Tesis sobre el tema "Arte e Fascismo"

Dissertação apresentada para cumprimento dos requisitos necessários à obtenção do grau de Mestre em História Contemporânea
Pretende-se, com este estudo, perceber as motivações essenciais que levaram, em 1946, à fundação do Teatro Estúdio do Salitre, projeto que, durante quatro anos, levou à cena um número significativo de peças de teatro de autores nacionais e estrangeiros, no Micro Teatro, do Instituto Italiano de Cultura de Lisboa, situado na Rua do Salitre, muito perto do Largo do Rato. Pretende-se também analisar as razões que levaram três homens de teatro, Gino Saviotti, Vasco de Mendonça Alves e Luís Francisco Rebelo a associar-se, considerando que, à distância de mais de sessenta anos, essa associação se afigura no mínimo improvável, dadas as suas claras diferenças, tanto ideológicas, como culturais. Um objectivo parece no entanto aproximá-los, o de conseguir um teatro abrangendo um público tão vasto quanto possível, embora com intuitos aparentemente bem diferenciados: Rebelo, querendo oferecer a esse público um teatro de elevado nível intelectual e cénico, experimentando ... diversos recursos contemporâneos da linguagem teatral no sentido de uma crítica iluminada, quer pela obsessão existencial da morte, quer pelo seu progressismo social...1; Saviotti, dando preferência ao lado espetacular, sem dar grande importância ao texto e ao seu conteúdo, defensor de um teatro próximo do teatro de boulevard, um teatro para o povo; Mendonça Alves, desejando, acima de tudo, divertir a audiência, optando pela ligeireza dos textos, escrevendo dramas de moral burguesa e comédias de grande público. Verificar-se-á, concomitantemente, a coerência entre os propósitos iniciais - defendidos em vários documentos, que serão estudados, em particular o Manifesto do Essencialismo Teatral e o Paradoxo sobre o Teatro - e a prática teatral, durante os anos em que o Salitre existiu. Far-se-á, por último, um breve historial das obras apresentadas, dos seus autores e encenadores, bem como dos atores mais conhecidos.

Pendant soixante-dix ans, de 1945 à 2015, les artistes italiens ont, à travers leurs œuvres, mené un travail de mémoire. Entre une génération née avant le Fascisme, une alors qu'il est à l'apogée de sa puissance impérialiste, une autre après la guerre et enfin une génération de jeunes artistes nés trente ans après la fin du conflit, les mémoires singulières et collectives se bousculent. L'objectif de cette recherche est de reconstruire l'histoire de ces témoignages sur un passé vécu ou pas, et de donner les outils pour comprendre les conditions de leur genèse. Parler de la mémoire à travers des œuvres d'art est une expression intime, singulière, mais également un acte éminemment politique. Les manipulations de la mémoire du Fascisme influencent-elles tout au long de la période la création sur le sujet ? Quelles postures les artistes adoptent-ils face aux problématiques soulevées par une redéfinition du danger fasciste alors que la dictature est officiellement terminée ? Quelles formes plastiques sont données à ces remémorations et réactualisations ?
Over a period spanning 70 years, 1945 through 2015, ltalian artists carried out a "memory" endeavour for those generations that were bom before the fascist era, during the period of its highest imperialistic aims, during the aftermath of the war, and even for the generation of those artists bom 30 years after the end of the war. As a result, a multitude of individual and collective memories had emerged. This work aims to reconstruct and track the history of these memories (whether or not actually experienced by the artist), and to provide the tools to understand the genesis ofthese memories. Analysing "memory" through art pieces is an intimate, singular, and political act. To what extent fascist memory manipulations affect artistic creations? How do the artists react and position themselves, once confronted with the problems of re-defining "Fascism", after the dictatorship fell? Which new "plastic forms" emerge from these new adaptations of individual and collective memories?
Durante settant'anni, dal 1945 al 2015, gli artisti italiani, attraverso le loro opere, hanno svolto un lavoro di memoria. Fra una generazione nata prima del Fascismo, una nata quando questo è al culmine della sua potenza imperialista, un'altra nata dopo la guerra e infine una generazione di giovani artisti nati trent'anni dopo la fine del conflitto, le memorie individuali e collettive si affollano. L'obiettivo di questa ricerca è di ricostruire la storia di queste testimonianze su un passato, vissuto o no, e di fomire gli strumenti per capire le condizioni della loro genesi. Parlare della memoria attraverso le opere d'arte è un'espressione intima, singolare, ma allo stesso tempo un atto eminentemente politico. Nel periodo preso in esame, le manipolazioni della memoria del Fascismo influenzano la creazione su questo tema? Quai è la posizione degli artisti di fronte alle problematiche nate da una ridefinizione del pericolo fascista, sebbene la dittatura sia ufficialmente caduta? Quali forme plastiche son date a queste rimemorazioni e riattualizzazioni?

This study explores the relationship between fascism, fascist ideas, and environmental consciousness in Britain during the pre- and post-World War II decades. In examining this topic, two main questions arise. First, why did fascist intellectuals support environmentally conscious ideas, and how did they relate these positions to their political ideologies? Second, why were many environmentally conscious thinkers during this period attracted to fascism? This thesis will also address several related issues regarding fascism and environmental consciousness. These issues include what role environmental concerns played in the British Union of Fascist’s platforms and in fascism’s public appeal, and how that role changed as the party’s needs and goals changed. This project also addresses how former members of the BUF drew attention to environmental issues after World War II, and how such ideas related to broader environmental discussions taking place in Britain at the time.

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O presente trabalho tem como foco a análise da resistência artística antifascista italiana, que ganhou forma através do filme Ossessione, do cineasta Luchino Visconti. Essa resistência se reuniu durante o fim da década de 1930 e início de 1940 ao redor da revista de crítica cinematográfica Cinema, período do nosso recorte temporal. O período compreendido por esse recorte foi assim estipulado por dois motivos. Primeiramente porque foi uma época em que o regime fascista italiano esteve envolvido em guerras imperialistas, como a guerra da Etiópia, e na Segunda Guerra Mundial. Por esse motivo o regime buscou ter maior controle sobre a imprensa e a arte, usando-os intensamente como forma de propaganda para a manipulação da opinião pública em prol da mobilização para a guerra. O segundo motivo diz respeito à construção de um ambiente de relativa liberdade de expressão ao redor da revista Cinema, dirigida por Vittorio Mussolini, filho do ditador italiano. Essa revista tinha em sua equipe editorial nomes como Gianni Puccini, Giuseppe De Santis, Mario Alicata, Antonio Pietrangeli e Luchino Visconti. Após anos escrevendo ásperas críticas a respeito do tipo de cinema que se produzia nesse período na Itália, esse grupo foi responsável pela produção do filme Ossessione, obra considerada nesse trabalho como a bandeira desse grupo de jovens cineastas, fruto do amadurecimento de um antifascismo artístico. Essa dissertação tem o objetivo de analisar como funcionava a censura do regime fascista italiano, como era o discurso da propaganda fascista nas mídias, e de que forma o grupo responsável pela produção de Ossessione conseguiu utilizar os meios disponíveis para fazer resistência artística ao fascismo, a partir da denúncia da pobreza, da desesperança e da falta de opções em uma sociedade controlada por um regime autoritário fascista.

