Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Articolo 808 ter"

The article demonstrates the results of the experimental estimate of the drawbar properties of the oversnow equipment during which parameters and indicators allowing for their use during designing of new generation of oversnow vehicles have been determined. This work demonstrates the results of the tests in determining maximum drawbar pull, determining motion resistance force with the arrested and released brake of the Russkaya Mekhanika’s oversnow vehicles, models RM Buran Leader, RM Tayga Varyag 550, RM Tayga Patrul 800 SWT, RM Vector 551i and over companies’ oversnow vehicles, models BRP Lynx Xtrim Commander 800 E-TEC, Arctic Cat Pantera 7000 XT LTD, Polaris 800 Titan Adventure 155.

On page 801, fifth, where it reads: “No início da pandemia, teorizou-se que a vacina BCG pudesse ter um efeito protetor relativamente à COVID-19,27,28 mas não se encontrou até à data evidência para tal, não estando atualmente recomendada a vacinação BCG na prevenção da COVID-19.28,29 No nosso estudo, a maioria dos doentes (76%) tinha sido vacinada. Analisámos separadamente o subgrupo de crianças nascidas após janeiro de 2016, altura em que passaram a ser vacinadas apenas as crianças pertencentes a grupos de risco.30 A taxa de vacinação neste grupo foi de 51%, sendo superior à taxa de 30,1% estimada para crianças nascidas em Portugal com um ano de idade referido a 2019.31” It should read: “No início da pandemia, teorizou-se que a vacina BCG pudesse ter um efeito protetor relativamente à COVID-19,27,28 mas não se encontrou até à data evidência para tal, não estando atualmente recomendada a vacinação BCG na prevenção da COVID-19.28 No nosso estudo, a maioria dos doentes (76%) tinha sido vacinada. Analisámos separadamente o subgrupo de crianças nascidas após janeiro de 2016, altura em que passaram a ser vacinadas apenas as crianças pertencentes a grupos de risco.29 A taxa de vacinação neste grupo foi de 51%, sendo superior à taxa de 30,1% estimada para crianças nascidas em Portugal com um ano de idade referido a 2019.30”Paper published with errors: https://www.actamedicaportuguesa.com/revista/index.php/amp/article/view/14537

The article demonstrates the results of the experimental estimate of the speed and load modes as well as operational properties of the oversnow equipment during which a large number of parameters and indicators allowing for their use during designing of new generation of oversnow vehicles have been determined. This work demonstrates the results of the tests in determining speed and brake properties, as well as stability and controllability of the Russkaya Mekhanika’s oversnow vehicles, models RM Buran Leader, RM Tayga Varyag 550, RM Tayga Patrul 800 SWT, RM Vector 551i and over companies’ oversnow vehicles, models BRP Lynx Xtrim Commander 800 E-TEC, Arctic Cat Pantera 7000 XT LTD, Polaris 800 Titan Adventure 155.

In recent years, there has been a trend in the global oil industry to improve the proportion of heavy high-sulfur crude oils in the total volume of extracted and processed resources, reserves of which are estimated at over 800 billion metric tons. Therefore, the main line of oil refining is processing of heavy crudes and residua to allow maximum use of the hydrocarbon potential and yield of high-margin products. Hydrogenation processes of heavy raw materials are most attractive in terms of product quality. This article analyzes tar hydrocracking processes that are either in operation or at the stage of full-scale testing. These include Veba Combi-Cracker (VCC), Uniflex, suspended-bed catalyst hydrocracking (ENI), and vacuum residue hydroconversion (TIPS RAS). These technologies use heterogeneous catalysts and are designed to obtain the largest possible amount of liquid products. This article discusses the features of each technology, highlights their advantages and disadvantages, shows the main approaches to process management, and speculates about the development of these technologies. Tar refining is a major process in heavy oil upgrading, and the development of efficient tar-processing methods will influence refinery configurations and management.

Articulus proemio, septem partibus et conclusione constat. In proemio auctor thematem de ieiunio eucharistico actualem esse, sublineat. In corpore articuli sequentia documenta iuridica exponuntur et explicantur: 1. lus vetus seu a primis Ecclesiae temporibus usque ad initium sa- eculi XX. 2. Can. 858 § 1 et 2 necnon can. 808 Codicis Iuris Canonici auctoritate Benedicti Papae XV promuigati. 3. Constitutio Apostolica Christus Dominus diei 6 ianuarii 1953 anni Pii Pp. XII. 4. Instructio Constitutio Apostolica diei 6 ianuarii 1953 anni S. Congregations S. Officii. 5. Motu proprio Pastorale Munus, I, 3, diei 30 novembris 1963 anni, Papae Pauli VI. 6. Declaratio S. Congregationis S. Officii diei 10 ianuarii 1964 anni. 7. Norma a Papa Paulo VI in Concilio Oecumenico Vaticano II diei 21 novembris 1964 anni promulgata. 8. Instructio de Communione Sacramentali quibusdam in adiunctis faciliore reddenda, diei 29 ianuarii 1973 anni, a Congregatione de disciplina Sacramentorum édita. 9. Can. 919 § 1 et § 2 Codicis Iuris Canonici auctoritate Joannis Pauli Pap. II promuigati. Hoc ultimum quod ius novissimum est et nostris diebus obligat omnes recepturos Eucharistiam tarn sacerdotes quam laicos, fusius elaboratur, prout decet. Nunc enim sciendum est, quod recepturi Sanctissimam Eucharistiam per spatium saltern unius horae ante Sacram Communionem a quocumque cibo et potu abstinere debent. Sacerdotes autem, qui eadem die bis aut ter Sanctissimam Eucharistiam celebrant necnon aetate provecti, infirmitate quadam laborantes et eorum curae addicti, Sacram Communionem accipere possunt, etiamsi intra horam antecedentem aliquid sumpserint. In fine articuli opinionem circa futuram evolutionem iuris ieiunium eucharisticum attingentem, si id possibile sit, auctor praebet.

Coffee leaf tea is prepared as an infusion of dried leaves of Coffea spp. in hot water. It is a traditional beverage in some coffee-producing countries and has been authorized in 2020 within the European Union (EU) according to its novel food regulation. This article reviews current knowledge on the safety of coffee leaf tea. From the various ingredients contained in coffee leaves, only two were highlighted as possibly hazardous to human health, namely, caffeine and epigallocatechin gallate (EGCG), with maximum limits implemented in EU legislation, which is why this article focuses on these two substances. While the caffeine content is comparable to that of roasted coffee beans and subject to strong fluctuations in relation to the age of the leaves, climate, coffee species, and variety, a maximum of 1–3 cups per day may be recommended. The EGCG content is typically absent or below the intake of 800 mg/day classified as hepatotoxic by the European Food Safety Authority (EFSA), so this compound is suggested as toxicologically uncritical. Depending on selection and processing (age of the leaves, drying, fermentation, roasting, etc.), coffee leaf tea may exhibit a wide variety of flavors, and its full potential is currently almost unexplored. As a coffee by-product, it is certainly interesting to increase the income of coffee farmers. Our review has shown that coffee leaf tea is not assumed to exhibit risks for the consumer, apart from the well-known risk of caffeine inherent to all coffee-related beverages. This conclusion is corroborated by the history of its safe use in several countries around the world.

Статья посвящена вопросу качества черного чая относительно его географического места произрастания. В статье приведены основные территории возделывания сырья для производства чая в мировом масштабе. Приведены сведения о важности условий выращивания чайного куста (влажности воздуха, количестве солнечных дней, высоте над уровнем моря, типе почв и т.д.) для формирования фенольного профиля органических соединений. Показана модификация и укрупнение фенольных соединений от «нативного чайного листа» до промышленно произведенного чая. Приведены стандартизированные органолептические и физико-химические методы оценки качества чая, принятые в отрасли. Выявлено несоответствие вида чая (образец 1) требованиям нормирующих документов. Показаны различия в цвете заваренного листа вне зависимости от места географического произрастания. Проведенный органолептический анализ в рамках нормирующих качество документов позволил оценить с помощью шкалы баллов образец Цейлонского чая образец 2 как лучший (8,5 балла). Исследования позволили установить колебания в содержании общего количества полифенолов на уровне погрешности метода определения (11,6-11,9%). По содержанию кофеина образец 1 превышал остальные на 10,9%, а в целом все образцы относились к низкокофеиновым сортам с содержанием кофеина 0,64-0,71%. Было показано, что уровень катехинов наблюдался в диапазоне 556-802 мг%, причем образец 2 на 44% превышал аналогичный показатель образца 1 и на 25% образца 3. Исследования выявили отсутствие корреляции между содержанием кофеина и общим содержанием полифенольных соединений в образцах и сильную корреляцию между уровнем катехинов и общих полифенолов. Рассчитанный коэффициент детерминации показал оказываемое влияние на 0,25% со стороны неучтенных органических соединений на количество общих полифенолов. Показано, что исследуемые показатели фенольных соединений не дают корреляцию с местом произрастания, что говорит в пользу проведения дополнительных исследований в данном направлении. The article is devoted to the issue of the black tea quality in relation to its geographical place of growth. The article presents the main areas of raw material cultivation for the tea production on a global scale. Information is given on the importance of tea bush growing conditions (air humidity, number of sunny days, altitude above sea level, soil type, etc.) for the formation of the organic compounds phenolic profile. The modification and enlargement of phenolic compounds from «native tea leaf» to industrially produced tea is shown. The standardized organoleptic and physico-chemical methods for assessing the tea quality, accepted in the industry, are given. A discrepancy between the tea type sample No. 1 and the requirements of normative documents was revealed. Differences in the color of the brewed leaf are shown, regardless of the place of geographical growth. The organoleptic analysis carried out within the framework of quality-standardizing documents made it possible to evaluate, using a scoring scale, a sample of Ceylon tea No. 2 as the best (8.5 points). The studies made it possible to establish fluctuations in the content of the polyphenol total amount at the level of the error of the determination method (11.6-11.9%). In terms of caffeine content, sample No. 1 exceeded the rest by 10.9%, and in general, all samples belonged to low-caffeine varieties with a caffeine content of 0.64-0.71%. It was shown that the level of catechins was observed in the range of 619-802 mg%, and sample No. 2 is 22% higher than that of sample No. 1 and 25% of sample No. 3. Studies have found no correlation between caffeine content and total polyphenolic compounds in samples, and a strong correlation between levels of catechins and total polyphenols. The calculated determination coefficient showed an effect of 0.25% from unaccounted for organic compounds on the amount of total polyphenols. It is shown that the studied indicators of phenolic compounds do not give a correlation with the place of growth, which speaks in favor of additional research in this direction.

