought and practice. Furthermore, religious conversion to Islam is often mired in the same prejudices and stereotypes of the orient found in western and predominantly Judeo-Christian depictions of the Middle East, the region that Islam is most often associated with. In Everyday Conversions: Islam, Domestic Work, and South Asian Migrant Women in Kuwait, Attiya Ahmad moves away from the emphasis on what distinguishes religious traditions and discursive communities to focus on what religious conversion means to the individual convert. Ahmad seeks to counter the notion that conver- sion must have some material benefit to the convert and instead looks at the quotidian character of religious transformation. Ahmad argues in her eth- nographic work that conversion can be understood through the minutiae of daily interactions, conversations, and affections that develop over time. She follows the lives of migrant domestic workers in the Gulf and their relationships with their employers as well as their own families over the course of their conversions and argues that it is neither the strength of the da'wa movement in Kuwait, nor the benefits gained by conversion to the employee/employer relationship that effectively describes the reason the women convert (although Ahmad is admittedly not looking for causality). Instead, Ahmad writes: “I have sought to tell a more modest and mundane set of stories that convey moments of slippage, tension and traces of feel- ings, thoughts and impressions of everyday conversion” (194). The strengths of Ahmad’s ethnography lie in its attention to detail and equanimity in representing the challenges of migration and domestic labor. Ahmad is careful not to create victims, nor inflate the value of the women’s migration and conversion to their economic or personal well-being. In this approach, there are hints of Lila Abu-Lughod’s and Saba Mahmood’s work with women who appear to be in marginal or precarious positions. Like these feminist ethnographers, Ahmad is attuned to the ethics and politics of representation, but with an eye towards transnational and cultural stud- ies. In its theoretical framing, the ethnography calls to mind the work of Michel DeCerteau in The Practice of Everyday Life, which rejects theories of production to focus on the consumer. Furthermore, by placing conversion in light of transnational migration, Ahmad also shows how the individu- al convert navigates her conversion through the complex nexus of Kuwait City as well as her own home town. Thus, the individual convert as artist of her own conversion is the primary subject of Ahmad’s book. My one cri- tique of the book would be in the area of theory, where Ahmad is hesitant to challenge others who have written on the subject of Islamic religious faith and practice, despite the theoretical weight evident in her ethnography. In the introduction, Ahmad begins with Talal Asad and Saba Mah- mood’s seminal arguments in the field of anthropology of Islam, which she argues “relativize and provincialize secular modern understandings of sub- jectivity, agency and embodied practice” (9). She distinguishes her work from Asad and Mahmood’s by utilizing a transnational feminist framework that highlights the process of “mutual constitution and self-constituting othering, as well as sociohistorical circumstances” (10). Ahmad wants to go beyond discursive narratives of secular liberalism and the Islamic piety movement. Specifically, Ahmad follows the approach of Eve Sedgewick, who eschews Judith Butler’s “strong theory” in exchange for an approach that looks at factors that “lie alongside” gender performativity (23). Ahmad does this by showing “how religious conversion also constitutes a complex site of interrelation through which religious traditions are configured and reconfigured together” (24). Instead of showing conflict or contrasting discursive traditions, Ahmad contends that the best way to understand the lives and stories of her interlocutors are in the quotidian affairs of the households they work and live in. She divides the chapters into the affec- tive experiences the women have as a result of their migration experiences, which in turn spur their conversions. Chapters one and two cover the political and geographic terrain that the women must cut across, which produces an overwhelming feeling of being neither here nor there, but temporarily suspended between states, households, and religions. Chapter one paints a somewhat grim picture of the politically precarious position of migrant women within the kefala sys- tem, labor laws, and bans on migrations often creating impossible condi- tions for migrant woman. Chapter two sets out to “discern, document and describe” (66) the migratory experience and why it produces uncertainty about one’s place in the world. It follows the women back and forth between Kuwait and their home countries, emphasizing the socio-historical context that requires a transnational feminist framework. The four women that