Abstract This thesis is proposed as a work of translation, as an attempt to transmit a context that involves bodies, enmeshing genealogical narratives with geopolitics. We have investigated the body in action in the northeast of Italy. This is the context we come from but we view it from an uprooted position, as since 2004 we have been living in southwest Europe (València). We have catalogued and analyzed forms of legitimized artistic expression, including classical ballet, modern jazz dance, Italian futurism's proposals (close to performance), or representations of human anatomy, as well as more popular forms of expression adopted by subordinated women in the course of their everyday working lives during the Cold War, the Fascist era, and the Republic of Venice, all experiences that have been generative of our culture of reference. The contemporary consumerist, capitalist project has aspired to homogenize constructions of contemporary European identity. But subordinated bodies and their cultural legacy are able to resist and transmit genealogies, a heritage of subjugated or assimilated histories that have generated practices such as song or crochet (the poor relations of canonic forms). The latter constitute our methodology; they allow us to unravel the cultural fabric that is presented to us as fact, and to simultaneously re-weave each element, giving it a different order and meaning. An order and meaning that might escape the structure imposed by the ideological and economic perspectives of the dominant frame of reference, proposing a genealogical point of you. For this reason, the chronology of this thesis runs in reverse, ending with the study of the Serenissima (the Most Serene Republic of Venice), an example of proto-capitalist organization that returns us to the present. The diasporas from the global South and East urge us to take responsibility for decolonial processes - a responsibility that the West must assume. The colonial narratives (which bisect our genealogy) demonstrate how the subordinate cultures of our own context and families - in their emancipation towards the dominant- have whitened up, this to say, embraced the nationalist-imperialist project that today merges with capitalism. The process of 'becoming minority,' aspiring to a loss of power, makes it possible to analyze and approach the truth of bodies in action, and to make dominant positions break their innate silence. We consider this a necessary effort, aimed at sharing a daily life that is "otherly communitary": more egalitarian, balanced and peaceful.
Resumen Esta tesis se propone como un trabajo de traducción, como la tentativa de transmitir un contexto que involucra los cuerpos, entrelazando los relatos genealógicos con los geopolíticos. Investigamos el cuerpo en acción en el noreste italiano, nuestro contexto de origen, desde una perspectiva desarraigada, ya que a partir de 2004 estamos afincadas en el suroeste europeo (en València). Recogemos y analizamos algunas expresiones artísticas legitimadas, como el ballet clásico, la danza modern jazz, las propuestas futuristas próximas a la performance, o la anatomía artística, así como aquellas populares de mujeres subalternas realizadas durante el trabajo, en sus vidas y tiempos cotidianos que a lo largo de la Guerra Fría, el Fascismo y la República de Venecia han creado nuestra cultura de referencia. Pese a la construcción de la identidad contemporánea europea, que aspira homologar las diferencias hacia el proyecto capitalista y el consumo del presente, el legado de los cuerpos subalternos es capaz de resistir y transmitir genealogías, herencias de historias sometidas o asimiladas, pero generadoras de prácticas próximas a las artísticas como el canto o el ganchillo. Este último de hecho, será nuestra metodología en cuanto nos permite desmontar tramas que se nos presentan hechas y re-tejer, con una cierta simultaneidad, cada cosa con un orden y un sentido diferente, no estructurado por las perspectivas ideológicas y económicas, propias del contexto de referencia, sino genealógicas. Por esto la cronología de esta tesis es contraria a las series temporales al uso y termina con el estudio de la Serenissima (la República de Venecia) un ejemplo de organización proto-capitalista que nos devuelve al día de hoy. Las diásporas de los sures y estes globales nos ayudan a responsabilizarnos del proceso de-colonial que occidente necesita emprender. Los relatos coloniales que atraviesan también las culturas subalternas de nuestro contexto y nuestras familias demuestran cómo, en su emancipación hacia lo dominante, han elegido blanquearse. Es decir, adherirse al proyecto nacional imperialista que es hoy, también, capitalista. Encaminarse por lo tanto en procesos de "devenir minoritarios" que aspiran perder poder, permite realizar un análisis que intente acercarse a la verdad de los cuerpos en acción, poniendo voz a los silencios que conservan sus posiciones dominantes. Consideramos estos esfuerzos necesarios y dirigidos a compartir un cotidiano "otramente comunitario" más igualitario, equilibrado y pacífico.
Resum Esta tesi es proposa com un treball de traducció, com a temptativa de transmetre un context que involucra els cossos, entrellaçant els relats genealògics amb els geopolítics. Investiguem el cos en acció al nord-est italià -el nostre context d'origen- des d'una perspectiva desarrelada: ja que a partir de 2004 estem establides en el sud-oest europeu (València). Recollim i analitzem algunes expressions artístiques legitimades -com el ballet clàssic, la dansa modern jazz, les propostes futuristes pròximes a la performance, o l'anatomia artística- així com aquelles expressions populars de dones subalternes realitzades al treball, a la vida i temps quotidià. Expressions que al llarg de la Guerra Freda, el Feixisme i la República de Venècia han creat la nostra cultura de referència. A pesar de la construcció de la identitat contemporània europea -que aspira homologar les diferències cap al projecte capitalista i el consum del present- el llegat dels cossos subalterns és capaç de resistir i transmetre genealogies -herències d'històries sotmeses o assimilades- generadores de pràctiques pròximes a les artístiques: com el cant o "el ganxillo". Aquest últim de fet serà la nostra metodologia ja que ens permet desmuntar trames que se'ns presenten fetes i reteixir -amb una certa simultaneïtat- cada cosa amb un orde i un sentit diferent, no estructurat per les perspectives ideològiques i econòmiques pròpies del context de referència, sinó fer-ho a aprtir de referències genealògiques. Per açò la cronologia d'esta tesi és contrària a les sèries temporals més comunes i acaba amb l'estudi de la Serenissima (la República de Venècia) un exemple d'organització proto-capitalista que ens fa tornar a l'actualitat. Les diàspores del sud i est global ens ajuden a responsabilitzar-nos del procés de-colonial que occident necessita emprendre. Els relats colonials que travessen també les cultures subalternes del nostre context i les nostres famílies demostren com han triat blanquejar-seen la seua emancipació cap al dominant. És a dir, adherir-se al projecte nacional imperialista que és hui -també- capitalista. Encaminar-se per tant en processos "d'esdevindre minoritaris" -que aspiren a perdre poder- permet realitzar una anàlisi que intente acostar-se a la veritat dels cossos en acció, posant veu als silencis que conserven les seues posicions dominants. Considerem aquestos esforços necessaris i dirigits a compartir un quotidià "altrament comunitari" més igualitari, equilibrat i pacífic.
Schiavon, C. (2017). Análisis del contexto cultural del noreste italiano en tres épocas distintas: la Guerra Fría, el Fascismo y la República de Venecia según las Genealogías de diferentes cuerpos en acción: bailarinas, feministas, performers futuristas, balie, mondine e impiraresse [Tesis doctoral no publicada]. Universitat Politècnica de València. https://doi.org/10.4995/Thesis/10251/90529
TESIS

La tesi analizza le finalità che la fotografia sportiva ha avuto in Italia. Il primo capitolo serve ad individuare quali siano stati gli sviluppi a livello internazionale delle tecniche ed espressioni che hanno contribuito al nascere di questa disciplina. La seconda parte, invece, tende a dimostrare come, in Italia, la fotografia di sport sia stata utilizzata, in epoca fascista, a fini propagandistici e dal secondo dopoguerra in poi, a seguito del boom fotogiornalistico, come sostegno visivo alle cronache di avvenimenti sportivi e come veicolo pubblicitario.

This work collects and analyzes a large corpus of Italian sources, both visual and literary, having as subject the black populations of colonial Africa. The research investigates specifically the sources of the fascist period (1922-1943). It examines various kinds of images, such as works of art, graphic works in illustrated magazines, commercial art and illustrations for children, as well as many articles taken by old Italian magazines and newspapers. The work wants to frame the various sources critically and to outline the evolution of some stereotypes related to the black colonial population and produced by an Eurocentric point of view. The first chapter presents the methodology which has been used to set the work; the second one, instead, is divided into two sections: the one contextualizes the European art with exotic subject and, specifically, the Orientalism trend and some of its Italian members; the other is devoted to the presentation of the artistic debate related to the Italian colonial artworks of the fascist period. The third chapter, which is the core of the work, is divided into various sections, which analyze the different male and female stereotypes emerged from the observation of images and texts. The study takes account of some historical situations, such as the Italo-Ethiopian wars of the late nineteenth century and of the 1935-36 biennium, which contributed to the spread of many clichés and iconographies about the black populations. The research also offers information about many of the Italian artists mentioned: these notes are useful for the comprehension of the fascist colonial art, of its exhibitions and its protagonists. The last part of the work presents the bibliography, a selection of the artistic and ethnographic articles found during the researches and used in the work, and the catalogue of the illustrations, which consists in a selection of over eight hundred images.
Il presente lavoro è dedicato alla raccolta e all'€™analisi di un nutrito corpus di fonti visive e letterarie italiane, aventi come soggetto le popolazioni nere dell'€™Africa durante il periodo coloniale; l'arco cronologico indagato è, nello specifico, quello del Ventennio fascista (1922-1943). La ricerca prende in esame svariate tipologie di veicoli delle immagini, quali opere d'arte, riviste illustrate e grafica per l'infanzia, nonché numerosi articoli d'epoca tratti da riviste e quotidiani. Lo scopo del lavoro è quello di indagare le diverse modalità  di rappresentazione dell'alterità nera, al fine di mettere in luce i pregiudizi e gli stereotipi generati dalla visione eurocentrica. Prima di passare alla disamina dei diversi clichés emersi dall'insieme delle immagini reperite, il lavoro propone un capitolo introduttivo, dedicato a presentare la metodologia con la quale è stata impostata la ricerca. Il secondo capitolo è suddiviso in due sezioni, l'una rivolta alla contestualizzazione dell'€™arte a soggetto esotico, della corrente ottocentesca dell'€™Orientalismo e di alcuni suoi esponenti italiani, l'altra riservata alla presentazione del dibattito in merito all'arte a soggetto coloniale nell'ambito della critica d'€™arte del Ventennio. Il terzo capitolo, suddiviso anch'€™esso in diverse sezioni, analizza gli stereotipi maschili e femminili emersi dall'osservazione delle immagini e dalla lettura dei testi d'epoca, tenendo conto di alcuni particolari frangenti storici, quali le guerre italo-etiopiche del tardo Ottocento e del biennio 1935-36, che hanno contribuito alla diffusione di determinati soggetti e iconografie. Il lavoro propone, oltre all'analisi delle immagini, notizie in merito a molti degli artisti citati, utili per comprendere l'arte coloniale del periodo fascista e le vicende dei suoi protagonisti. Concludono il lavoro l'apparato bibliografico, una parte dello spoglio degli articoli d'epoca rintracciati, divisi in fonti a tema artistico e fonti a soggetto etnografico, e il catalogo delle illustrazioni, consistente in una selezione di oltre ottocento elementi.

O objetivo desta pesquisa é a análise de cinco obras arquitetônica erguidas na cidade de São Paulo entre 1930 e 1945, anos que o Brasil foi governada por Getúlio Vargas. As obras escolhidas neste trabalho foram o Estádio do Pacaembu, a Biblioteca Municipal, o Túnel do Trianon, o Viaduto do Chá e a Ponte das Bandeiras, todas construídas pela Prefeitura Municipal de São Paulo, nas gestões de Fabio Prado e de Francisco Prestes Maia. Usando as teses de David Harvey e Robert O. Paxton, definimos o momento político e econômico em que os projetos foram construídos na cidade, levando em conta a relação entre o Estado brasileiro e a arquitetura em São Paulo.
The objective of this study is the analysis of five works of architecture constructed in the city of São Paulo between 1930 and 1945, years during which Brazil was governed by Getúlio Vargas. The works selected for this study were Pacaembu Stadium, the Municipal Library, the Trianon Tunnel, the Viaduto do Chá, and the Bandeiras Bridge, all constructed by the São Paulo municipal government during the mayorships of Fabio Prado and Francisco Prestes Maia. Using the theories of David Harvey and Robert O. Paxton, the study defines the political and economic moment in which the projects were constructed in the city, taking into consideration the relation between the Brazilian state and architecture in São Paulo.

Cette analyse de romans et de films italiens (et parfois allemands et français), apparus pour l’essentiel entre les années soixante et les années quatre-vingt, propose une nouvelle histoire du fascisme, non à travers le regard de l’historien, mais à travers celui des artistes qui ont représenté cette époque par les moyens de la fiction. En postulant une intelligence herméneutique propre à la fable (qui peut user, à la différence du discours scientifique, de l’imagination et du personnage), on a cherché à dévoiler un certain nombre d’aspects négligés de l’expérience du fascisme sous le Ventennio, expérience sensible qui appelle des moyens spécifiques : démesure épique, hantise d’un passé coupable, usages variés du thème de la décadence, monstruosité et sacrifice, dannunzianisme et pirandellisme vécus comme autant de possibilités existentielles, et non plus seulement artistiques. Cette thèse cumule donc plusieurs ambitions, puisqu’elle s’appuie sur une approche renouvelée des œuvres de fiction (et singulièrement des films de Luchino Visconti, Pier Paolo Pasolini et Bernardo Bertolucci, tout comme des romans de Curzio Malaparte, Giorgio Bassani et Elsa Morante), approche qui doit autant à Umberto Eco et Jacques Rancière qu’à René Girard et Milan Kundera, afin d’atteindre une compréhension inédite du fascisme et de l’histoire italienne
This thesis analyses Italian novels and films (and also a few German and French works) from the ‘60s to the ‘80s to offer a new history of fascism: it is new because it is not based on the historians’ point of view, but on the artists’ one, using the means of fiction to represent this period. Believing that fable has a hermeneutic intelligence of its own (because unlike the scientific discourse, fable can use imagination and characters), we have tried to unveil some overlooked aspects of life during the Ventennio: epic excess, a haunting and guilty past, variation on the theme of the decadence, monstrousness and sacrifice, dannunzianism and pirandellism (lived as existential possibilities, not just artistic ones). This thesis therefore combines several ambitions: it originates in a new approach of fictional works (especially films by Luchino Visconti, Pier Paolo Pasolini and Bernardo Bertolucci, and novels by Curzio Malaparte, Giorgio Bassani and Elsa Morante), which owes to Umberto Eco as well as to Jacques Rancière, René Girard or Milan Kundera. But it also aims at a new comprehension of fascism and Italian history