The article presents experiments on obtaining composite fibers based on Shubarkol coal tar (CT) and polycarlonitrile (PAN) by electrospinning in a laboratory setup. As a result of energy dispersive X-ray spectroscopy and SEM microscopy, the elemental composition (C-85.83%) and the diameter of the carbon fiber were determined, which ranged from 89.0 nm to 449.8 nm. The resulting CNF was subjected to oxidation in air at 300 °C, the holding time was 1 hour, after which the carbonization process was carried out at 800 °C, followed by cooling to room temperature. Raman spectra were recorded to study the degree of graphitization. The results of Raman scattering of light (RS) showed the degree of graphitization - 15.98%. Ratio I (D) / I (G) = 0.99, I (G) / I (D) = 1. The broad bands D (disordered part) and G (ordered graphite structure) suggest that CNFs contain partially graphitized carbon along with amorphous carbon. The ID / IG ratio represents the conversion of disordered carbon to graphite carbon during carbonization. The resistance of this material is 70-200 ohms. The results obtained confirm the semiconductor nature of the conductivity. On the basis of SEM drawings of CNFs from CT and PAN, it was found that the structure of CNFs after oxidation and carbonization retains the original fibrous structure. It was also found that the diameter of nanofibers decreases from 320.5 - 625.7 nm to 89-449.8 nm. Thus, the proposed method of obtaining CNF is built on the basis of the electrospinning method, which is the most promising method of industrial production.

ResumoEste artigo de cunho teórico-documental tem por objetivo apresentar os resultados de uma pesquisa sobre a proporcionalidade, embasada nas abordagens ecológica e praxeológica, realizada em livros didáticos e currículos da república do Mali. Especificamente, por meio das várias mudanças ocorridas no período de 1960 a 2020, evidenciamos como alguns aspectos da proporcionalidade podem ter nascido, outros desaparecido, e como alguns outros puderam resistir à mudança. De forma mais específica ainda, analisamos qual era o papel da regra de três durante o período analisado, baseando-nos na abordagem ecológica, na teoria antropológica do didático e na tese de doutorado do primeiro autor. Por meio da análise de currículos e livros didáticos, constatamos que a regra de três continua sendo o modelo dominante no tratamento da proporcionalidade. De fato, de 1960 a 2020, a regra de três teve papel importante no tratamento de problemas de proporção e proporcionalidade. Aparece como a ferramenta essencial para resolver esses problemas (também nomeados em textos oficiais e manuais de "problemas de regra de três"). Apropria-se, assim, do ambiente que permite que as noções de proporção e proporcionalidade vivam e se autoalimentem. Isso reduziu o escopo de outras técnicas para testar a proporcionalidade de uma situação, apesar das muitas ferramentas disponíveis como técnicas, sem a necessidade do apelo à regra de três. A conceituação da proporcionalidade está intimamente ligada à compreensão da seguinte tecnologia: “Duas grandezas relacionadas são consideradas proporcionais se a multiplicação de um valor por um número em uma das duas grandezas leva à multiplicação do valor ligado pelo mesmo número na outra”. Uma vez dominada essa definição, por meio de resolução de problemas de proporcionalidade e de não proporcionalidade, podemos nos concentrar em tabelas, coeficientes, aditividade e aspectos lineares. Essas tabelas são artefatos que foram introduzidos com o advento da matemática moderna para permitir que os alunos vejam o aspecto linear da relação de proporcionalidade.Palavras-chave: Proporcionalidade, Ecologia didática, Praxeologias matemáticas, Praxeologias didáticas, Regra de três.AbstractThis theoretical-documentary article aims to present the results of a research on proportionality, based on ecological and praxeological approaches, carried out on textbooks and curricula of the Republic of Mali. Specifically, through the various changes that took place from 1960 to 2020, we show how some aspects of proportionality may have been born, others disappeared, and how some others could have resisted changes. More specifically, we analysed the role of the rule of three during that period, based on the ecological approach, the anthropological theory of the didactic and the doctoral dissertation of the first author. Through the analysis of curricula and textbooks, we found that the rule of three remains the dominant model in the treatment of proportionality. In fact, from 1960 to 2020, the rule of three played an important role in addressing problems of proportion and proportionality. It appears as the essential tool to solve these problems (also named in official texts and manuals of "rule of three problems"). Thus, it appropriates the environment that allows the notions of proportion and proportionality to live and self-feed. This reduced the scope of other techniques to test the proportionality of a situation, despite the many tools available as techniques without the need to appeal to the rule of three. The concept of proportionality is intricately linked to the understanding of the following technology: “Two related quantities are considered proportional if the multiplication of a value by a number in one of the two quantities leads to the multiplication of the value connected to the other by the same number.” Once this definition has been mastered, by solving problems of proportionality and non-proportionality, we can focus on tables, coefficients, additivity and linear aspects. These tables are artifacts that were introduced with the advent of modern mathematics to allow students to see the linear aspect of the proportionality relationship.Keywords: Proportionality, Didactic ecology, Mathematical praxeologies, Didactic praxeologies, Rule of three.ResumenEste artículo teórico-documental tiene como objetivo presentar los resultados de una investigación sobre proporcionalidad, basada en enfoques ecológicos y praxeológicos, realizada en libros didácticos y planes de estudio de la República de Mali. En concreto, a través de los diversos cambios que se produjeron entre 1960 y 2020, mostramos cómo algunos aspectos de la proporcionalidad pudieron haber nacido, otros desaparecieron y cómo algunos otros pudieron haber resistido los cambios. Más concretamente aún, analizamos el papel de la regla de tres durante ese período, a partir del enfoque ecológico, la teoría antropológica de la didáctica y la tesis doctoral del primer autor. A través del análisis de planes de estudio y libros didácticos, encontramos que la regla de tres sigue siendo el modelo dominante en el tratamiento de la proporcionalidad. De hecho, de 1960 a 2020, la regla de tres jugó un papel importante al abordar los problemas de proporción y proporcionalidad. Aparece como la herramienta imprescindible para solucionar estos problemas (también nombrada en los textos oficiales y manuales de "regla de los tres problemas"). Así, se apropia del entorno que permite que las nociones de proporción y proporcionalidad vivan y se autoalimenten. Esto redujo el alcance de otras técnicas para probar la proporcionalidad de una situación, a pesar de las muchas herramientas disponibles como técnicas sin la necesidad de apelar a la regla de tres. El concepto de proporcionalidad está estrechamente relacionado con la comprensión de la siguiente tecnología: “Dos cantidades relacionadas se consideran proporcionales si la multiplicación de un valor por un número en una de las dos cantidades conduce a la multiplicación del valor conectado por el mismo número en el otro”. Una vez dominada esta definición, resolviendo problemas de proporcionalidad y no proporcionalidad, podemos centrarnos en tablas, coeficientes, aditividad y aspectos lineales. Estas tablas son artefactos que se introdujeron con la llegada de las matemáticas modernas para permitir a los estudiantes ver el aspecto lineal de la relación de proporcionalidad.Palabras clave: Proporcionalidad, Ecología didáctica, Praxeologías matemáticas, Praxeologías didácticas, Regla de tres