Ah- mad follows throughout the book share their migratory journeys and their sense of “suspension” between two households. This chapter segues neatly into chapter three, where the women share how being a female migrant and domestic laborer requires knowledge of cross-cultural norms regarding gender, all of which require the women to be naram, “a gendered, learned capability of being malleable that indexes proper womanhood” (122). In their own eyes, a successful domestic worker from South Asia bends to the norms of the society they are in, and they attribute male and female migrant failure to being too sakht, or hard and unyielding. Here, I would have liked a stronger connection between how she describes naram and how Mahmood describes malaka. Does being naram lay the groundwork for women’s conversion to Islam, a religion which requires the ability to engage in rituals entailing patience, modesty, and steadfastness? Ahmed hints at this connection in the conclusion to the chapter—“Being naram resonates with the fluid, flexible student-centered pedagogies of Kuwait’s Islamic dawa movement, thus facilitating domestic worker’s deepening learning of Islamic precepts and practices” (123)—but she could have spent more time discussing the overlap in the concepts in either chapter three or five, where she discusses the da'wah movement. Chapters four and five deal directly with questions of religious thought and practice and illustrate how the women grapple with Islamic practices in the household as their relationships with their employers deepen. Chapter five is about the household and the everyday conversations or “house talk” that Ahmad argues are the touchstones for the women’s conversion. The daily relations in the household make blending and layering practices of Is- lam onto older traditions and rituals seem easy and natural. Ahmad argues that “the work undertaken by domestic workers—such as tending to family members during trips and caring for the elderly or the infirm—necessari- ly involves the disciplining and training of their comportment, affect and sense of self ” (129) and makes Islamic practices easier to absorb as well. Chapter 6 is a foray into the da'wah movement classroom. Like Mahmood’s Politics of Piety, Ahmad shows how the teachers and students use the space to create “intertwining stories” of patience in the face of hardship and the eventual rewards that come from this ethical re-fashioning, which mirror their own hardships as converts and help them deal with the dilemmas of being female migrant and domestic workers. The chapter ends with a sense of uncertainty, returning to the themes of temporality and suspension that began the book. Ahmad can’t say whether the conversions will remain fixed pieces or will bend and move with the women as their circumstances change. In the epilogue, Ahmad follows the “ongoing conversions” of her inter- locutors as some of them return home as Muslims and encounter new chal- lenges. As a book that focuses on the everyday, it is fitting to end on a new day and possibly, a new conversion. The strength of Ahmad’s ethnography is in giving center-stage to the considerable creativity and diligence mi- grant women show in piecing together their own conversions. This piecing together is perfectly captured by the book’s cover, which features Azra Ak- samija’s “Flocking Mosque”. The structure of a flower illustrates how believ- ers form a circular and geometric shape when gathered in devotion to God. Like Aksamija’s patterns, which build into a circular design, Ahmad’s chap- ters each represent a key piece of the story of migrant domestic workers’ conversion to Islam as a gradual process that blends nations, households, and individuals together to create a narrative about the women’s newfound faith. Scholars should read this book for its textured and detailed observa- tions about migrant women’s daily lives and for its treatment of religious conversion as a gradual process that unfolds in the everyday experiences of individuals. It would also be a great book for students as theory takes a back seat to the ethnography. The book is a refreshing, graceful approach to the subject of religious conversion and Islamic faith. Ahmad stays focused on telling her interlocutors’ stories while navigating often conflicting posi- tions. Rehenuma AsmiAssistant Professor of Education and International StudiesAllegheny College