L'un des principaux objectifs de cette thèse est de remettre en question le pluralisme esthétique qui caractérise la situation des arts figuratifs pendant le régime fasciste italien (1922-1943) comme garant d'une autonomie de l'art. Plutôt que de réduire les œuvres et les artistes à de simples rouages de l'appareil de propagande, cette étude veut démontrer que la peinture en particulier, façonne et parfois anticipe même l'idéologie fasciste. La notion d'« italianité » ainsi que ses déclinaisons en « latinité », « romanité » etc. Se sont dégagées comme des notions opératoires du fait de leur récurrence dans les sources textuelles artistiques et politiques. Étudiés à la lumière des études post-coloniales, ces essentialismes permettent de reconstituer l'« horizon d'attente » des représentations analysées. Or, qu'il s'agisse des figures humaines du groupe Novecento érigées par Margherita Sarfatti en emblème d'un néo-classicisme de tradition romaine, du caractère synthétique des aéropaysages futuristes qui font l'apologie de l'Italie guerrière, ou encore des nus de l'École de Rome exaltés comme des archétypes italiques, on s'aperçoit que l’« italianité » sert systématiquement à légitimer une « civilisation » renouvelée par le fascisme, autoritaire, anticosmopolite et antidémocratique. Ces recherches ont finalement pour ambition d'étudier l'« italianité » comme le fondement idéologique d'une radicalisation du discours, et d'observer comment l'art contribue au fil du temps à légitimer la suprématie de la « race » italienne sur le plan spirituel autant que biologique
One of the main purposes of this thesis is to challenge the aesthetic pluralism characterising the situation of figurative arts during the Italian fascist regime (1922-1943) as a warranty of art autonomy. Rather than reducing the artworks and the artists to simple cogs of the propaganda machine, this study wishes to demonstrate that painting in particular, shapes and even anticipates the fascist ideology. The concept of "italianity" and its variants such as "latinity", "romanity" etc. Has emerged as operative notions because of their recurrence in political and artistic textual sources. Those essentialisms carefully observed in the light of post-colonial studies, allow to rebuild the "horizon of expectations" of chosen representations. Therefore, from the human figures of Novecento described by Margherita Sarfatti as the emblem of a neo-classicism of Roman tradition, to the synthetic dimension typical of the aerial futurist landscapes celebrating an Italy ready for war, or even the naked figures of the School of Rome exalting italic archetypes, "italianity" is systematically used to legitimate a "civilization" regenerated by fascism, authoritarian, anticosmopolitan and antidemocratic. This research attempts to study "italianity" as the ideological foundation of a radicalization and to observe how art contributes over time to legitimate the supremacy of Italian "race" in both spiritual and biological terms

Founded in 1918 following the carnage of World War One until the Nazi takeover of 1933, the Weimar Republic is widely renowned as a bastion of freedom and democracy that existed only briefly between the reigns of two authoritarian regimes. The Weimar period witnessed an unprecedented prosperity of art and culture, with tremendous advancements in the fields of literature, the visual arts, and film. However, the remnants of the old Empire persisted within the new Republic, and new fascist factions rose to prominence within German society. Artists that lived through the era, both liberal and conservative, observed and provided their opinions on this phenomenon that would culminate in the advent of Nazi Germany. The purpose of this paper is to examine works of art across genres and by different artists, establish a connection with the fascist trends in Weimar Germany, and understand the attitudes of each respective artist towards the decline of German society into illiberalism and barbarism. I argue that artists anticipated fascist political and cultural developments in the years prior to the Nazi seizure of power in 1933, and look at the various artists in the realms of literature, the visual arts, and film.

Gli anni Trenta in Russia, Germania e Italia furono teatro di importanti cambiamenti politici e conseguentemente artistici, un periodo in cui lo stile visivo della rappresentazione cambiò in modi significativi. Con la presa del potere da parte di leader quali Stalin, Hitler e Mussolini si instaurarono nei tre paesi regimi totalitari che assunsero l’arte in tutte le sue forme come mezzo propagandistico per le proprie ideologie e per il raggiungimento rapido delle masse. Nel campo della pittura e della scultura, ma anche nella fotografia, nel cinema e soprattutto nella produzione dei manifesti (strumenti di grande efficacia propagandistica) il corpo umano rivestì un ruolo fondamentale nella divulgazione dei modelli e delle virtù, nonché dei messaggi, totalitari. In modo particolare nel corpo raffigurato l’uomo della massa poté identificarsi e recepire con immediatezza quanto espresso a parole o divulgato in messaggi scritti. Inoltre, la raffigurazione dei corpi dei rispettivi leader permise la creazione di un mito e di un culto ad essi riferito e alimentato dal clima di terrore e violenza diffusi. Sebbene vi furono delle differenze in termini stilistici, i tre totalitarismi considerati raggiunsero i medesimi risultati attraverso la creazione di immagini che poterono servire come esempi di obiettivi da raggiungere tali da giustificare i sacrifici a cui venne sottoposta la popolazione: in nome di un futuro luminoso (nel caso sovietico), o in nome della grandiosità della razza (nel caso tedesco). Le immagini servirono dunque per l’educazione delle masse nonché per la forgiatura di quell’uomo nuovo, che avrebbe popolato il mondo nuovo sorto grazie agli sforzi richiesti dai partiti. Il mondo sovietico vide pertanto la nascita dal realismo socialista quale metodo da seguire per lo sviluppo e la produzione culturale, quello tedesco riprese le forme greche classiche quali esempi di armonia e di perfezione corporea tali da esemplificare la tipologia del perfetto ariano, mentre il fascismo italiano, nonostante la mancanza di un meccanismo culturale completo presente invece presso i regimi sovietico e tedesco, vide comunque la diffusione di un stile basato sulla tradizione italiana legata all'arte dell'antica Roma e ai maestri trecenteschi e quattrocenteschi, sottolineando le tematiche del lavoro, della disciplina e della cultura, in un legame con la vita e la tradizione quale elemento cardine per un rinnovamento sociale. Si cercherà quindi di sottolineare l’importanza della raffigurazione del corpo umano quale immagine-mezzo per veicolare di volta in volta i messaggi politici dominanti, nella costruzione di una realtà altra e di un modello a cui riferirsi, ponendo in confronto le modalità di utilizzo di questo mezzo da parte dei totalitarismi dei tre Paesi.

Cette thèse de doctorat ne vise pas tant à questionner la pertinence de la formule d'École romaine (Scuola Romana) appliquée à un groupe de peintres et de sculpteurs actifs à Rome dans l'entre-deux-guerres qu'à tenter de comprendre le succès de cette étiquette jusqu'à nos jours. Différentes méthodes sont utilisées pour aborder les écrits de critique d'art et les discours scientifiques, mais aussi les productions textuelles plus liées à la fiction et au témoignage. D'autre part, ce travail analyse les carrières singulières des artistes ainsi que le devenir des œuvres afin de replacer l'École romaine par rapport à une histoire du goût en Italie et au-delà. L'étude suit une progression chronologique. Elle porte d'abord sur la réception de l'École romaine du temps de son activité, entre 1918 et 1945, puis interroge la place des artistes du mouvement dans l'Italie de l'après-Seconde Guerre mondiale, dans un contexte marqué par les divisions politiques. Enfin, à partir des années 1980, l'on assiste à une tentative de revalorisation marchande de l'École romaine sans précédent. Il s'agit alors d'évaluer les résultats de cette action et de comprendre ce qui l'a rendue possible. Les questions de la modernité artistique ainsi que celles des liens de la scène artistique romaine avec le fascisme puis avec la mémoire du régime sont au cœur de cette recherche, constituant des approches neuves pour étudier un objet encore mal connu en France
This PhD thesis questions the label « Ecole romaine » (also known as Scuola romana) used to designate a group of painters and sculptors in Rome between 1918 and 1945. We aim to understand the reasons for the success of this expression until now. We use various methods in order to investigate the discourses of both art critics and scholars as well as more fictional texts, often written as testimonies. Furthermore, this work analyses the singular career of each artist and the reception of their works in order to consider the Ecole Romaine within a history of taste in Italy and abroad. Our study follows a chronological development. First, we analyse the reception of the School when active, between 1918 and 1945. Then, we examine the place of our artists in post-war Italy, in a context of great political divisions. Finally, we study how, in the early 1980s, various actors on the artistic scene tried to raise the value of the Ecole Romaine's works on the art market. What were the results of their attempt, and to what extent this renewal of interest had a lasting impact, especially in the museums field ? The questions of artistic modernity and of the relationship between the Ecole Romaine and the fascist regime are central in this research. These constitute new approaches to a theme which has remained relatively unknown outside of Italy