Objective — To compare the results of searching the MEDLINE database through Ovid and the free online version of PubMed administered by the National Library of Medicine for randomized controlled trials on the subject of the drug methotrexate (MTX) for patients suffering from rheumatoid arthritis. Design — Comparative analysis of search results. Setting — Searches conducted by researchers affiliated with Mahidol University in Bangkok, Thailand, and the University of Toronto and the University Health Network in Toronto, Ontario. Subjects — A total of 3966 search results obtained from Ovid MEDLINE and PubMed. Methods — This study employs an Ovid MEDLINE search strategy originally created for a published systematic review that identified randomized controlled trials on MTX and rheumatoid arthritis (Katchamart, Trudeau, Phumethum, & Bombardier, 2009). Two of the authors of the original systematic review (Katchamart and Bombardier) are among the authors of this current study. Appropriate medical subject heading (MeSH) terms and their synonyms were identified for the three main concepts (rheumatoid arthritis, MTX, and randomized controlled trials). The search was performed in Ovid MEDLINE, seeking articles in any language that met the search criteria, from the earliest date covered by MEDLINE to January 2009. Each MeSH or keyword term within a concept was searched separately, and then combined with other like terms using the Boolean operator OR. The searches for the three concepts were finally combined using AND. The Ovid MEDLINE search was then translated for use in PubMed by an information professional. The formatting and terminology used in some of the original Ovid MEDLINE search statements had to be changed so they would work in the new database environment, but the researchers tried to ensure that the two searches were as similar as possible. The translated search was then executed in PubMed. The final results, as well as the number of articles retrieved for each key search concept (rheumatoid arthritis, MTX, and randomized controlled trials), were then compared. The final results were further analyzed for measures of sensitivity, precision, and number needed to read. Sensitivity is calculated by the number of eligible studies found in a database divided by the “total number of eligible studies in the review” multiplied by 100 (Katchamart, Faulkner, Feldman, Tomlinson, & Bombardier, p. 806). Eligible studies were identified using the inclusion/exclusion criteria developed by Katchamart et al. The figure for “total number of eligible studies in the review” is taken from that same study, which forms the “gold standard” for this analysis (Katchamart et al., p. 806). Precision is calculated by dividing the total number of eligible citations from a database by the total number of citations returned by the database for the search multiplied by 100 (Katchamart et al., p. 806). The number needed to read (NNR) formula used by the authors is 1/precision, taken from a study by Bachman, Coray, Estermann, and Ter Riet (2002). Main Results — The PubMed search found more results than Ovid MEDLINE for each of the three key concepts – rheumatoid arthritis, MTX and randomized controlled trials. Once the three concepts were combined, PubMed found 106 more articles than Ovid MEDLINE (2036 vs. 1930). Once the review eligibility criteria were applied to the search results from PubMed, 18 eligible articles were identified, one more article than in Ovid MEDLINE. The authors indicated that the additional article located in PubMed was from a journal that was not yet indexed by MEDLINE at the time the relevant article was published. To determine database sensitivity, these numbers were then divided by 20, the total number of eligible studies located in the Katachamart et al. 2009 review, which employed tools like EMBASE and strategies like hand searching in addition to MEDLINE in order to identify relevant studies. Because of the additional study it located, the sensitivity of PubMed was determined to be slightly higher than Ovid MEDLINE (90% vs. 85%). There was little difference between the two databases in terms of precision and NNR. Precision for Ovid MEDLINE was calculated at 0.881% and at 0.884% for PubMed. The NNR was 114 for Ovid MEDLINE and 113 for PubMed. Conclusion — The authors state that while PubMed had a higher calculated sensitivity than Ovid MEDLINE in the context of this particular search because it contained content not indexed by Ovid MEDLINE that proved to be relevant for this topic, its precision and NNR were almost equal to MEDLINE’s. Some technical limitations of the PubMed interface were experienced by researchers during the study, such as periodic instability and the inability to save and modify searches and their results line by line. These same issues did not arise while using Ovid MEDLINE. The need for a skilled translation of Ovid MEDLINE searches for use in the PubMed interface was also emphasized by the authors, as differences in syntax and formatting that are not properly addressed could impact PubMed’s sensitivity and precision.

BackgroundSialosis is a non inflammatory nor neoplastic expansion of the salivary glands. it is a common mimicker for obstructive, inflammatory and malignant salivary gland disorders.(1) It had been described in acromegaly, vitamin A, and Thiamin deficiency and in amylophagia and bulimia.(2-5) Imaging should be normal in Sialosis(6) Here we describe a case of Sialosis due to Vitamin deficiency who was treated for a few months with anti-tuberculous and anti inflammatory drugs.ObjectivesTo raise awareness about this cause of parotid swelling and encourage practice of exclusion prior to treatment.MethodsA 30 year old lady with no significant past medical history presented to us with 2 years of slowly progressive, non tender bilateral facial swellings, with no excess or reduced salivation and no pain upon eating, she had negative history of preceding upper respiratory tract infection. the condition was associated with feeling a lump in her right axilla, and cervical region, there was no fever or systemic manifestations. she consulted a surgeon during that period, an exisional biopsy of the lump revealed the presence of fatty lumps, she was then prescribed antituberculosis medications since her symptoms were vague and because TB is quite common in Iraq. She denied any improvement with these medications. She then was prescribed treatment with hydroxyChloroquin and prednisolone by another physician assuming she had sjogren’s syndrome. When we saw the patient she was extremely distressed and depressed, had bilateral diffused parotid swellings, along with submandibular swelling, no mass could be felt during the exam, her mandibles and neck appeared large, she had normal tear film production and negative eye test, with no articular or muscular abnormalities.ResultsHer Labs were negative, and ultrasound for the parotids revealed enlarged glands with normal texture, MRI showed enlarged both parotids and submandibular glands with no other abnormality, minor salivary gland biopsy showed normal tissue with no inflammatory cell infiltrates. she had normal thyroid, parathyroid and growth hormone levels, normal metabolic panel and denied history of Alcohol consumption of Bulimia, but rarely consumed meat. a trial of Vitamin A, Thiamin and pilocarpine was started, the patient reported regression in the size of the swellings after 2 weeks of therapy but then developed mucosal dryness, afterwards, Vitamin A was stopped, she developed bone pain with normal bone markers and for that reason, pilocarpine was stopped. despite stopping these medicines, the size continued to regress on thiamin supplement alone, and she was prescribed anxiolytics and antidepressants by a Neurologist.Figure 1.Showing the appearance A, before and B after one month of treatment.ConclusionSialosis can be a manifestation of variable metabolic and endocrine conditions and it should be kept in mind when facing a patient with parotid swelling being a potentially treatable cause.References[1]References in Sialosis: 35 cases of persistent parotid swelling from two countries - British Journal of Oral and Maxillofacial Surgery [Internet]. [cited 2022 Jan 20]. Available from: https://www.bjoms.com/article/S0266-4356(08)00040-5/references[2]Salivary Swelling | Iowa Head and Neck Protocols [Internet]. [cited 2022 Jan 20]. Available from: https://medicine.uiowa.edu/iowaprotocols/salivary-swelling[3]Yu YH, Park YS, Kim SH, Son BK, Jun DW, Jo YJ, et al. Sialadenosis in a Patient with Alcoholic Fatty Liver Developing after Heavy Alcohol Drinking. Korean J Gastroenterol. 2009 Jul 31;54(1):50–4.[4]Scully C, Eveson J. Sialosis and necrotising sialometaplasia in bulimia; a case report. International Journal of Oral and Maxillofacial Surgery. 2004 Dec 1;33(8):808–10.[5]Scully C, Bagán JV, Eveson JW, Barnard N, Turner FM. Sialosis: 35 cases of persistent parotid swelling from two countries. British Journal of Oral and Maxillofacial Surgery. 2008 Sep;46(6):468–72.[6]Sialosis | Radiology Reference Article | Radiopaedia.org [Internet]. [cited 2022 Jan 20]. Available from: https://radiopaedia.org/articles/sialosis-1Disclosure of InterestsNone declared