There is a tendency in academic literature to compare and contrast reli- gions to try to understand the motivations of the convert. What are the costs and benefits of conversion? What is gained and what is lost? Thinking in these utilitarian terms can lead to a focus on causality and materiality, rather than the metaphysical and ephemeral aspects of religious thought and practice. Furthermore, religious conversion to Islam is often mired in the same prejudices and stereotypes of the orient found in western and predominantly Judeo-Christian depictions of the Middle East, the region that Islam is most often associated with. In Everyday Conversions: Islam, Domestic Work, and South Asian Migrant Women in Kuwait, Attiya Ahmad moves away from the emphasis on what distinguishes religious traditions and discursive communities to focus on what religious conversion means to the individual convert. Ahmad seeks to counter the notion that conver- sion must have some material benefit to the convert and instead looks at the quotidian character of religious transformation. Ahmad argues in her eth- nographic work that conversion can be understood through the minutiae of daily interactions, conversations, and affections that develop over time. She follows the lives of migrant domestic workers in the Gulf and their relationships with their employers as well as their own families over the course of their conversions and argues that it is neither the strength of the da'wa movement in Kuwait, nor the benefits gained by conversion to the employee/employer relationship that effectively describes the reason the women convert (although Ahmad is admittedly not looking for causality). Instead, Ahmad writes: “I have sought to tell a more modest and mundane set of stories that convey moments of slippage, tension and traces of feel- ings, thoughts and impressions of everyday conversion” (194). The strengths of Ahmad’s ethnography lie in its attention to detail and equanimity in representing the challenges of migration and domestic labor. Ahmad is careful not to create victims, nor inflate the value of the women’s migration and conversion to their economic or personal well-being. In this approach, there are hints of Lila Abu-Lughod’s and Saba Mahmood’s work with women who appear to be in marginal or precarious positions. Like these feminist ethnographers, Ahmad is attuned to the ethics and politics of representation, but with an eye towards transnational and cultural stud- ies. In its theoretical framing, the ethnography calls to mind the work of Michel DeCerteau in The Practice of Everyday Life, which rejects theories of production to focus on the consumer. Furthermore, by placing conversion in light of transnational migration, Ahmad also shows how the individu- al convert navigates her conversion through the complex nexus of Kuwait City as well as her own home town. Thus, the individual convert as artist of her own conversion is the primary subject of Ahmad’s book. My one cri- tique of the book would be in the area of theory, where Ahmad is hesitant to challenge others who have written on the subject of Islamic religious faith and practice, despite the theoretical weight evident in her ethnography. In the introduction, Ahmad begins with Talal Asad and Saba Mah- mood’s seminal arguments in the field of anthropology of Islam, which she argues “relativize and provincialize secular modern understandings of sub- jectivity, agency and embodied practice” (9). She distinguishes her work from Asad and Mahmood’s by utilizing a transnational feminist framework that highlights the process of “mutual constitution and self-constituting othering, as well as sociohistorical circumstances” (10). Ahmad wants to go beyond discursive narratives of secular liberalism and the Islamic piety movement. Specifically, Ahmad follows the approach of Eve Sedgewick, who eschews Judith Butler’s “strong theory” in exchange for an approach that looks at factors that “lie alongside” gender performativity (23). Ahmad does this by showing “how religious conversion also constitutes a complex site of interrelation through which religious traditions are configured and reconfigured together” (24). Instead of showing conflict or contrasting discursive traditions, Ahmad contends that the best way to understand the lives and stories of her interlocutors are in the quotidian affairs of the households they work and live in. She divides the chapters into the affec- tive experiences the women have as a result of their migration experiences, which in turn spur their conversions. Chapters one and two cover the political and geographic terrain that the women must cut across, which produces an overwhelming feeling of being neither here nor there, but temporarily suspended between states, households, and religions. Chapter one paints a somewhat grim picture of the politically precarious position of migrant women within the kefala sys- tem, labor laws, and bans on migrations often creating impossible condi- tions for migrant woman. Chapter two sets out to “discern, document and describe” (66) the migratory experience and why it produces uncertainty about one’s place in the world. It follows the women back and forth between Kuwait and their home countries, emphasizing the socio-historical context that requires a transnational feminist framework. The four women that Ah- mad follows throughout the book share their migratory journeys and their sense of “suspension” between two households. This chapter segues neatly into chapter three, where the women share how being a female migrant and domestic