Basata sul reperimento di un’ampia mole di testi giornalistici (come cronache, interviste, elzeviri e articoli di “Terza”) dedicati alle pratiche coreiche e pubblicati in Italia nel corso del ventennio fascista, la tesi ricostruisce i lineamenti di quello che, seppure ancora embrionale e certo non specialistico, si può comunque ritenere una sorta di “pensiero italiano” sulla danza del Primo Novecento. A partire dalla ricognizione sistematica di numerose testate quotidiane e periodiche e, pertanto, dalla costruzione di un nutrito corpus di fonti primarie, si è proceduto all’analisi dei testi reperiti attraverso un approccio metodologico che, fondamentalmente storiografico, accoglie tuttavia alcuni rudimenti interpretativi elaborati in ambito semiotico (con particolare riferimento alle teorizzazioni di Jurij Lotman e Umberto Eco), il tutto al fine di cogliere, pur nell’estrema varietà formale e contenutistica offerta dal materiale documentario, alcune dinamiche culturali di fondo attraverso le quali disegnare, da un lato, il panorama delle tipologie di danza effettivamente praticate sulle scene italiane del Ventennio,e, dall’altro, quello dell’insieme di pensieri, opinioni e gusti orbitanti attorno ad esse Ne è scaturita una trattazione fondamentalmente tripartita in cui, dopo la messa in campo delle questioni metodologiche, si passa dapprima attraverso l’indagine dei tre principali generi di danza che, nella stampa del periodo fascista, si ritenevano caratteristici della scena coreica internazionale – qui definiti nei termini di “ballo teatrale”, “ballo russo” e “danze libere” – e, successivamente, si presenta un approfondimento su tre singolari figure di intellettuali che, ognuno con un’attitudine estremamente personale, hanno dedicato alla danza un’attenzione speciale: Anton Giulio Bragaglia, Paolo Fabbri e Marco Ramperti. Un’ampia antologia critica completa il lavoro ripercorrendone gli snodi principali.
The dissertation investigates the relationship between dance and press during the fascist period in order to reconstruct the narrative on dance dominating in Italy in the first half of the Twentieth Century and aims to think about the birth of dance criticism in Italy. Unlike what happens in the rest of Europe and in America, in fact, throughout the first half of the twentieth century, Italian press can’t boast the presence of an authentic dance criticism. Grounded on these assumptions, my inquiry focuses on a particular and controversial phase of Italian history such as the Fascist period, aiming, on the one hand , to reconstruct the discourses on dance elaborated by Italian journalism in the early twentieth century, and trying, on the other hand, to wonder about the cultural dynamic underlying the lack of a authentic dance criticism in Italy during the Fascism . Starting from the recognition of some formal and conceptual elements characterising the discourses on dance published on daily newspapers and periodicals, I propose a methodological approach that intertwines an historiographical perspective with concepts derived from semiotics of culture. By this I analyze the discourses mentioned above by posing the following questions: how can dance become one of the topics of journalistic discourse? What's the image of the dancing body developed in Italian journalism during the fascist period? What kind of cultural dynamics can generate the development of a critical discourse on dance? And, on the contrary, in which case is the emergence of a dance criticism inhibited? A special attention is dedicated to three intellectuals who wrote about dance during the fascist period adopting a particularly interesting insight: Anton Giulio Bragaglia, Paolo Fabbri and Marco Ramperti.

Basata sul reperimento di un’ampia mole di testi giornalistici (come cronache, interviste, elzeviri e articoli di “Terza”) dedicati alle pratiche coreiche e pubblicati in Italia nel corso del ventennio fascista, la tesi ricostruisce i lineamenti di quello che, seppure ancora embrionale e certo non specialistico, si può comunque ritenere una sorta di “pensiero italiano” sulla danza del Primo Novecento. A partire dalla ricognizione sistematica di numerose testate quotidiane e periodiche e, pertanto, dalla costruzione di un nutrito corpus di fonti primarie, si è proceduto all’analisi dei testi reperiti attraverso un approccio metodologico che, fondamentalmente storiografico, accoglie tuttavia alcuni rudimenti interpretativi elaborati in ambito semiotico (con particolare riferimento alle teorizzazioni di Jurij Lotman e Umberto Eco), il tutto al fine di cogliere, pur nell’estrema varietà formale e contenutistica offerta dal materiale documentario, alcune dinamiche culturali di fondo attraverso le quali disegnare, da un lato, il panorama delle tipologie di danza effettivamente praticate sulle scene italiane del Ventennio,e, dall’altro, quello dell’insieme di pensieri, opinioni e gusti orbitanti attorno ad esse Ne è scaturita una trattazione fondamentalmente tripartita in cui, dopo la messa in campo delle questioni metodologiche, si passa dapprima attraverso l’indagine dei tre principali generi di danza che, nella stampa del periodo fascista, si ritenevano caratteristici della scena coreica internazionale – qui definiti nei termini di “ballo teatrale”, “ballo russo” e “danze libere” – e, successivamente, si presenta un approfondimento su tre singolari figure di intellettuali che, ognuno con un’attitudine estremamente personale, hanno dedicato alla danza un’attenzione speciale: Anton Giulio Bragaglia, Paolo Fabbri e Marco Ramperti. Un’ampia antologia critica completa il lavoro ripercorrendone gli snodi principali.
The dissertation investigates the relationship between dance and press during the fascist period in order to reconstruct the narrative on dance dominating in Italy in the first half of the Twentieth Century and aims to think about the birth of dance criticism in Italy. Unlike what happens in the rest of Europe and in America, in fact, throughout the first half of the twentieth century, Italian press can’t boast the presence of an authentic dance criticism. Grounded on these assumptions, my inquiry focuses on a particular and controversial phase of Italian history such as the Fascist period, aiming, on the one hand , to reconstruct the discourses on dance elaborated by Italian journalism in the early twentieth century, and trying, on the other hand, to wonder about the cultural dynamic underlying the lack of a authentic dance criticism in Italy during the Fascism . Starting from the recognition of some formal and conceptual elements characterising the discourses on dance published on daily newspapers and periodicals, I propose a methodological approach that intertwines an historiographical perspective with concepts derived from semiotics of culture. By this I analyze the discourses mentioned above by posing the following questions: how can dance become one of the topics of journalistic discourse? What's the image of the dancing body developed in Italian journalism during the fascist period? What kind of cultural dynamics can generate the development of a critical discourse on dance? And, on the contrary, in which case is the emergence of a dance criticism inhibited? A special attention is dedicated to three intellectuals who wrote about dance during the fascist period adopting a particularly interesting insight: Anton Giulio Bragaglia, Paolo Fabbri and Marco Ramperti.

Everything about fascism is aesthetic: this is what our thesis aims to demonstrate, based on the example of interwar French Fascism (1919--1939). It studies both discourses, symbolic practices, and literary texts, in order to show the multiple aspects of fascism's aesthetic dimension. Two theories, discourse analysis and sociocriticism, have guided us and permitted us to explain the interaction between aesthetics and ideology.
Our thesis is divided in three parts, each one devoted to one of fascism's central themes: the leader, the youth, and the group. In our first chapter, we examine the charismatic leader's many faces, among which are the poet and the warrior. We then show that fascism's discourse on heroism makes of the epic hero an ideological model and that, in its turn, this ideological hero greatly influenced Pierre Drieu la Rochelle's representation of the hero. But, as we indicate, Drieu's novels reveal that the cult of the hero is both a glorification of the self and a self-hatred. In our second chapter we examine fascism's cult of youth such as it was in Italy and Germany, after which we have demonstrated that, in a way, French fascism was an extreme radicalization of the contemporary French discourse on youth. Then, we analyse one of Robert Brasillach's novels which brings to the fore the dark side of fascism's cult of youth: its death drive.
In our last chapter, we unearth the aesthetic principles underlying fascism's political spectacle, principles that we also find at the heart of Drieu's texts. We consequently state that Drieu has adopted fascism's aesthetic years before he realized he had fascist ideas. Going a little further yet, we stipulate that Drieu thus reveals that the aesthetic was one of the main roads towards fascism. We then establish, in our final conclusion, a synthetic description of fascist aesthetics: an aesthetics of pathos, exhibition, sublime, violence, and death.

L’esperienza coloniale italiana si esaurisce nell’arco di sessant’anni, tra la seconda metà dell’Ottocento e la prima del Novecento (1882-1943). Dopo una prima fase sotto il governo liberale, durante l’ultimo ventennio la politica imperialista dell’Italia è guidata dal governo fascista. Attraverso i potenti mezzi di propaganda del regime il discorso coloniale, già diffuso e capillare, investe ogni ambito del sapere, compresa la musica d’arte. Solo a partire dall’ultimo ventennio del secolo scorso gli studi sul colonialismo italiano, stimolati dai cultural studies, hanno conosciuto una rinascita. Campi disciplinari tradizionalmente assenti, quali le scienze sociali e le arti, partecipano al dibattito. Tuttavia, fino ad oggi, la musicologia si è mantenuta piuttosto estranea all’argomento, limitandosi quasi esclusivamente a rilevare gli effetti delle misure sanzioniste sulla programmazione musicale, sorvolando, al di là di singoli casi isolati, sulle ripercussioni del colonialismo in ambito creativo e nell’etnomusicologia. Nel presente lavoro, le relazioni tra la musica italiana e la politica coloniale fascista vengono indagate da quattro punti di vista: l’esportazione dell’identità culturale della madrepatria nelle colonie, l’atteggiamento colonizzatore nei confronti della cultura indigena, i riflessi sugli studi etnografici e l’attività di propaganda in favore dell’Impero. Le prime due prospettive sono esaminate prendendo come esempio il caso della Libia, la cosiddetta «quarta sponda» italiana, concepita quale “vetrina” del dominio coloniale in Africa. In Libia gli italiani costruiscono le principali istituzioni artistiche coloniali; la programmazione ricalca quella dei teatri della madrepatria offrendo inoltre spettacoli di colore locale per turisti ed indigeni. L’intensificazione degli scambi con le colonie consente un ravvicinato e prolungato contatto con le popolazioni dei domini africani; gli etnografi musicali italiani trovano nelle tradizioni indigene uno stimolo allo studio e alla conoscenza di culture extraeuropee finora sconosciuto. Le scelte di politica estera del fascismo si riflettono anche in ambito creativo: numerose sono le composizioni legate alla politica imperialista italiana, molte nate in occasione di concorsi promossi dal regime nella seconda metà degli anni Trenta. In opposizione ai tentativi di destoricizzazione o alle operazioni di “depurazione” per lungo tempo perseguiti, abbiamo dimostrato come la musica partecipa di un più ampio contesto culturale dal quale non può astrarsi e che, al contrario, ne segna il percorso. Attraverso il nostro lavoro intendiamo aprire l’indagine musicologica ai cultural studies sul colonialismo italiano, offrendo in tal modo un nuovo tassello alla lettura della complessa realtà della prima metà del Novecento musicale italiano.
The Italian colonial experience lasted just sixty years, spanning the years between the second half of 19th century and the first half of 20th century (1882-1943). During the final twenty years of this experience, Italian imperial politics was driven by the fascist regime. The colonial discourse, already diffuse, soon spread to all fields of knowledge through the regime’s powerful means of propaganda. Art music was also involved. Only in the final two decades of the twentieth century was Italian colonialism granted scholarly consideration, thanks to the development of cultural studies. Fields such as social science and arts, that were traditionally absent, joined the debate. Nevertheless, musicology has remained outside the discourse until now, limiting itself to the consideration of the effects of the Society of Nations’ sanctions on art music programming. The consequences in the creative fields have just been considered in few manifest cases; the impact of colonial politics on ethnomusicology have only been considered superficially until now. This thesis analyzes the relationship between Italian music and Italian fascist colonial politics from four points of view. It first looks at the exportation of the mother country’s cultural identity into the colonies; second, at the colonizer’s attitude towards African indigenous culture; third, at the influence on musical ethnography and finally, at the propaganda produced for the Empire. The first two perspectives are analyzed taking Libya as case-study. Libya was conceived as Italian dominated Africa’s “shop window”. In Libya, Italians built leading colonial theatres, whose programmes followed those in the motherland and offered performances of North African artists for both tourists and local. The increase of exchange between colonies allowed a closer and more extended contact with the indigenous of the African domains. Italian musical ethnographers received a, until now unknown and unrecognised, stimulus for study and knowledge from indigenous traditions. Fascist foreign political choices were mirrored in the creative sphere: with many scores connected with Italian imperial politics created for the occasion of the competitions promoted by the regime in the mid-Thirties. Opposing attempts to remove Italian music during fascism from its historical context, or operations of “purification” pursued for a long time, we demonstrate how music is part of a wider cultural context. We also prove that music cannot be left out of this context: on the contrary, it marks music’s way. Through our thesis we aim to open the field of musicology to cultural studies on Italian colonialism. In this way, we intend to offer a new contribution to the understanding of the complex situation of the Italian music in the first half of 20th century.