Dialoguing with the theoretical intersection between central references of the Critical Theory of Society and the philosopher Guy Debord, through literature review and case studies, this article sought to discuss the theme of suicide.com. Although the term has been coined, it was done, generically, for suicide cases in which the author uses some digital resource to the act. Therefore, suicide.com shows its characteristics and forms of manifestation that differs between cases in which the suicides are encouraged and directed by websites and/or internet users where, in general, such practices are restricted to the forums. accompanied by the chats, having as a visual record eventual images of the process; creation of suicide groups where people meet in forums to talk about the subject and they create a collective death pact; or cases where the suicide makes the practice public in video and live, from the access of Internet users to the webcam. However, the proposed approach embraced a new understanding of the concept, which could be based on the following premises: a) the suicide, as a social phenomenon, is limited to the historical context and cultural factors of its time and space, therefore, the media is an inherent component of contemporary suicide practices; b) suicide.com, however, is not just the virtualized replication of traditional suicide; It is the result of the processes of public spectacularization of private life in virtual environments.ResumoDialogando com a intersecção teórica entre referências centrais da Teoria Crítica da Sociedade e o filósofo Guy Debord, por meio de revisão bibliográfica e de estudos de caso, o presente artigo buscou discutir a temática do suicídio.com. Apesar de o termo já ter sido cunhado, o mesmo foi feito, genericamente, para casos de suicídio em que o autor utiliza algum meio digital para o ato. Assim sendo, o suicídio.com apresentou suas próprias características e formas de manifestação, que se diferem entre casos nos quais os suicidas são incentivados e orientados por sites e/ou usuários da internet onde, em geral, tais práticas ficam restritas aos fóruns, sendo acompanhadas pelos chats, tendo como forma de registro visual eventuais fotos do processo; criação de grupos suicidas onde as pessoas se encontram em fóruns sobre o assunto e criam um pacto de morte coletiva; ou casos em que o suicida torna a prática pública em vídeo e ao vivo, a partir do acesso dos internautas à webcam. Todavia, a propositura levantada abarcou uma nova compreensão do conceito, que pôde ser alicerçado nas seguintes premissas: a) o suicídio, enquanto fenômeno social, está circunscrito ao contexto histórico e aos fatores culturais de seu tempo e espaço, portanto, a mídia é um componente inerente às práticas contemporâneas de suicídio; b) o suicídio.com, porém, não é somente a replicação virtualizada do suicídio tradicional; é consequente dos processos de espetacularização pública da vida privada em ambientes virtuais.Palavras-chave: Suicídio.com, Sociedade do espetáculo, Cibercultura, Suicídio.Keywords: Suicide.com, Society of the spetacle, Cyberculture, Suicide.ReferencesADORNO, Theodor Wiesegrund; HORKHEIMER, Max. Dialética do esclarecimento: fragmentos filosóficos. Trad. Guido Antonio de Almeida. Rio de Janeiro: Jorge Zahar, 1985.ALMEIDA, Ana Filipa. Efeito de Werther. In: Análise psicológica, Lisboa, v. 18, n. 1, p. 37-51, 2000.ANES, Eugenia Maria Garcia; SILVA, N.; SILVA, S. 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Chatroom users 'goaded man in web suicide'. The Telegraph. UKNews. 2007. Disponível em: <https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/uknews/1563053/Chatroom-users-goaded-man-in-web-suicide.html>. Acesso em: 18 maio 2019.TÜRCKE. Christoph. Sociedade Excitada: filosofia da sensação. Tradução Antonio A. S. Zuin e outros. Campinas: Editora da Unicamp, 2010.VEJA. A cada 40 segundos ocorre um suicídio no mundo. Veja. Saúde, 2018. Disponível em <https://veja.abril.com.br/saude/a-cada-40-segundos-ocorre-um-suicidio-no-mundo/>. Acesso em: 12 maio 2019.VIANA, Bruno Mariante. Teasers: imagens que provocam a utilização do teaser de cartaz da saga Star Wars frente ao imaginário do público pós-moderno. Monografia (Bacharelado em Comunicação Social, Habilitação em Publicidade e Propaganda) – Faculdade de Biblioteconomia e Comunicação, Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul, Porto Alegre, p. 92, 2010.YOUTUBE. Eugenia Cooney. Disponível em: <https://www.youtube.com/user/eugeniacooney/about>. Acesso em: 10 jan. 2019.e3873103

The main factors that have a great influence on plant growth, as well as on increasing the yield and its quality characteristics, are biotic and abiotic. Combinations of abiotic stresses, such as drought and heat, have a much greater impact on yields and product quality. The response of plants to these stresses can vary depending on the species, as well as at different stages of development. Understanding the mechanisms and how they protect plants from stress has become vital to improving the yield and quality of parsnip products in changing climatic conditions. The research aimed to study the influence of abiotic factors (temperature and precipitation) on yield, duration of phenological phases of plant growth and development, dynamics of growth of leaves and roots of parsnip in the Right Bank Forest-Steppe of Ukraine. The research was conducted in the field experiment of the Department of Vegetable Growing and Closed Soil in NL "Fruit and Vegetable Garden" NUBIP of Ukraine in the Right Bank Forest-Steppe of Ukraine during 2015-2017. The area of the accounting plot was 11.3 m2, the repetition of the experiment was 4 times. The arrangement of the research plots was systematic. As a result of research, it is established that the shortest period of sowing-seedlings lasted 16 days in the options for sowing in the 3rd decade of May and the 1st decade of June. Significant delay for 21 days of this period was observed for sowing from the 1st to the 3rd decade of April. The duration of the period from the beginning of root formation to beam ripeness was the smallest for sowing in the 1st decade of April – 28 days, and the largest for sowing in the 1st decade of June – 51 days. The vegetation period ranged from 110 to 165 days and passed for the sum of temperatures (> 10 °С) 1102.4-1439.0 °C and the sum of precipitation 128.1-225.2 mm. During sowing in April, an intensive increase in root crops from 2.9 to 3.5 g/day was observed in the second half of August. During sowing in May, the largest increase in root crops from 2.1 to 2.7 g/day was observed in the first half of September. Thus, for sowing in the 1st decade of June, this figure was highest in the second half of September (1.9 g/day). The option for sowing in the 1st decade of April provided a high yield of root crops of 50.3 t/ha, which is 5.3 t/ha or 11.8% significantly more than the control. When sowing in the following periods, a significant decrease in yield was observed compared to the control, namely: for the 3rd decade of April – by 3.5 t/ha, or 7.7%, for the 1st decade of May – by 8.8 t/ha, or 19.6%, for the 2nd decade of May – by 17.4 t/ha, or 38.6%, for the 3rd decade of May – by 23.0 t/ha, or 51.1%, for the 1st decade of June – by 31.7 t/ha, 70.6% compared to the control. There was a direct strong relationship (r = 0.74-0.99) between the growing season and yield, root weight, marketability, and biochemical parameters, namely: dry matter, dry soluble matter, sugars, vitamin C. The inverse of the strong (r = -0.98) was observed between the duration of the growing season and nitrates. Increasing the growing season by 10 days increases the yield to 6.9 t/ha, marketability up to 2.7%, root weight up to 31 g, dry matter content up to 0.7%, dry soluble matter up to 0.3%, sugars up to 0,5%, vitamin C to 0.8 mg/100 g and reduces the nitrate content to 8.4 mg/kg. Leaf area, photosynthetic potential, net photosynthesis productivity are in strong direct connection (r = 0.92-0.98) with yield. As the leaf surface area increases to 1.0 thousand m2/ha, the yield increases to 0.7 t/ha. Increasing the photosynthetic potential to 0.05 million m2 per day/ha increases the yield to 0.2-1.2 t/ha. Also, the yield increases to 0.3-0.7 t/ha by increasing the net productivity of photosynthesis to 0.05 g/m2 per day. Promising for further study is molecular knowledge of plant responses to abiotic stress, likely to pave the way for making crops resistant to climate change and increase the economic efficiency of production.

ABSTRACTIn this article it is shown that the reactions between dopants and point defects in silicon are slow enough to play a significant role for low temperature transient enhanced diffusion (TED). As a consequence, diffusion models based on the assumption of local equilibrium between dopants and dopant-defect pairs highly overestimate TED at temperatures below 800°C. Without this assumption, i.e. when full dynamic pairing of dopants is included in simulations, good agreement to experimental results is achieved.

Nanotechnology mainly deals with the production and application of compounds with dimensions in nanoscale. Given their dimensions, these materials have considerable surface/volume ratios, and hence, specific characteristics. Nowadays, environmentally friendly procedures are being proposed for fabrication of Fe nanoparticles because a large amount of poisonous chemicals and unfavorable conditions are needed to prepare them. This work includes an inclusive overview on the economical and green procedures for the preparation of such nanoparticles (flower, fruits, tea, carbohydrates, and leaves). Pure and bimetallic iron nanoparticles, for instance, offer a high bandwidth and excitation binding energy and are applicable in different areas ranging from antibacterial, anticancer, and bioimaging agents to drug delivery systems. Preparation of nano-sized particles, such as those of Fe, requires the application of high quantities of toxic materials and harsh conditions, and naturally, there is a tendency to develop more facile and even green pathways (Sultana, Journal of Materials Science &amp; Technology, 2013, 29, 795–800; Bushra et al., Journal of hazardous materials, 2014, 264, 481–489; Khan et al., Ind. Eng. Chem. Res., 2015, 54, 76–82). This article tends to provide an overview on the reports describing green and biological methods for the synthesis of Fe nanoparticles. The present review mainly highlights selenium nanoparticles in the biomedical domain. Specifically, this review will present detailed information on drug delivery, bioimaging, antibacterial, and anticancer activity. It will also focus on procedures for their green synthesis methods and properties that make them potential candidates for various biomedical applications. Finally, we provide a detailed future outlook.