laborer requires knowledge of cross-cultural norms regarding gender, all of which require the women to be naram, “a gendered, learned capability of being malleable that indexes proper womanhood” (122). In their own eyes, a successful domestic worker from South Asia bends to the norms of the society they are in, and they attribute male and female migrant failure to being too sakht, or hard and unyielding. Here, I would have liked a stronger connection between how she describes naram and how Mahmood describes malaka. Does being naram lay the groundwork for women’s conversion to Islam, a religion which requires the ability to engage in rituals entailing patience, modesty, and steadfastness? Ahmed hints at this connection in the conclusion to the chapter—“Being naram resonates with the fluid, flexible student-centered pedagogies of Kuwait’s Islamic dawa movement, thus facilitating domestic worker’s deepening learning of Islamic precepts and practices” (123)—but she could have spent more time discussing the overlap in the concepts in either chapter three or five, where she discusses the da'wah movement. Chapters four and five deal directly with questions of religious thought and practice and illustrate how the women grapple with Islamic practices in the household as their relationships with their employers deepen. Chapter five is about the household and the everyday conversations or “house talk” that Ahmad argues are the touchstones for the women’s conversion. The daily relations in the household make blending and layering practices of Is- lam onto older traditions and rituals seem easy and natural. Ahmad argues that “the work undertaken by domestic workers—such as tending to family members during trips and caring for the elderly or the infirm—necessari- ly involves the disciplining and training of their comportment, affect and sense of self ” (129) and makes Islamic practices easier to absorb as well. Chapter 6 is a foray into the da'wah movement classroom. Like Mahmood’s Politics of Piety, Ahmad shows how the teachers and students use the space to create “intertwining stories” of patience in the face of hardship and the eventual rewards that come from this ethical re-fashioning, which mirror their own hardships as converts and help them deal with the dilemmas of being female migrant and domestic workers. The chapter ends with a sense of uncertainty, returning to the themes of temporality and suspension that began the book. Ahmad can’t say whether the conversions will remain fixed pieces or will bend and move with the women as their circumstances change. In the epilogue, Ahmad follows the “ongoing conversions” of her inter- locutors as some of them return home as Muslims and encounter new chal- lenges. As a book that focuses on the everyday, it is fitting to end on a new day and possibly, a new conversion. The strength of Ahmad’s ethnography is in giving center-stage to the considerable creativity and diligence mi- grant women show in piecing together their own conversions. This piecing together is perfectly captured by the book’s cover, which features Azra Ak- samija’s “Flocking Mosque”. The structure of a flower illustrates how believ- ers form a circular and geometric shape when gathered in devotion to God. Like Aksamija’s patterns, which build into a circular design, Ahmad’s chap- ters each represent a key piece of the story of migrant domestic workers’ conversion to Islam as a gradual process that blends nations, households, and individuals together to create a narrative about the women’s newfound faith. Scholars should read this book for its textured and detailed observa- tions about migrant women’s daily lives and for its treatment of religious conversion as a gradual process that unfolds in the everyday experiences of individuals. It would also be a great book for students as theory takes a back seat to the ethnography. The book is a refreshing, graceful approach to the subject of religious conversion and Islamic faith. Ahmad stays focused on telling her interlocutors’ stories while navigating often conflicting posi- tions. Rehenuma AsmiAssistant Professor of Education and International StudiesAllegheny College

Disintermediation - the process of removing superfluous agents in a transaction chain - has been a major promise of e-commerce. Disintermediation offers the benefits of lowering prices to consumers and a better information-feedback loop between producers and consumers. In this paper, I propose a systematic model of disintermediation in the recorded-music business. Were such a model successful and tied to digital distribution, prices to consumers would fall considerably, artist compensation would rise, online piracy would drop, and the information-feedback loops necessary for signaling consumer tastes back to artists would become far more efficient as information asymmetries were mitigated. Such a model would leverage recommender systems as a way to determine consumer choices beyond the use of simple sales figures.