Durant la premiere moitie du xxe siecle, l'affrontement entre les regimes communistes et fascistes ne se limita pas aux plans ideologiques et militaires mais concerna aussi le milieu culturel. En effet l'urss de staline, l'allemagne d'hitler et l'italie de mussolini ont cree une esthetique commune malgre leur opposition politique. Ces etats totalitaires ont ainsi mis les arts au service de leur propagande. Si l'art est un agent actif de communication entre les hommes, c'est parce qu'il est egalement un moyen d'expression de l'ideologie. Des lors, de quelle maniere l'art participa-t-il a l'embrigadement des individus ? l'architecture offrait l'apparat et le luxe ; son gigantisme exprimait l'autorite suscitant a la fois crainte et admiration. Quant aux arts plastiques, ils deifierent le chef supreme et annoncerent la venue de l'homme nouveau. Les arts donnaient donc forme a l'utopie totalitaire qui avait pour finalite de changer la nature meme de l'homme : annihiler toute forme d'individualisme, imaginer l'homme comme le simple rouage d'une immense machine, celle de l'etat tout puissant. Au bout du compte il s'agissait de persuader le peuple de sa superiorite pour l'amener a accepter tous les sacrifices dans une union spirituelle avec l'etat et son chef. L'art n'etait non pas le reflet de la societe mais le reflet de l'idee que se faisait le pouvoir de son peuple
In the first part of the twentieth century, the antagonism between communism and facism was not limited only to ideological and military levels but was also present at cultural levels. Indeed mussolini's italy, hitler's germany and staline's ussr created a common aesthetic in spite of political opposition. Thus, these totalitarian states exploited art for the purpose of propaganda. If art is an active agent of communication between men, then art can also be the manner for ideological expression. How then did art change, orientate and modify an individual's perception of the world in general? architecture reflected pomp and luxury while its large scale works expressed authority crousing fear and admiration at the same time. As for support of the "plastic arts", they allowed, deification of the supreme chief and permitted the announcement of the new man. Art was giving rise form to the totalitarian utopia which existed to transform human nature. Art was not simply the society's reflection but the reflection of the idea the power made of its people. Its allowed the people to believe in spiritual union with the state and its chief

The vanitas genre in the twenty-year period of Italian Fascism The study began with an investigation of the cyclical flourish of the vanitas genre in contemporary times, addressing, more specifically, the twentieth century, without overlooking the legacy of late 1800s or excluding the influence of the 1900s on the first decade of the twenty-first century. After identifying certain crucial phases in the development of particularly relevant vanitas, the study focused on the twenty-year Fascist period. The scope was limited to Italian Fascism, at a moment in which all of Europe – and not only Europe – was heading toward tragic experiences of war and genocide. The thesis opens with a consideration on the different types of vanitas, assessing the pertinence of selected works against the accepted genre classification and noting elements of continuity and discontinuity with respect to tradition. It then examines the context in which the artists worked, as it was portrayed in their writings, which emphasize how their artistic experiences were conditioned by politics and war. Lastly, the work traces the tight network of relationships between the major figures of this time, evidencing the flourish of vanitas through several examples. Those that came first sought to revive the genre under the banner of a return to order or to express a profound existential anguish. Those that followed were dictated by the urgent need to rebel against the dictatorship with a tool that, in the wake of Picasso and Guernica, employed a cryptic language of “pictorial equivalents” capable of transmitting a message of opposition within the vanitates. The initial repertoire of images was expanded to include a broader chronological and geographical field of study that nonetheless responded to traditional typologies of vanitas and made it possible to select works from the twenty-year Fascist period. What emerged in the analyses of these works, conducted in the text and in the apparatus, is the strong link between the flourish of vanitates and the climate in which they are created, as well as an unusual use of the genre, the innovative iconographic aspects of which extol an uncanny vis polemica, which goes beyond the limits of spiritual admonition to embrace social and political protest. The emblematic repertoire and the moral nature of the vanitas are actually used as instruments of protest. The genre, which was held to be minor and “innocuous” by propaganda, was a sure and powerful means in reaching those who understood the subversive message concealed within its symbolism.
Il genere della vanitas nel periodo del ventennio fascista La ricerca ha preso avvio da un’indagine sul ciclico prosperare del genere vanitas in età contemporanea e precisamente nel XX secolo, senza trascurare l’eredità che in merito giungeva dagli ultimi anni dell’Ottocento né escludere l’influenza esercitata dal Novecento sul primo decennio del XXI secolo. Identificate alcune fasi cruciali in cui lo sviluppo della vanitas assunse particolare rilevanza, lo studio si è poi concentrato sul periodo del ventennio fascista, delimitando l’area d’interesse a quella italiana, in un momento che vede l’Europa intera, e non solo, avviarsi verso le esperienze tragiche della guerra e del genocidio. La tesi si apre con una riflessione sulle diverse tipologie della vanitas, valutando la pertinenza delle opere scelte al confronto con la classificazione consolidata del genere e rilevando gli elementi di continuità e discontinuità rispetto alla tradizione. Si sviluppa, quindi, esaminando il contesto in cui si trovano a operare gli artisti, che nei loro scritti sottolineano il condizionamento esercitato dagli eventi bellici e politici sulla loro esperienza artistica. E, infine, nel tratteggiare l’intensa rete di rapporti tra i protagonisti di questo momento storico, evidenzia come la vanitas prosperi manifestandosi in numerosi esempi, sorti dapprima per la volontà di recuperare un genere nel segno del ritorno all’ordine o di esprimere un’intima angoscia esistenziale; dettati poi dall’urgenza di ribellarsi alla dittatura con uno strumento che, sulla scorta dell’esperienza di Picasso e di Guernica, si servisse di un linguaggio criptato, formato da “equivalenti pittorici” in grado di veicolare all’interno delle vanitates messaggi di opposizione al regime. Dunque, da un iniziale repertorio di immagini esteso a un più ampio ambito cronologico e geografico, ma accomunate dalla rispondenza alle tipologie tradizionali della vanitas, si è provveduto a selezionare le opere appartenenti al periodo del ventennio fascista. Dall’analisi dei casi scelti, nel testo e negli apparati, è di conseguenza emerso non solo un forte legame tra il prosperare delle vanitates e il clima in cui esse nascono, ma anche un utilizzo inconsueto del genere, i cui aspetti iconografici innovativi esaltano una vis polemica inusuale, che supera i confini del monito spirituale per aprirsi alla protesta sociale e politica. Il repertorio emblematico e la natura morale della vanitas vengono, infatti, utilizzati come strumenti di contestazione: mezzi sicuri nella misura in cui tale genere fosse ritenuto secondario e “innocuo” dalla propaganda e potente, invece, per chi comprendeva il messaggio sovversivo celato nella sua simbologia.

Naissance et mort du mythe urbain du progrès : de l'utopie futuriste à la ville fasciste et à sa chute. Le fascisme se sert de plusieurs "images" urbaines pour se vouer à des actions différentes : la création de petites villes nouvelles et les démolitions dans les centres majeurs. Milan est le haut lieu de l'art futuriste et des "tableaux de la banlieue" de Sironi. Mais la dissolution de la représentation urbaine usuelle touche également la province italienne, dans l'art métaphysique. La ville de la littérature est d'abord traditionnelle : les années Vingt soulignent l'aspect coutumier de province italienne. Dans les années Trente, le roman fait de la grande ville le lieu de l'indifférence. Et prend forme le désir d'un ailleurs, plus urbain - comme en Amérique - ou moins urbain, opposé aux architectures privilégiées par le régime, comme chez Vittorini. La vision urbaine fasciste et autarcique,avec son mythe de Rome, se fait enfin submerger par le conflit mondial et par d'autres mythes.

Ce doctorat est le fruit d'une recherche sur travaux. Dans le corpus d'articles publies par l'auteur au cours de ces quinze dernieres annees, ces pages sont celles qui peuvent composer une incursion dans l'histoire de l'art italien du vingtieme siecle (le novecento) vue sous l'angle du dilemme entre progres et tradition. Dans cet ouvrage, certains chapitres constituent un travail de recherche pure apportant des informations inedites susceptibles de rectifier des erreurs historiques (voir les pages sur fontana et le spatialisme). D'autres tentent d'introduire des modes de lecture nouveaux (voir les pages sur marinetti, de chirico, sironi, les rapports entre arts plastiques et fascisme) d'autres sont un travail de divulgation clarifiante (a usage pedagogique) sur des mouvements et des artistes dont les oeuvres ont ete balisees par les historiens et les estheticiens (voir les pages sur manzu, l'ecole romaine, corrente, l'arte povera). D'autres sont enfin le fruit de cet arpentage quotidien qu'est la critique militante et se situent plus du cote de la chronique necessaire aux historiens et chercheurs futurs (voir les pages sur rotella, dorazio, paladino, les choix matieristes"). Ces chapitres concernent des episodes determinants, mais aussi des interstices sans lesquels il serait difficile de saisir comment s'est construit l'edifice. S'agissant d'un champ d'etude soumis aux multiples contractions potentielles d'une histoire agie par le present, l'auteur etant en outre directement engage dans cette histoire en tant que critique militant, il est des lors evident qu'un certain nombre de jugements sont a lire comme etant des conjectures personnelles. Ecrire une histoire de l'art contemporain suppose une prise de risques, un manque de recul porpre a l'apprehension d'une histoire en train de se faire dans toute sa complexite
This doctorate risultes from a research on works. Among the bulk of articles the author published over the last fifteen years, this choice may be considered as an excursion into the italian twentieth century art (novecento), dialectically seen between progress and tradition. Some chapters display pure research work and supply utmost new information that may help to rectify historical errors (see, for instance, pages concerning fontana and spatialism); others try to introduce new ways of reading works of art (see pages pages about marinetti, de chirico, sironi and the relationship between art and fascism); others constitute a clarifing pedagogic publishing on mouvements and artists whose works have been "revisited" by the author (see pages on manzoni, scuola romana, arte povera, corrente); others, the fruit of daily frequentations of a militant critic, stand rather on the side of an indispensables chronical for the use of future historians and critics (see pages on rotella, dorazio, paladino and "meteric choices") these chapters rveal relevant facts but also supply explication of "clefts" without which understanding of "how the house was built" would be difficul to catch, the field of this research being subject to number of potential contradiction owing to this "history in progress" and the author being, more over, directely committed to this history as a militant critic. It becomes than evident that number of his assesments are to be read as personal opinions. Writing the history of contemporary art implies taking risks, because of a lack of historical distance and because of the complexity of history in the making