IntroductionIn the year 2000, a group of likeminded individuals got together and convened the first annual World Barista Championship in Monte Carlo. With twelve competitors from around the globe, each competitor was judged by seven judges: one head judge who oversaw the process, two technical judges who assessed technical skills, and four sensory judges who evaluated the taste and appearance of the espresso drinks. Competitors had fifteen minutes to serve four espresso coffees, four cappuccino coffees, and four “signature” drinks that they had devised using one shot of espresso and other ingredients of their choice, but no alcohol. The competitors were also assessed on their overall barista skills, their creativity, and their ability to perform under pressure and impress the judges with their knowledge of coffee. This competition has grown to the extent that eleven years later, in 2011, 54 countries held national barista championships with the winner from each country competing for the highly coveted position of World Barista Champion. That year, Alejandro Mendez from El Salvador became the first world champion from a coffee producing nation. Champion baristas are more likely to come from coffee consuming countries than they are from coffee producing countries as countries that produce coffee seldom have a culture of espresso coffee consumption. While Ireland is not a coffee-producing nation, the Irish are the highest per capita consumers of tea in the world (Mac Con Iomaire, “Ireland”). Despite this, in 2008, Stephen Morrissey from Ireland overcame 50 other national champions to become the 2008 World Barista Champion (see, http://vimeo.com/2254130). Another Irish national champion, Colin Harmon, came fourth in this competition in both 2009 and 2010. This paper discusses the history and development of coffee and coffee houses in Dublin from the 17th century, charting how coffee culture in Dublin appeared, evolved, and stagnated before re-emerging at the beginning of the 21st century, with a remarkable win in the World Barista Championships. The historical links between coffeehouses and media—ranging from print media to electronic and social media—are discussed. In this, the coffee house acts as an informal public gathering space, what urban sociologist Ray Oldenburg calls a “third place,” neither work nor home. These “third places” provide anchors for community life and facilitate and foster broader, more creative interaction (Oldenburg). This paper will also show how competition from other “third places” such as clubs, hotels, restaurants, and bars have affected the vibrancy of coffee houses. Early Coffee Houses The first coffee house was established in Constantinople in 1554 (Tannahill 252; Huetz de Lemps 387). The first English coffee houses opened in Oxford in 1650 and in London in 1652. Coffee houses multiplied thereafter but, in 1676, when some London coffee houses became hotbeds for political protest, the city prosecutor decided to close them. The ban was soon lifted and between 1680 and 1730 Londoners discovered the pleasure of drinking coffee (Huetz de Lemps 388), although these coffee houses sold a number of hot drinks including tea and chocolate as well as coffee.The first French coffee houses opened in Marseille in 1671 and in Paris the following year. Coffee houses proliferated during the 18th century: by 1720 there were 380 public cafés in Paris and by the end of the century there were 600 (Huetz de Lemps 387). Café Procope opened in Paris in 1674 and, in the 18th century, became a literary salon with regular patrons: Voltaire, Rousseau, Diderot and Condorcet (Huetz de Lemps 387; Pitte 472). In England, coffee houses developed into exclusive clubs such as Crockford’s and the Reform, whilst elsewhere in Europe they evolved into what we identify as cafés, similar to the tea shops that would open in England in the late 19th century (Tannahill 252-53). Tea quickly displaced coffee in popularity in British coffee houses (Taylor 142). Pettigrew suggests two reasons why Great Britain became a tea-drinking nation while most of the rest of Europe took to coffee (48). The first was the power of the East India Company, chartered by Elizabeth I in 1600, which controlled the world’s biggest tea monopoly and promoted the beverage enthusiastically. The second was the difficulty England had in securing coffee from the Levant while at war with France at the end of the seventeenth century and again during the War of the Spanish Succession (1702-13). Tea also became the dominant beverage in Ireland and over a period of time became the staple beverage of the whole country. In 1835, Samuel Bewley and his son Charles dared to break the monopoly of The East India Company by importing over 2,000 chests of tea directly from Canton, China, to Ireland. His family would later become synonymous with the importation of coffee and with opening cafés in Ireland (see, Farmar for full history of the Bewley's and their activities). Ireland remains the highest per-capita consumer of tea in the world. Coffee houses have long been linked with social and political change (Kennedy, Politicks; Pincus). The notion that these new non-alcoholic drinks were responsible for the Enlightenment because people could now gather socially without getting drunk is rejected by Wheaton as frivolous, since there had always been alternatives to strong drink, and European civilisation had achieved much in the previous centuries (91). She comments additionally that cafés, as gathering places for dissenters, took over the role that taverns had long played. Pennell and Vickery support this argument adding that by offering a choice of drinks, and often sweets, at a fixed price and in a more civilized setting than most taverns provided, coffee houses and cafés were part of the rise of the modern restaurant. It is believed that, by 1700, the commercial provision of food and drink constituted the second largest occupational sector in London. Travellers’ accounts are full of descriptions of London taverns, pie shops, coffee, bun and chop houses, breakfast huts, and food hawkers (Pennell; Vickery). Dublin Coffee Houses and Later incarnations The earliest reference to coffee houses in Dublin is to the Cock Coffee House in Cook Street during the reign of Charles II (1660-85). Public dining or drinking establishments listed in the 1738 Dublin Directory include taverns, eating houses, chop houses, coffee houses, and one chocolate house in Fownes Court run by Peter Bardin (Hardiman and Kennedy 157). During the second half of the 17th century, Dublin’s merchant classes transferred allegiance from taverns to the newly fashionable coffee houses as places to conduct business. By 1698, the fashion had spread to country towns with coffee houses found in Cork, Limerick, Kilkenny, Clonmel, Wexford, and Galway, and slightly later in Belfast and Waterford in the 18th century. Maxwell lists some of Dublin’s leading coffee houses and taverns, noting their clientele: There were Lucas’s Coffee House, on Cork Hill (the scene of many duels), frequented by fashionable young men; the Phoenix, in Werburgh Street, where political dinners were held; Dick’s Coffee House, in Skinner’s Row, much patronized by literary men, for it was over a bookseller’s; the Eagle, in Eustace Street, where meetings of the Volunteers were held; the Old Sot’s Hole, near Essex Bridge, famous for its beefsteaks and ale; the Eagle Tavern, on Cork Hill, which was demolished at the same time as Lucas’s to make room for the Royal Exchange; and many others. (76) Many of the early taverns were situated around the Winetavern Street, Cook Street, and Fishamble Street area. (see Fig. 1) Taverns, and later coffee houses, became meeting places for gentlemen and centres for debate and the exchange of ideas. In 1706, Francis Dickson published the Flying Post newspaper at the Four Courts coffee house in Winetavern Street. The Bear Tavern (1725) and the Black Lyon (1735), where a Masonic Lodge assembled every Wednesday, were also located on this street (Gilbert v.1 160). Dick’s Coffee house was established in the late 17th century by bookseller and newspaper proprietor Richard Pue, and remained open until 1780 when the building was demolished. In 1740, Dick’s customers were described thus: Ye citizens, gentlemen, lawyers and squires,who summer and winter surround our great fires,ye quidnuncs! who frequently come into Pue’s,To live upon politicks, coffee, and news. (Gilbert v.1 174) There has long been an association between coffeehouses and publishing books, pamphlets and particularly newspapers. Other Dublin publishers and newspapermen who owned coffee houses included Richard Norris and Thomas Bacon. Until the 1850s, newspapers were burdened with a number of taxes: on the newsprint, a stamp duty, and on each advertisement. By 1865, these taxes had virtually disappeared, resulting in the appearance of 30 new newspapers in Ireland, 24 of them in Dublin. Most people read from copies which were available free of charge in taverns, clubs, and coffee houses (MacGiolla Phadraig). Coffee houses also kept copies of international newspapers. On 4 May 1706, Francis Dickson notes in the Dublin Intelligence that he held the Paris and London Gazettes, Leyden Gazette and Slip, the Paris and Hague Lettres à la Main, Daily Courant, Post-man, Flying Post, Post-script and Manuscripts in his coffeehouse in Winetavern Street (Kennedy, “Dublin”). Henry Berry’s analysis of shop signs in Dublin identifies 24 different coffee houses in Dublin, with the main clusters in Essex Street near the Custom’s House (Cocoa Tree, Bacon’s, Dempster’s, Dublin, Merchant’s, Norris’s, and Walsh’s) Cork Hill (Lucas’s, St Lawrence’s, and Solyman’s) Skinners’ Row (Bow’s’, Darby’s, and Dick’s) Christ Church Yard (Four Courts, and London) College Green (Jack’s, and Parliament) and Crampton Court (Exchange, and Little Dublin). (see Figure 1, below, for these clusters and the locations of other Dublin coffee houses.) The earliest to be referenced is the Cock Coffee House in Cook Street during the reign of Charles II (1660-85), with Solyman’s (1691), Bow’s (1692), and Patt’s on High Street (1699), all mentioned in print before the 18th century. The name of one, the Cocoa Tree, suggests that chocolate was also served in this coffee house. More evidence of the variety of beverages sold in coffee houses comes from Gilbert who notes that in 1730, one Dublin poet wrote of George Carterwright’s wife at The Custom House Coffee House on Essex Street: Her coffee’s fresh and fresh her tea,Sweet her cream, ptizan, and whea,her drams, of ev’ry sort, we findboth good and pleasant, in their kind. (v. 2 161) Figure 1: Map of Dublin indicating Coffee House clusters 1 = Sackville St.; 2 = Winetavern St.; 3 = Essex St.; 4 = Cork Hill; 5 = Skinner's Row; 6 = College Green.; 7 = Christ Church Yard; 8 = Crampton Court.; 9 = Cook St.; 10 = High St.; 11 = Eustace St.; 12 = Werburgh St.; 13 = Fishamble St.; 14 = Westmorland St.; 15 = South Great George's St.; 16 = Grafton St.; 17 = Kildare St.; 18 = Dame St.; 19 = Anglesea Row; 20 = Foster Place; 21 = Poolbeg St.; 22 = Fleet St.; 23 = Burgh Quay.A = Cafe de Paris, Lincoln Place; B = Red Bank Restaurant, D'Olier St.; C = Morrison's