This article examines the use of PR technologies in the context of art and culture. Focusing on the Ukrainian experience, the purpose of the research is to unveil the dynamics of interaction between PR strategies and the promotion of a vocal artist. The research methodology is based on the principles of a systemic approach and content analysis, as well as fundamental tenets of the theory and history of PR technologies in the cultural and artistic sphere. Employing a research-oriented approach, a comprehensive literature review was conducted, encompassing both domestic and international sources. The research underscores the significance of effective PR tactics in the development and promotion of art projects, particularly within the Ukrainian cultural arena. The scientific novelty of this research lies in the first attempt within Ukrainian art studies to organise approaches to PR technology usage and create an algorithm within the context of vocalist promotion. Conclusions. The multifaceted role of PR technologies in shaping the image of a vocalist, their perception by the public, support, engagement, and ensuring sustained artistic influence has been revealed. It is determined that the promotion of an artist takes place on two intersecting planes: within the audience realm and the entertainment industry system. It is emphasised that among the traditional main marketing goals of the music showbiz are the maximisation of both qualitative and quantitative indicators of the artist's popularity, the enlargement of the target audience, and the enhancement of project quality. The study has identified that the social effect of the promotion process is manifested in elevating the initial social value and significance of the musical product in mass consumer consciousness, improving the performer's stage image in front of audiences, and increasing the growth of music product sales. Keywords: PR technologies, PR strategies, vocal artist promotion, social effect.

This report will take a brief look at socio-economic relation between porcelain painting artists, producers and consumers. The author will be drawing from the author’s experience gained in the visiting and resident time in more than 10 European porcelain factories, collaboration with Art universities, leading the Porcelain painting workshops at International Art Teacher and Porcelain Painting Symposia in Latvia and abroad. Personal experience and studying of International Porcelain painters organization home pages and over 100 china painters websites made it possible to analyze and compare the possibility of vocational training, the artist's creative career opportunities, professional literature and the membership in the professional organizations and institutions. Porcelain painting art is ceramic technology – based result of individual creativity. The socio-economic relation interaction between artist, producer and consumer marked historically important stages of development of the porcelain painting art. The education plays the crucial importance on the social integration processes of artist. The professional stratification and integration process realizes in the there distinct and isolated groups of porcelain painters – 1. An artists integrated in the porcelain industry. 2. An artists integrated in the ceramic art structures. 3. Artists integrated in the china painters organized structures. Balance between self-expression needs and material needs of the individual artist inability to self-realization problems. Internal needs depended on the artist as creative personality viability in porcelain factory. The opportunity to create personal studio contribute to the development of porcelain painting art, but the artist does not guarantee the competitiveness of the market and material support to the existence. The need to ensure the existence powered of professional socialization processes that result in porcelain painting artists replace existing or fit into other professional and public bodies. Latvia has its own tradition of porcelain art and great artists, but their creative potential sales opportunities in today's socio-economic conditions have not been investigated. In Latvia no more exist first group – in porcelain industry integrated artists, because porcelain industry no more existed. The third group, have not developed because the Latvian artists are not integrated into the International World China Painters organizations. In Latvia Porcelain painting as a hobby art are not very popular, so the knowledge and skills of porcelain painting is not yet a product of the request. The author reveals the socio-economic stratification of professional interaction – induced effects on an artist's creative performance and points to the social background to create a typology of porcelain painting art objects.

This chapter will focus on the changing role of the modern-day consumer and audience member and explore the implications of this development for arts and entertainment organisations. It will begin with an exploration of the ‘experience economy’ (Pine and Gilmore, 1999), demonstrating how the changing needs, abilities and expectations of audiences and consumers are effecting revolutionary shift in behaviour from the traditional push from producers towards a creative dialogue, where consumers have at least a voice and sometimes even an equal role as artist and co-producer. The chapter will go on to discuss the rise of what we’ll call ‘creative interaction’, the intermediary space where professional artists, producers, venues and content providers join their audiences and consumers to create or experience something new together. This discussion will be underpinned by a focus on the changing role and mission of arts and entertainment organisations from privileged gatekeepers to facilitators.