2013 - 2014
With reference to the studies concerning the relationship between Cinema and History, the research focuses on the development of Spanish Cinematography during the first Francoism, in the period from the beginning of the Civil War to the end of the Second World War. The main purpose is to evaluate if the regime generated by the military coup of 1936 exploited the cinema as a propagandistic instrument to influence public opinion, legitimate its authority, re-define national identity and reclaim an important international rule, as the other authoritarian states of the time. The different forms of the State intervention are analyzed moving from bureaucracy built by the new government through a legal system based on protectionist rules, financial incentives and repressive procedures. Their characteristics and implications are related to the ideology and national/international political context. More specifically, film policy was articulated in an autarchic economic structure, a widespread censure, the violent persecution of dissidents and the diffusion of an idealized representation of Francoism and its origin. The eighteen numbers of the Noticiario español, a newsreel produced between the 1938 and 1941 with foreign support, is the first attempt to justify the Alzamiento and promote nationalist ideas through the cinema abroad. We can see the State intervention also in the cinematographic industry, in the narrative films and in the most popular genres. After the end of Civil War the production is generally heterogeneous, distant from the official rhetoric and realized to entertain, but in the historical films and in the “cine de cruzada” there are all main topoi of nationalist propaganda, at the first influenced above all by Falange Española. The most significant movie of this kind of cinema is Raza, made with an important economic state effort in the 1941 and based on the homonymous literary text written by Francisco Franco. The comparison between the two works shows how they are similar and how strong the mark of the dictator is. Its distribution in the countries of Rome-Berlin Axis and in Latin America, the presentation to Venice Film Festival and the existence of a second version prove the connection between Cinema and diplomatic relationships. Indeed in 1950 the film was modified, the title was changed in Espíritu de una raza, the copies of first movie were destroyed: only after the fall of the Berlin Wall it has been possible to understand the differences between the two works thanks to the discovery of the previous film strip. It is evident that Francoist regime gave a special attention to its international image. The foundation of NO-DO, an official and exclusive newsreel necessarily shown on the Spanish screens from January 1943 to 1975, and voluntarily till 1981, completes a complex and articulated framework. So the Spanish regime can be considered one of the political subject that used cinema as a propagandistic weapon in the twentieth century, in spite of difficulties, delay and failings. In this transnational perspective, the last chapter of this thesis compare the Francoist cinematographic system to the Italian organization. Even if there were different contexts and results, the similar strategies and tools pointed out confirm that the fascist film policy represented a “model” that inspired Spanish government. [edited by Author]
XIV n.s.

La insurrección armada de Franco triunfó en parte gracias a la ayuda material e ideológica de la Italia fascista y de la Alemania nazi. Cuanto ocurrió en España siguió teniendo repercusiones en el tablero geopolítico europeo en los años inmediatamente posteriores a la guerra civil. De ahí el interés en profundizar en las relaciones entre estos países durante pero también después de la contienda. En esta tesis lo hacemos desde la vertiente italiana. Lo que sitúa nuestro discurso entre el 18 julio de 1936, cuando Franco se sublevó contra el gobierno legítimo, y el 25 de julio de 1943, cuando Mussolini fue depuesto. Un minucioso y exhaustivo trabajo de localización y catalogación de los materiales audiovisuales, y la reconstrucción de su historia productiva, en estrecha interconexión con el contexto político-militar de la época, han sido condición previa para indagar con criterio riguroso la contribución del cine de no ficción realizado desde la Italia de Mussolini a una historia cultural de la guerra civil, por un lado; y al debate propiamente historiográfico, por otro. Para ello hubo que investigar el funcionamiento de la maquinaria de la propaganda cinematográfica fascista sobre el terreno: los problemas de organización, el esfuerzo técnico y económico que supuso dar cobertura a la guerra, la cuestión recurrente de la atribución de competencias, las conflictivas relaciones de las autoridades político-militares italianas con las del bando nacional, las intervenciones de la censura tanto italiana como española en documentales y noticiarios. Reconstruir la complejidad de tal maderamen ha requerido un considerable esfuerzo de búsqueda de información en hemerotecas y en archivos administrativos, diplomáticos y militares. También se han rastreado los fondos documentales del Istituto Luce y se han examinado cartas, diarios y memorias de los protagonistas. Todo ha sido meticulosamente cotejado con los filmes de los dos corpora en estudio: cinegiornali y noticiarios. La manipulación intrínseca en todo discurso mítico –y el de la propaganda lo es por definición– ya no es óbice para que se trate el cine como fuente primaria, a condición de que el correspondiente análisis se realice con una metodología acorde al medium y con herramientas propias de esta disciplina. Este era el reto que me había planteado: examinar el uso del dispositivo cinematográfico en el proceso de creación del universo simbólico en el que la propaganda fascista inscribió la guerra civil. Ello ha significado reflexionar sobre la representación audiovisualizada de lo real, la resemantización de las imágenes propias y del enemigo a través de las prácticas de recontextualización y resonorización, la alteración tendenciosa del profílmico orientada a darle al relato propagandístico un mayor grado de veridicidad y credibilidad. El resultado es un estudio que propone una lectura cruzada de cómo la historia condiciona el cine y el cine, a su vez, (re)escribe la historia.
L’insurrezione armata di Franco riuscì in parte grazie al sostegno materiale e ideologico dell’Italia fascista e della Germania nazista. Quanto accadde in Spagna continuò ad avere ripercussioni sullo scacchiere geopolitico europeo negli anni immediatamente successivi alla guerra civile. Donde l’interesse ad approfondire i rapporti tra tali paesi durante ma anche dopo il conflitto. In questa tesi lo facciamo dal punto di vista italiano. Il che colloca il nostro discorso tra il 18 luglio 1936, quando Franco insorse contro il governo legittimo, e il 25 luglio 1943, quando Mussolini fu deposto. Un meticoloso ed esaustivo lavoro di ricerca e catalogazione dei materiali audiovisivi, nonché la ricostruzione della loro storia produttiva, in stretta interconnessione con il contesto politico-militare dell’epoca, sono stati condizione previa per un esame rigoroso del contributo del cinema non-fictional prodotto dall’Italia di Mussolini a una storia culturale della guerra civile, da un lato; e al dibattito propriamente storiografico, dall’altro. A tale scopo abbiamo dovuto indagare il funzionamento della macchina della propaganda cinematografica fascista sul terreno: i problemi di organizzazione, lo sforzo tecnico ed economico necessario a garantire la copertura della guerra, la questione ricorrente dell’attribuzione delle competenze, i conflittuali rapporti tra le autorità politico-militari italiane e quelle del bando nazionale, gli interventi della censura sia italiana sia spagnola su documentari e notiziari. Ricostruire tale intreccio nella sua complessità ha richiesto un considerevole sforzo di ricognizione di informazioni in emeroteche ed archivi amministrativi, diplomatici e militari. Sono stati altresì scandagliati i fondi cartacei dell’ Istituto Luce e studiati diari, lettere e memorie dei protagonisti. Tutto è stato scrupolosamente confrontato con i film dei due corpora presi in esame: cinegiornali e notiziari. La manipolazione intrinseca a ogni discorso mitico – e quello della propaganda lo è per definizione – ormai non è più di ostacolo a un uso del cinema come fonte primaria, purché l’analisi relativa si svolga con una metodologia coerente con il medium e con strumenti propri della disciplina. Questa era la sfida che ci eravamo posti: studiare l’impiego del dispositivo cinematografico nel processo di creazione dell’universo simbolico in cui la propaganda fascista inscrisse la guerra civile. Ciò ha voluto dire riflettere sulla rappresentazione audiovisualizzata del reale, sulla risemantizzazione delle immagini proprie e del nemico attraverso le pratiche di ricontestualizzazione e risonorizzazione, sull’alterazione tendenziosa del profilmico volta a dare al racconto propagandistico un maggior grado di veridicità e credibilità. Il risultado è uno studio che propone una lettura incrociata su come la storia condizioni il cinema e il cinema, a sua volta, (ri)scriva la storia.
Francisco Franco’s uprising succeeded also thanks to material and ideological support from fascist Italy and nazi Germany. The consequences of the Spanish Civil War would cause a geopolitical ripple effect across Europe in the years immediately following the conflict; one that calls for a close examination of the relationships between those countries during and after the war. This thesis approaches the issue from the Italian perspective thus determining the related time frame under scrutiny here as the period comprised between 18 July 1936 – which marks the beginning of Franco’s military rising against the legally elected Republican government – and 25 July 1943, when Benito Mussolini was demoted from power and arrested. The methodology adopted includes thorough and comprehensive research and cataloguing of audiovisual materials as well as a detailed reconstruction of their production histories in close relationship with the political and military context of the time. Such an approach allowed for a rigorous investigation of how, on the one hand, non-fictional cinema produced by Mussolini’s Italy contributed to the making of a cultural history of the Civil War; and to a proper historiographic debate, on the other. To this purpose I have investigated the workings of fascist propaganda cinema on the field: that is, organizational issues, technical and economic efforts that were necessary to guarantee adequate coverage of the war, the recurrent issue of the attribution of competences, the conflicted relationships between the political and military authorities of both countries and, eventually, censorship intervention both in Italy and in Spain that affected documentaries and newsreels. In order to reconstruct such a complex web of relationships among all the above-mentioned components, I have traced sources in periodicals libraries as well as in archives held at administrative, diplomatic and military institutions. I have also examined printed materials in the fund collections of the Istituto Luce as well as diaries, correspondence and memoirs of actual protagonists of the events described. All such materials have been rigorously analysed and collated with films from both corpora indentified in the thesis. By definition, propaganda aims to produce a mythic narrative: the intrinsic manipulation that any such narrative entails should no longer prevent us from using cinema as a primary source provided that the proposed analysis be guided by a methodology that is consistent with the medium and by tools that are appropriate for the undertaken discipline of study. Thus, the primary task of this research project was to examine the role and use of cinema (both the films and the apparatus) in the creative process of the symbolic universe within which the Civil War was inscribed by fascist propaganda. This task led me to reflect on a number of core issues: the audiovisualized representation of the real; the resemanticization of images – both one’s own and the enemy’s – through instances of recontextualization and dubbing (of sound); the biased alteration of the profilmic aimed at charging the propaganda tale with a higher degree of veracity and believability. As a result, this study proposes a comparative reading of ways in which history may influence cinema making and, vice versa, of how cinema attempts to (re)write history.