Hotel, Nassau St.; D = Shelbourne Hotel, St. Stephen's Green; E = Jury's Hotel, Dame St. Some coffee houses transformed into the gentlemen’s clubs that appeared in London, Paris and Dublin in the 17th century. These clubs originally met in coffee houses, then taverns, until later proprietary clubs became fashionable. Dublin anticipated London in club fashions with members of the Kildare Street Club (1782) and the Sackville Street Club (1794) owning the premises of their clubhouse, thus dispensing with the proprietor. The first London club to be owned by the members seems to be Arthur’s, founded in 1811 (McDowell 4) and this practice became widespread throughout the 19th century in both London and Dublin. The origin of one of Dublin’s most famous clubs, Daly’s Club, was a chocolate house opened by Patrick Daly in c.1762–65 in premises at 2–3 Dame Street (Brooke). It prospered sufficiently to commission its own granite-faced building on College Green between Anglesea Street and Foster Place which opened in 1789 (Liddy 51). Daly’s Club, “where half the land of Ireland has changed hands”, was renowned for the gambling that took place there (Montgomery 39). Daly’s sumptuous palace catered very well (and discreetly) for honourable Members of Parliament and rich “bucks” alike (Craig 222). The changing political and social landscape following the Act of Union led to Daly’s slow demise and its eventual closure in 1823 (Liddy 51). Coincidentally, the first Starbucks in Ireland opened in 2005 in the same location. Once gentlemen’s clubs had designated buildings where members could eat, drink, socialise, and stay overnight, taverns and coffee houses faced competition from the best Dublin hotels which also had coffee rooms “in which gentlemen could read papers, write letters, take coffee and wine in the evening—an exiguous substitute for a club” (McDowell 17). There were at least 15 establishments in Dublin city claiming to be hotels by 1789 (Corr 1) and their numbers grew in the 19th century, an expansion which was particularly influenced by the growth of railways. By 1790, Dublin’s public houses (“pubs”) outnumbered its coffee houses with Dublin boasting 1,300 (Rooney 132). Names like the Goose and Gridiron, Harp and Crown, Horseshoe and Magpie, and Hen and Chickens—fashionable during the 17th and 18th centuries in Ireland—hung on decorative signs for those who could not read. Throughout the 20th century, the public house provided the dominant “third place” in Irish society, and the drink of choice for itd predominantly male customers was a frothy pint of Guinness. Newspapers were available in public houses and many newspapermen had their own favourite hostelries such as Mulligan’s of Poolbeg Street; The Pearl, and The Palace on Fleet Street; and The White Horse Inn on Burgh Quay. Any coffee served in these establishments prior to the arrival of the new coffee culture in the 21st century was, however, of the powdered instant variety. Hotels / Restaurants with Coffee Rooms From the mid-19th century, the public dining landscape of Dublin changed in line with London and other large cities in the United Kingdom. Restaurants did appear gradually in the United Kingdom and research suggests that one possible reason for this growth from the 1860s onwards was the Refreshment Houses and Wine Licences Act (1860). The object of this act was to “reunite the business of eating and drinking”, thereby encouraging public sobriety (Mac Con Iomaire, “Emergence” v.2 95). Advertisements for Dublin restaurants appeared in The Irish Times from the 1860s. Thom’s Directory includes listings for Dining Rooms from the 1870s and Refreshment Rooms are listed from the 1880s. This pattern continued until 1909, when Thom’s Directory first includes a listing for “Restaurants and Tea Rooms”. Some of the establishments that advertised separate coffee rooms include Dublin’s first French restaurant, the Café de Paris, The Red Bank Restaurant, Morrison’s Hotel, Shelbourne Hotel, and Jury’s Hotel (see Fig. 1). The pattern of separate ladies’ coffee rooms emerged in Dublin and London during the latter half of the 19th century and mixed sex dining only became popular around the last decade of the 19th century, partly infuenced by Cesar Ritz and Auguste Escoffier (Mac Con Iomaire, “Public Dining”). Irish Cafés: From Bewley’s to Starbucks A number of cafés appeared at the beginning of the 20th century, most notably Robert Roberts and Bewley’s, both of which were owned by Quaker families. Ernest Bewley took over the running of the Bewley’s importation business in the 1890s and opened a number of Oriental Cafés; South Great Georges Street (1894), Westmoreland Street (1896), and what became the landmark Bewley’s Oriental Café in Grafton Street (1927). Drawing influence from the grand cafés of Paris and Vienna, oriental tearooms, and Egyptian architecture (inspired by the discovery in 1922 of Tutankhamen’s Tomb), the Grafton Street business brought a touch of the exotic into the newly formed Irish Free State. Bewley’s cafés became the haunt of many of Ireland’s leading literary figures, including Samuel Becket, Sean O’Casey, and James Joyce who mentioned the café in his book, Dubliners. A full history of Bewley’s is available (Farmar). It is important to note, however, that pots of tea were sold in equal measure to mugs of coffee in Bewley’s. The cafés changed over time from waitress- to self-service and a failure to adapt to changing fashions led to the business being sold, with only the flagship café in Grafton Street remaining open in a revised capacity. It was not until the beginning of the 21st century that a new wave of coffee house culture swept Ireland. This was based around speciality coffee beverages such as espressos, cappuccinos, lattés, macchiatos, and frappuccinnos. This new phenomenon coincided with the unprecedented growth in the Irish economy, during which Ireland became known as the “Celtic Tiger” (Murphy 3). One aspect of this period was a building boom and a subsequent growth in apartment living in the Dublin city centre. The American sitcom Friends and its fictional coffee house, “Central Perk,” may also have helped popularise the use of coffee houses as “third spaces” (Oldenberg) among young apartment dwellers in Dublin. This was also the era of the “dotcom boom” when many young entrepreneurs, software designers, webmasters, and stock market investors were using coffee houses as meeting places for business and also as ad hoc office spaces. This trend is very similar to the situation in the 17th and early 18th centuries where coffeehouses became known as sites for business dealings. Various theories explaining the growth of the new café culture have circulated, with reasons ranging from a growth in Eastern European migrants, anti-smoking legislation, returning sophisticated Irish emigrants, and increased affluence (Fenton). Dublin pubs, facing competition from the new coffee culture, began installing espresso coffee machines made by companies such as Gaggia to attract customers more interested in a good latté than a lager and it is within this context that Irish baristas gained such success in the World Barista competition. In 2001 the Georges Street branch of Bewley’s was taken over by a chain called Café, Bar, Deli specialising in serving good food at reasonable prices. Many ex-Bewley’s staff members subsequently opened their own businesses, roasting coffee and running cafés. Irish-owned coffee chains such as Java Republic, Insomnia, and O’Brien’s Sandwich Bars continued to thrive despite the competition from coffee chains Starbucks and Costa Café. Indeed, so successful was the handmade Irish sandwich and coffee business that, before the economic downturn affected its business, Irish franchise O’Brien’s operated in over 18 countries. The Café, Bar, Deli group had also begun to franchise its operations in 2008 when it too became a victim of the global economic downturn. With the growth of the Internet, many newspapers have experienced falling sales of their printed format and rising uptake of their electronic versions. Most Dublin coffee houses today provide wireless Internet connections so their customers can read not only the local newspapers online, but also others from all over the globe, similar to Francis Dickenson’s coffee house in Winetavern Street in the early 18th century. Dublin has become Europe’s Silicon Valley, housing the European headquarters for companies such as Google, Yahoo, Ebay, Paypal, and Facebook. There are currently plans to provide free wireless connectivity throughout Dublin’s city centre in order to promote e-commerce, however, some coffee houses shut off the wireless Internet in their establishments at certain times of the week in order to promote more social interaction to ensure that these “third places” remain “great good places” at the heart of the community (Oldenburg). Conclusion Ireland is not a country that is normally associated with a coffee culture but coffee houses have been part of the fabric of that country since they emerged in Dublin in the 17th century. These Dublin coffee houses prospered in the 18th century, and survived strong competition from clubs and hotels in the 19th century, and from restaurant and public houses into the 20th century. In 2008, when Stephen Morrissey won the coveted title of World Barista Champion, Ireland’s place as a coffee consuming country was re-established. 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Internet of Things (IoT) applications are increasingly making impact in all areas of humanlife. Day by day, its chatty embedded devices have been generating tons of data requiring effectivenetwork infrastructure. To deliver millions of IoT messages back and fort with as few faults aspossible, participation of communication protocols like MQTT is a must. Lightweight blueprintand friendly battery are just two of many advantages of this protocol making it become a dominantin IoT world. In real application scenarios, distributed MQTT solutions are usually required sincecentralized MQTT approach is incapable of dealing with huge amount of data. Although distributedMQTT solutions are scalable, they do not adapt to fluctuations of traffic workload. This might costIoT service provider because of redundant computation resources. This leads to the need of a novelapproach that can adapt its size changes in workload. This article proposes such an elastic solutionby proposing a flexible MQTT framework. Our MQTT framework uses off-the-shelf componentsto obtain server’s elasticity while keeping IoT applications intact. Experiments are conducted tovalidate elasticity function provided by an implementation of our framework. Keywords MQTT broker, Elasticity, Internet of Things, Cloud computing References [1] Sharma, D. Panwar, Green IoT: Advancements and Sustainability with Environment by 2050. In: 8th International Conference on Reliability, Infocom Technologies and Optimization (Trends and Future Directions) (ICRITO), Noida, India, 2020, pp. 1127-1132. [2] Turner, D. Reinsel, J.F. Gantz, S. Minton, The Digital Universe of Opportunities: Rich Data and the Increasing Value of the Internet of Things, IDC Report Apr, 2014. [3] MQ Telemetry Transport. http://mqtt.org/, 2020 (30 October 2020). [4] Mell, T. Grance, The NIST definition of cloud computing (draft), NIST special publication 800-145 (2011) 1-3. 