Cette thèse analyse la position problématique et paradoxale du groupe Forces Nouvelles dans le large mouvement du retour à la figuration réaliste qui s’opère dans l’esthétique de l’entre-deux-guerres. Lancé en 1935 comme un groupe à la fois antimoderne et anticonformiste, Forces Nouvelles avance un nouveau langage pictural, un réalisme plus sensible investi dans l’expression de l’intériorité de l’être et éloigné de toute connotation sociale et idéologique, au-delà de toute trivialité ou de classicisme éteint. Pour beaucoup, ce réalisme d’esprit humaniste donnait au groupe un profil esthète et noble. Cette ambivalence entre réalisme et classicisme, entre activisme et esthétisme, est perpétuée dans la critique d’art même après la dissolution de l’ensemble en 1942. Cette identité ambiguë et obscure de Forces Nouvelles prend son sens une fois mise en relation avec les quêtes spirituelles et idéologiques de l’intelligentsia des années 1930. Révoltée contre l’idéologie matérialiste - dans sa forme libérale ou marxiste -, cette intelligentsia non-conformiste aspire à une nouvelle modernité plus spirituelle et morale ; explorant une voie alternative, ni à droite ni à gauche, elle vire souvent au conservatisme le plus anachronique et frôle la dérive fasciste. Forces Nouvelles, partageant une forme de pensée analogue à celle de l’élite contestataire – à la fois nihiliste et synthétique –, s’investit dans la recherche d’une esthétique originale, moderne et spirituelle, dans la recherche d’une nouvelle Renaissance ; s’inspirant d’une tradition picturale supposée authentique, le groupe élabore jusqu’au bout un style réaliste, grave et austère, effleurant l’archaïsme. En résonance avec la vision de cette génération non-conformiste, avec l’avènement d’un nouvel ordre moral, Forces Nouvelles propose un style réaliste au fondement existentiel comme horizon d’une nouvelle esthétique ultramoderne
This dissertation analyses the problematic, paradoxical position of the group known as Forces Nouvelles within the large movement of a return to realistic figuration, which takes place in the context of interwar aesthetics. Forces Nouvelles, launched in 1935 as an anti-modern, anti-conformist group, proposes a new pictorial language, a more sensitive realism at the service of the expression of the interiority of human beings and remote from social and ideological associations, beyond trivial realism and jaded classicism. This humanistic realism would confer a noble aesthete's profile to the group. Such ambivalence between realism and classicism, between activism and aestheticism is carried over in art criticism even after the dissolution of the group in 1942. This ambiguous, obscure identity of Forces Nouvelles becomes meaningful in the light of the spiritual and ideological quest of the 1930s intelligentsia, which revolted against materialist ideology, whether liberal or Marxist, aspiring to a new, more spiritual and moral, modernity. In its exploration of a new alternative, which is neither right nor left-oriented, it veers towards the most anachronistic conservatism verging on fascism. Having intellectual affinities with the radical elite, this both nihilistic and eclectic group, strives to achieve original aesthetics - modern and spiritual - and a new Renaissance. Based on a supposed authentic pictorial tradition Forces Nouvelles adopts a realistic style, grave and sober, verging on archaism. Resonating with the vision of this non-conformist generation and the advent of a new moral order Forces Nouvelles puts forward a realistic style with an existential basis as the aesthetics of ultra-modernity

Cette étude a analysé la présence des sculpteurs italiens à Paris du début du XX siècle à la fin des années Trente, afin de reconstituer un chapitre important de l'histoire des échanges artistiques en France. Nous nous sommes servis d'une méthode historique et philologique, qui a bien été appliquée aux écrits critiques et à la presse de l'époque. Pour ce qui concerne le début du siècle, nous avons remarqué une participation considérable de la part des italiens aux principaux événements expositifs de la capitale comme les Salons officiels; le succès de public et commercial leur avait permis d'obtenir une place parmi les artistes à la mode les plus connus. Pendant les années Vingt, nous avons constaté un nombre moins significatif de sculpteurs; nous avons lu ce fait en nous rapportant à la situation historique italienne, qui en ce temps subissait des importants changements dus à l'ascension du régime fasciste. Les italiens qui étaient encore présents en France après la Guerre ne s'inséraient guère dans le cadre des nouvelles recherches artistiques italiennes, ils poursuivaient, au contraire, des orientations esthétiques plutôt dépassées. La dernière partie de notre étude s'est intéressée à l'essor du nouveau langage artistique de la péninsule italienne qui pendant les années Trente se répandit enfin même à l'étranger. Les sculpteurs italiens pouvaient donc participer activement à la vie expositive parisienne, tout en montrant le visage d'une plastique qui avait enfin pris conscience de ses potentialités. La France de sa part accueillait volontiers ces expérimentations, dans le but d'instituer une relation d'amitié durable avec le pays voisin
This study has analyzed the presence of Italian sculptors in Paris from the beginning of the 20th Century to the end of the third decade, with the aim of reconstructing an important chapter of the history of artistic exchanges between Italy and France. We have favored an historical-philological method, based on critical publications and old French and Italian press.Concerning the beginning of the century, we have remarked a considerable participation of Italians in the main expositions in the French capital, such as official Salons; critical and market success allowed them to get a main role in the crew of the most popular artists.During the twenties, we have noted a less considerable participation of Italian sculptors; we have interpreted it in relation to historical context of fascist Italy, where the government was trying to develop a national cultural program. The Italian artists in France, after the First World War, didn't share the new Italian artistic orientation; they went on with outdated aesthetic choices.The last part of our research was interested in the development of the new Italian artistic language, finally known out of Italy. The Italian sculptors consequently could take part in arts activity in Paris, showing the face of a new sculpture, finally aware of its potentialities. France gave these experimentations a good welcome in the aim of constituting a longtime friendship with the Italian country