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Tujuan dalam penelitian ini adalah untuk mengetahui Peran Komitmen organisasional yang terdiri dari komitment afektif, normative, dan kontinuan dan Kompensasi baik itu kompensasi finansial dan non-finansial terhadap Kepuasan kerja dengan moderasi Budaya organisasi sebagai variabel penguat atau memperlemah pada karyawan PT.PLN (Persero) Unit Induk Wilayah Kalimantan Barat. Sampel dalam penelitian ini adalah 200 orang karyawan dan data yang dapat di olah sebanyak 200 sampel. PT.PLN (Persero) Unit Induk Wilayah Kalimantan Barat. Data dianalisis menggunakan WrapPls 6.0 dan SPSS 16 untuk menguji Uji asumsi Normalitas dan Linieritas.Hasil penelitian ini menyimpulkan bahwa komitmen organisasi berpengaruh positif terhadap kepuasan kerja karyawan PT.PLN (Persero) Unit Induk Wilayah Kalimantan Barat. Kompensasi juag berpengaruh positif terhadap kepuasan kerja karyawan PT.PLN (Persero) Unit Induk Wilayah Kalimantan Barat. 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Introduction The aim of this paper is to examine whether recent catastrophic tsunamis have driven a cultural shift in the awareness of Australians to the danger associated with this natural hazard and whether the media have contributed to the emergence of “tsunami” as a new Australian catastrophe. Prior to the devastating 2004 Indian Ocean Tsunami disaster (2004 IOT), tsunamis as a type of hazard capable of generating widespread catastrophe were not well known by the general public and had barely registered within the wider scientific community. As a university based lecturer who specialises in natural disasters, I always started my public talks or student lectures with an attempt at a detailed description of what a tsunami is. With little high quality visual and media imagery to use, this was not easy. The Australian geologist Ted Bryant was right when he named his 2001 book Tsunami: The Underrated Hazard. That changed on 26 December 2004 when the third largest earthquake ever recorded occurred northwest of Sumatra, Indonesia, triggering the most catastrophic tsunami ever experienced. The 2004 IOT claimed at least 220,000 lives—probably more—injured tens of thousands, destroyed widespread coastal infrastructure and left millions homeless. Beyond the catastrophic impacts, this tsunami was conspicuous because, for the first time, such a devastating tsunami was widely captured on video and other forms of moving and still imagery. This occurred for two reasons. Firstly, the tsunami took place during daylight hours in good weather conditions—factors conducive to capturing high quality visual images. Secondly, many people—both local residents and westerners who were on beachside holidays and at the coast at multiple locations impacted by the tsunami—were able to capture images of the tsunami on their cameras, videos, and smart phones. The extensive media coverage—including horrifying television, video, and still imagery that raced around the globe in the hours and days after the tsunami, filling our television screens, homes, and lives regardless of where we lived—had a dramatic effect. This single event drove a quantum shift in the wider cultural awareness of this type of catastrophe and acted as a catalyst for improved individual and societal understanding of the nature and effects of disaster landscapes. Since this event, there have been several notable tsunamis, including the March 2011 Japan catastrophe. Once again, this event occurred during daylight hours and was widely captured by multiple forms of media. These events have resulted in a cascade of media coverage across television, radio, movie, and documentary channels, in the print media, online, and in the popular press and on social media—very little of which was available prior to 2004. Much of this has been documentary and informative in style, but there have also been numerous television dramas and movies. For example, an episode of the popular American television series CSI Miami entitled Crime Wave (Season 3, Episode 7) featured a tsunami, triggered by a volcanic eruption in the Atlantic and impacting Miami, as the backdrop to a standard crime-filled episode ("CSI," IMDb; Wikipedia). In 2010, Warner Bros Studios released the supernatural drama fantasy film Hereafter directed by Clint Eastwood. In the movie, a television journalist survives a near-death experience during the 2004 IOT in what might be the most dramatic, and probably accurate, cinematic portrayal of a tsunami ("Hereafter," IMDb; Wikipedia). Thus, these creative and entertaining forms of media, influenced by the catastrophic nature of tsunamis, are impetuses for creativity that also contribute to a transformation of cultural knowledge of catastrophe. The transformative potential of creative media, together with national and intergovernmental disaster risk reduction activity such as community education, awareness campaigns, community evacuation planning and drills, may be indirectly inferred from rapid and positive community behavioural responses. By this I mean many people in coastal communities who experience strong earthquakes are starting a process of self-evacuation, even if regional tsunami warning centres have not issued an alert or warning. For example, when people in coastal locations in Samoa felt a large earthquake on 29 September 2009, many self-evacuated to higher ground or sought information and instruction from relevant authorities because they expected a tsunami to occur. When interviewed, survivors stated that the memory of television and media coverage of the 2004 IOT acted as a catalyst for their affirmative behavioural response (Dominey-Howes and Thaman 1). Thus, individual and community cultural understandings of the nature and effects of tsunami catastrophes are incredibly important for shaping resilience and reducing vulnerability. However, this cultural shift is not playing out evenly.Are Australia and Its People at Risk from Tsunamis?Prior to the 2004 IOT, there was little discussion about, research in to, or awareness about tsunamis and Australia. Ted Bryant from the University of Wollongong had controversially proposed that Australia had been affected by tsunamis much bigger than the 2004 IOT six to eight times during the last 10,000 years and that it was only a matter of when, not if, such an event repeated itself (Bryant, "Second Edition"). Whilst his claims had received some media attention, his ideas did not achieve widespread scientific, cultural, or community acceptance. Not-with-standing this, Australia has been affected by more than 60 small tsunamis since European colonisation (Dominey-Howes 239). Indeed, the 2004 IOT and 2006 Java tsunami caused significant flooding of parts of the Northern Territory and Western Australia (Prendergast and Brown 69). However, the affected areas were sparsely populated and experienced very little in the way of damage or loss. Thus they did not cross any sort of critical threshold of “catastrophe” and failed to achieve meaningful community consciousness—they were not agents of cultural transformation.Regardless of the risk faced by Australia’s coastline, Australians travel to, and holiday in, places that experience tsunamis. In fact, 26 Australians were killed during the 2004 IOT (DFAT) and five were killed by the September 2009 South Pacific tsunami (Caldwell et al. 26). What Role Do the Media Play in Preparing for and Responding to Catastrophe?Regardless of the type of hazard/disaster/catastrophe, the key functions the media play include (but are not limited to): pre-event community education, awareness raising, and planning and preparations; during-event preparation and action, including status updates, evacuation warnings and notices, and recommendations for affirmative behaviours; and post-event responses and recovery actions to follow, including where to gain aid and support. Further, the media also play a role in providing a forum for debate and post-event analysis and reflection, as a mechanism to hold decision makers to account. From time to time, the media also provide a platform for examining who, if anyone, might be to blame for losses sustained during catastrophes and can act as a powerful conduit for driving socio-cultural, behavioural, and policy change. Many of these functions are elegantly described and a series of best practices outlined by The Caribbean Disaster Emergency Management Agency in a tsunami specific publication freely available online (CDEMA 1). What Has Been the Media Coverage in Australia about Tsunamis and Their Effects on Australians?A manifest contents analysis of media material covering tsunamis over the last decade using the framework of Cox et al. reveals that coverage falls into distinctive and repetitive forms or themes. After tsunamis, I have collected articles (more than 130 to date) published in key Australian national broadsheets (e.g., The Australian and Sydney Morning Herald) and tabloid (e.g., The Telegraph) newspapers and have watched on television and monitored on social media, such as YouTube and Facebook, the types of coverage given to tsunamis either affecting Australia, or Australians domestically and overseas. In all cases, I continued to monitor and collect these stories and accounts for a fixed period of four weeks after each event, commencing on the day of the tsunami. The themes raised in the coverage include: the nature of the event. For example, where, when, why did it occur, how big was it, and what were the effects; what emergency response and recovery actions are being undertaken by the emergency services and how these are being provided; exploration of how the event was made worse or better by poor/good planning and prior knowledge, action or inaction, confusion and misunderstanding; the attribution of blame and responsibility; the good news story—often the discovery and rescue of an “iconic victim/survivor”—usually a child days to weeks later; and follow-up reporting weeks to months later and on anniversaries. This coverage generally focuses on how things are improving and is often juxtaposed with the ongoing suffering of victims. I select the word “victims” purposefully for the media frequently prefer this over the more affirmative “survivor.”The media seldom carry reports of “behind the scenes” disaster preparatory work such as community education programs, the development and installation of warning and monitoring systems, and ongoing training and policy work by response agencies and governments since such stories tend to be less glamorous in terms of the disaster gore factor and less newsworthy (Cox et al. 469; Miles and Morse 365; Ploughman 308).With regard to Australians specifically, the manifest contents analysis reveals that coverage can be described as follows. First, it focuses on those Australians killed and injured. Such coverage provides elements of a biography of the victims, telling their stories, personalising these individuals so we build empathy for their suffering and the suffering of their families. The Australian victims are not unknown strangers—they are named and pictures of their smiling faces are printed or broadcast. Second, the media describe and catalogue the loss and ongoing suffering of the victims (survivors). Third, the media use phrases to describe Australians such as “innocent victims in the wrong place at the wrong time.” This narrative establishes the sense that these “innocents” have been somehow wronged and transgressed and that suffering should not be experienced by them. The fourth theme addresses the difficulties Australians have in accessing Consular support and in acquiring replacement passports in order to return home. It usually goes on to describe how they have difficulty in gaining access to accommodation, clothing, food, and water and any necessary medicines and the challenges associated with booking travel home and the complexities of communicating with family and friends. The last theme focuses on how Australians were often (usually?) not given relevant safety information by “responsible people” or “those in the know” in the place where they were at the time of the tsunami. This establishes a sense that Australians were left out and not considered by the relevant authorities. This narrative pays little attention to the wide scale impact upon and suffering of resident local populations who lack the capacity to escape the landscape of catastrophe.How Does Australian Media Coverage of (Tsunami) Catastrophe Compare with Elsewhere?A review of the available literature suggests media coverage of catastrophes involving domestic citizens is similar globally. For example, Olofsson (557) in an analysis of newspaper articles in Sweden about the 2004 IOT showed that the tsunami was framed as a Swedish disaster heavily focused on Sweden, Swedish victims, and Thailand, and that there was a division between “us” (Swedes) and “them” (others or non-Swedes). Olofsson (557) described two types of “us” and “them.” At the international level Sweden, i.e. “us,” was glorified and contrasted with “inferior” countries such as Thailand, “them.” Olofsson (557) concluded that mediated frames of catastrophe are influenced by stereotypes and nationalistic values.Such nationalistic approaches preface one type of suffering in catastrophe over others and delegitimises the experiences of some survivors. Thus, catastrophes are not evenly experienced. Importantly, Olofsson although not explicitly using the term, explains that the underlying reason for this construction of “them” and “us” is a form of imperialism and colonialism. Sharp refers to “historically rooted power hierarchies between countries and regions of the world” (304)—this is especially so of western news media reporting on catastrophes within and affecting “other” (non-western) countries. Sharp goes much further in relation to western representations and imaginations of the “war on terror” (arguably a global catastrophe) by explicitly noting the near universal western-centric dominance of this representation and the construction of the “west” as good and all “non-west” as not (299). Like it or not, the western media, including elements of the mainstream Australian media, adhere to this imperialistic representation. Studies of tsunami and other catastrophes drawing upon different types of media (still images, video, film, camera, and social media such as Facebook, Twitter, and the like) and from different national settings have explored the multiple functions of media. These functions include: providing information, questioning the authorities, and offering a chance for transformative learning. Further, they alleviate pain and suffering, providing new virtual communities of shared experience and hearing that facilitate resilience and recovery from catastrophe. Lastly, they contribute to a cultural transformation of catastrophe—both positive and negative (Hjorth and Kyoung-hwa "The Mourning"; "Good Grief"; McCargo and Hyon-Suk 236; Brown and Minty 9; Lau et al. 675; Morgan and de Goyet 33; Piotrowski and Armstrong 341; Sood et al. 27).Has Extensive Media Coverage Resulted in an Improved Awareness of the Catastrophic Potential of Tsunami for Australians?In playing devil’s advocate, my simple response is NO! This because I have been interviewing Australians about their perceptions and knowledge of tsunamis as a catastrophe, after events have occurred. These events have triggered alerts and warnings by the Australian Tsunami Warning System (ATWS) for selected coastal regions of Australia. Consequently, I have visited coastal suburbs and interviewed people about tsunamis generally and those events specifically. Formal interviews (surveys) and informal conversations have revolved around what people perceived about the hazard, the likely consequences, what they knew about the warning, where they got their information from, how they behaved and why, and so forth. I have undertaken this work after the 2007 Solomon Islands, 2009 New Zealand, 2009 South Pacific, the February 2010 Chile, and March 2011 Japan tsunamis. I have now spoken to more than 800 people. Detailed research results will be presented elsewhere, but of relevance here, I have discovered that, to begin with, Australians have a reasonable and shared cultural knowledge of the potential catastrophic effects that tsunamis can have. They use terms such as “devastating; death; damage; loss; frightening; economic impact; societal loss; horrific; overwhelming and catastrophic.” Secondly, when I ask Australians about their sources of information about tsunamis, they describe the television (80%); Internet (85%); radio (25%); newspaper (35%); and social media including YouTube (65%). This tells me that the media are critical to underpinning knowledge of catastrophe and are a powerful transformative medium for the acquisition of knowledge. Thirdly, when asked about where people get information about live warning messages and alerts, Australians stated the “television (95%); Internet (70%); family and friends (65%).” Fourthly and significantly, when individuals were asked what they thought being caught in a tsunami would be like, responses included “fun (50%); awesome (75%); like in a movie (40%).” Fifthly, when people were asked about what they would do (i.e., their “stated behaviour”) during a real tsunami arriving at the coast, responses included “go down to the beach to swim/surf the tsunami (40%); go to the sea to watch (85%); video the tsunami and sell to the news media people (40%).”An independent and powerful representation of the disjunct between Australians’ knowledge of the catastrophic potential of tsunamis and their “negative” behavioral response can be found in viewing live television news coverage broadcast from Sydney beaches on the morning of Sunday 28 February 2010. The Chilean tsunami had taken more than 14 hours to travel from Chile to the eastern seaboard of Australia and the ATWS had issued an accurate warning and had correctly forecast the arrival time of the tsunami (approximately 08.30 am). The television and radio media had dutifully broadcast the warning issued by the State Emergency Services. The message was simple: “Stay out of the water, evacuate the beaches and move to higher ground.” As the tsunami arrived, those news broadcasts showed volunteer State Emergency Service personnel and Surf Life Saving Australia lifeguards “begging” with literally hundreds (probably thousands up and down the eastern seaboard of Australia) of members of the public to stop swimming in the incoming tsunami and to evacuate the beaches. On that occasion, Australians were lucky and the tsunami was inconsequential. What do these responses mean? Clearly Australians recognise and can describe the consequences of a tsunami. However, they are not associating the catastrophic nature of tsunami with their own lives or experience. They are avoiding or disallowing the reality; they normalise and dramaticise the event. Thus in Australia, to date, a cultural transformation about the catastrophic nature of tsunami has not occurred for reasons that are not entirely clear but are the subject of ongoing study.The Emergence of Tsunami as a “New Australian Catastrophe”?As a natural disaster expert with nearly two decades experience, in my mind tsunami has emerged as a “new Australian catastrophe.” I believe this has occurred for a number of reasons. Firstly, the 2004 IOT was devastating and did impact northwestern Australia, raising the flag on this hitherto, unknown threat. Australia is now known to be vulnerable to the tsunami catastrophe. The media have played a critical role here. Secondly, in the 2004 IOT and other tsunamis since, Australians have died and their deaths have been widely reported in the Australian media. Thirdly, the emergence of various forms of social media has facilitated an explosion in information and material that can be consumed, digested, reimagined, and normalised by Australians hungry for the gore of catastrophe—it feeds our desire for catastrophic death and destruction. Fourthly, catastrophe has been creatively imagined and retold for a story-hungry viewing public. Whether through regular television shows easily consumed from a comfy chair at home, or whilst eating popcorn at a cinema, tsunami catastrophe is being fed to us in a way that reaffirms its naturalness. Juxtaposed against this idea though is that, despite all the graphic imagery of tsunami catastrophe, especially images of dead children in other countries, Australian media do not and culturally cannot, display images of dead Australian children. Such images are widely considered too gruesome but are well known to drive changes in cultural behaviour because of the iconic significance of the child within our society. As such, a cultural shift has not yet occurred and so the potential of catastrophe remains waiting to strike. Fifthly and significantly, given the fact that large numbers of Australians have not died during recent tsunamis means that again, the catastrophic potential of tsunamis is not yet realised and has not resulted in cultural changes to more affirmative behaviour. Lastly, Australians are probably more aware of “regular or common” catastrophes such as floods and bush fires that are normal to the Australian climate system and which are endlessly experienced individually and culturally and covered by the media in all forms. The Australian summer of 2012–13 has again been dominated by floods and fires. If this idea is accepted, the media construct a uniquely Australian imaginary of catastrophe and cultural discourse of disaster. The familiarity with these common climate catastrophes makes us “culturally blind” to the catastrophe that is tsunami.The consequences of a major tsunami affecting Australia some point in the future are likely to be of a scale not yet comprehensible. References Australian Broadcasting Corporation (ABC). "ABC Net Splash." 20 Mar. 2013 ‹http://splash.abc.net.au/media?id=31077›. Brown, Philip, and Jessica Minty. “Media Coverage and Charitable Giving after the 2004 Tsunami.” Southern Economic Journal 75 (2008): 9–25. Bryant, Edward. Tsunami: The Underrated Hazard. First Edition, Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2001. ———. Tsunami: The Underrated Hazard. Second Edition, Sydney: Springer-Praxis, 2008. 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