Cette thèse a été réalisée en cotutelle entre l'Université de Montréal et l'École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales de Paris, sous la direction de Michel Duchesneau (UdeM) et Esteban Buch (EHESS). La version intégrale de cette thèse est disponible uniquement pour consultation individuelle à la Bibliothèque de musique de l'Université de Montréal (http://www.bib.umontreal.ca/MU).
Cette thèse a pour objectif d’approfondir les notions de nationalisme et de cosmopolitisme ainsi que les liens qui peuvent exister entre elles à travers l’œuvre et la carrière de Casella. Le pianiste et compositeur italien Alfredo Casella est né à Turin en 1883. Les conservatoires italiens de l’époque ne pouvant lui offrir une formation musicale adéquate et complémentaire à celle reçue auprès de sa famille, Casella gagne la France. Il fait ses études au Conservatoire de Paris jusqu’en 1902, auprès de Gabriel Fauré et Louis Diémer. Au cours de ces années passées en France (1896-1915), Casella prend une part active dans la vie musicale parisienne. Il se produit dans plusieurs salons, dans de nombreux concerts organisés par des sociétés françaises (à la fois comme pianiste et comme compositeur). À travers son activité journalistique très riche, Casella s’implique activement dans les débats et les polémiques ayant cours à l’époque dans le milieu musical français. Lors de ces dix-neuf années françaises, Casella est exposé aux courants nationalistes qui habitent les milieux artistiques français. Parallèlement à ces tendances, Casella baignera dans les diverses influences étrangères (russes, allemandes, espagnoles, hongroises) qui convergent vers cette véritable plaque tournante qu’est le Paris du début du XXe siècle. Ces multiples influences (celles de Stravinsky, Bartók, De Falla, entre autres) se retrouvent toutes intégrées dans ses œuvres musicales. À tel point que l’on surnommera Casella le « caméléon ». Le déclenchement de la Première Guerre mondiale force Casella à retourner en Italie. La péninsule est alors dominée par la musique d’opéra et la production de musique instrumentale y est presque inexistante. Casella se donne la mission de « rénover » la musique instrumentale et de combattre activement le courant conservateur associé à la musique d’opéra italienne. Un tel renouveau musical sera possible, selon Casella, si les compositeurs italiens de la nouvelle génération parviennent à renoncer aux excès sentimentaux du romantisme. C’est ce que Casella s’efforcera de faire dans ses propres œuvres. Mais ce ne sera pas suffisant. Les jeunes compositeurs devront étudier les œuvres des grands maîtres italiens des XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles, tout en intégrant les innovations techniques des musiques contemporaines européennes. Casella proposera un programme d’éducation s’adressant autant aux jeunes compositeurs qu’au public italien. La pédagogie sera la clé qui permettra d’accéder au renouveau musical. Professeur de piano à l’Accademia Santa Cecilia, puis au Conservatoire de Rome et finalement à l’Accademia Chigiana de Sienne, Casella se servira de ces positions pour initier le mouvement dont il se veut le porte-parole. Il mettra également sur pied deux sociétés de concerts, la Società Italiana di Musica Moderna (1916-1918) et la Corporazione delle Nuove Musiche (1924-1928). Avec ces deux sociétés de concerts destinées à faire reconnaître les musiques contemporaines en Italie, Casella parvient à se forger un impressionnant réseau international qui contribuera à son vaste plan de développement de la musique italienne dans un contexte mondial. L’objectif de Casella est de redonner sa dignité à l’art musical italien. Dans les années 1930, sa volonté de rénover la musique de la péninsule concorde avec plusieurs traits de la politique culturelle du régime fasciste de Benito Mussolini. Le nom de Casella sera donc souvent associé aux réalisations culturelles du régime fasciste, ce qui semble contradictoire avec les intentions universalisantes du compositeur.
This dissertation seeks to study the notions of nationalism and cosmopolitanism as well as the possible links between them, through the work and career of Casella. The Italian pianist and composer Alfredo Casella was born in Turin in 1883. Being unable to obtain in the Italian conservatories of the time an adequate musical formation, that would have been complementary to the one received through his family, Casella reaches France. He studies at the Paris Conservatory until 1902, as a pupil of Gabriel Fauré and Louis Diémer. During the years spent in Paris (1896-1915), Casella takes an active part in the Parisian musical life. He performs in many salons, in many concerts organized by French societies (both as a pianist and as a composer). Through his very rich journalistic activity, Casella implicates himself actively in the current debates and polemics of the French musical environment. During these nineteen French years, Casella is exposed to the nationalist currents that inhabit the French artistic milieux. Simultaneously to the very strong expression of this nationalism, Casella will literally be imbued in the various foreign influences (Russian, German, Spanish, Hungarian) than present in this center that is the Paris of the beginning of the XXth century. These multiple influences (those of Stravinsky, Bartók, De Falla) are all integrated in his compositional work, to such an extent that one calls Casella the « chameleon ». The First World War forces Casella to return to Italy. The peninsula is than dominated by operatic music and the instrumental music production is almost inexistent. Casella gives himself the mission of reforming the instrumental music and of fighting actively against Italian operatic music. Such a musical revival will be possible, according to Casella, if Italian composers manage to give up sentimental excesses of the romanticism. This is what Casella will endeavor to do in his own works. But it will not be sufficient. The young composers will have to study the works of Italian great master of the XVIIth and XVIIIth centuries, while integrating technical innovations of European contemporary musics. Casella suggests a reeducation program for the young composers, but also for the Italian public. The pedagogy is, according to Casella, the key which will give access to this musical revival. He will be piano teacher at the Accademia Santa Cecilia, tan at the Rome Conservatory and, finally at the Accademia Chigiana in Sienne. These teaching positions will give him the opportunity to initiate his protégés into Italian classical musics, but also into foreign contemporary musics. He will also set up two concert societies, the Società Italiana di Musica Moderna (1916-1918) and the Corporazione delle Nuove Musiche (1924-1928). With these two concert societies dedicated to make recognize contemporary music in Italy, Casella succeeds in building up an impressive international network which will contribute to his vast plan of the Italian music’s development in a world context. Casella’s first intention is to give back its dignity to the Italian musical art. During the 1930’s, his wish to renovate the music of the peninsula corresponds to several facets of the cultural politic of Benito Mussolini’s fascist regime. Thus, Casella’s name will often be associated to the cultural achievements of the Regime, which seems in contradiction with the composer’s universalizing intentions.
Questa tesi cerca di approfondire le nozioni di nazionalismo e di cosmopolitismo come pure i legami che possono esistere tra di esse attraverso l'opera e la carriera di Casella. Il pianista e compositore italiano Alfredo Casella nacque a Torino in 1883. I conservatori italiani dell’epoca non potendo offrirgli un’adeguata formazione musicale, complementare a quella ricevuta presso la sua famiglia, Casella raggiunge la Francia. Studia al Conservatorio di Parigi fino a 1902, presso Gabriel Fauré e Louis Diémer. Nel corso di questi anni passati in Francia (1896-1915), Casella prende una parte attiva nella vita musicale parigina. Si produce in molti salotti, in molti concerti organizzati da società francesi (allo stesso tempo come pianista e come compositore). A traverso la sua ricchissima attività giornalistica, Casella s’impegna attivamente nei dibattiti e nelle polemiche in corso all’epoca nell’ambiente musicale francese. Durante questi diciannove anni francesi, Casella è esposto ai correnti nazionalisti che abitano i mezzi artistici francesi. Parallelamente alla fortissima espressione di questo nazionalismo, Casella sarà letteralmente bagnato nelle diverse influenze straniere (russi, tedesche, spagnole, ungheresi) allora presenti in questo vero punto di convergenza ch’è la Parigi del primo novecento. Queste numerose influenze (quelle di Stravinsky, Bartók, De Falla) si ritrovano tutte integrate nella sua opera, a tal punto che si chiama Casella il « camaleonte ». L’avvio della prima guerra mondiale forza Casella a tornare in Italia. La penisola è allora dominata dal melodramma e la produzione di musica strumentale è quasi inesistente. Casella si da la missione di rinnovare la musica strumentale e di combattere attivamente il melodramma italiani. Un tale rinnovamento musicale sarà possibile, secondo Casella, se i compositori italiani della nuova generazione giungono a rinunciare agli eccessi sentimentali del romanticismo. È ciò che Casella si sforzerà di fare nelle sue opere proprie. Ma non sarà sufficiente. I giovani compositori dovranno studiare le opere dei grandi maestri italiani del seicento e del settecento, integrando anche le innovazioni tecniche delle musiche contemporanee europee. Casella propone una rieducazione dei giovani compositori, ma anche del pubblico italiano. La pedagogia è, per Casella, la chiave che permetterà l’accesso al rinnovamento musicale. Primo, sarà professore di pianoforte all’Accademia Santa Cecilia, poi al Conservatorio di Roma e, finalmente all’Accademia Chigiana di Siena. Queste posizione di professore gli daranno l’occasione d’iniziare i suoi protetti alle musiche classiche italiane, ma anche alle musiche contemporanee straniere. Metterà anche in piedi due società di concerti, la Società Italiana di Musica Moderna (1916-1918) e la Corporazione delle Nuove Musiche (1924-1928). Con queste due società di concerti destinate a fare riconoscere le musiche contemporanee in Italia, Casella riesce a fabbricarsi un'impressionante rete internazionale che contribuirà al suo vasto piano di sviluppo della musica italiana in un ambiente mondiale. Lo scopo primo di Casella è di ridare la sua dignità all'arte musicale italiana. Negli anni 1930, la sua volontà di rinnovare la musica della penisola conviene con molti aspetti della politica culturale del regime fascista di Benito Mussolini. Così, il nome di Casella sarà spesso associato alle realizzazioni culturali portate dal regime, ciò che sembra contraddittorio con le intenzioni universalizzanti del compositore.

Nel 1940 la città di Mentone viene occupata dall'esercito italiano conseguentemente a quel complesso di azioni militari chiamate “battaglia delle Alpi Occidentali”. Nell’aprile 1941 il gerarca di origini toscane Giuseppe Frediani (1906-1997) riceve la nomina di quarto commissario civile per la città di Mentone. Il giovane fascista poteva vantare già una certa dimestichezza in campo amministrativo, maturata nel corso delle sue esperienze in veste di segretario federale del partito nazionale fascista, prima, presso la città di Verona tra 1934 e 1935 e in seguito nella città di Pavia tra l’aprile 1935 e il febbraio 1939. Nella città padana aveva stretto rapporti duraturi con alcuni professionisti locali. Il fotografo Guglielmo Chiolini, da tempo reporter ufficiale della città e titolare dell’atelier fotografico più sviluppato del territorio, rientra nel novero di questi personaggi stimati ai quali Frediani era tornato a rivolgersi una volta giunto a Mentone, con lo scopo di ricostruire la “perle du France”. Di queste operazioni resta testimonianza nel suo preziosissimo archivio, donato all'Università pavese. L’archivio è composto da documenti cartacei, fotografici e bobine cinematografiche e di esso fa parte l’album di “fotomosaici” intitolato: Mentone dalla distruzione alla rinascita, firmato da Guglielmo Chiolini, Ugo Lucerni e Frediani. Per Chiolini si è trattato di un’esperienza unica, come dimostra il primo capitolo di questa tesi che considera complessivamente la sua attività di fotografo attraverso lo studio dell'Archivio Fotografico Guglielmo Chiolini conservato presso i Musei Civici del Castello Visconteo di Pavia, del Fondo Guglielmo Chiolini dell'Istituto per la Storia della Resistenza e dell'Età Contemporanea e rintracciando nello spoglio della stampa quotidiana pavese e in alcune pubblicazioni milanesi le notizie fornite dal fotografo stesso nelle due interviste rilasciate alla Dott. Alessandra Ferraresi dell’Università di Pavia. Nel secondo capitolo il rapporto tra Chiolini e i giornali locali è inquadrato nel contesto culturale italiano degli anni Trenta e Quaranta e nella storia evolutiva della fotografia pubblicistica. Questa è tracciata tramite la consultazione di alcune testate storiche: dall’<>, sino <>, e contemporaneamente prendendo in considerazione le principali evoluzione tecniche nel campo fotomeccanico. il terzo capitolo è dedicato al fotomontaggio moderno e al duplice indirizzo che questo mezzo espressivo acquisisce negli anni di nostro interesse, con particolare attenzione al suo utilizzo nella propaganda fascista, della quale l'album Frediani è un pregevole esempio. L’opera, infatti, era funzionale alla narrazione della ricostruzione immediata della cittadina, realizzata contestualmente alla sperimentazione di un nuovo tipo di colonizzazione. La Francia non era certo la Libia o l’Etiopia, di conseguenza gli italiani, facendo leva sulla comune storia risorgimentale, praticarono una penetrazione culturale che avrebbe dovuto portare all’italianizzazione di Mentone. La vicenda si prestò come occasione perfetta per dimostrare a tutta l’Europa le capacità civilizzatrici dell’Italia, che ancora languiva per le sanzioni subite. Introdotti gli attori deputati alla realizzazione dei fotomontaggi, come il pittore emiliano Ugo Lucerni, il quinto capitolo consiste nell'analisi e descrizione dell'album stesso, rilevando le finalità espressive della composizione con l'ausilio della documentazione storica proveniente dall'archivio Frediani e dimostrando come questo progetto iconografico realizzi i significati preposti alla sua ideazione.

Ferramonti di Tarsia (Cosenza) was the largest fascist internment camp in Italy in terms of both its size and number of internees. Although its existence and the historical events concerning it - i.e. its founding preceding the Italian entry into the Second World War, its liberation on September 14, 1943 and definitive closure in 1945 after a period of British administration – represent an almost forgotten chapter of Italian history – considerable cultural and musical activities took place there. Being characterized by the presence of almost exclusively foreign prisoners, mostly Jews coming from Germany or countries under Nazi occupation (especially Poland, Austria, Czechoslovakia), from the Balkans (significant presence of Croats and Serbs) and from the Italian possessions in the Mediterranean Sea (Rhodes and Benghazi), Ferramonti served as an absurd and random meeting place of cultures, languages, traditions and religions in the inaccessible Calabrian hinterland. Among the prisoners, often with a very high level of education, there were several professional musicians, such as Lav Mirski, Kurt Sonnenfeld, Isak Thaler, Paul Gorin, Oscar Klein, Leon Levitch, Ladislav Sternberg, etc. The extreme cultural diversity was reflected in the musical production and several performing activities accompanied everyday life in the camp: concerts and variety programs, which took place in a barrack serving as a theatre; the establishment of a choir that accompanied both Jewish, Catholic and Greek-Orthodox rituals (a unique case not only with regard to KZ-Musik); musical and general education for children attending the Lagerschule, just to mention few striking aspects. On the basis of personal and administrative sources and documents, this work focuses on the specific relationships between a non-lieu of deportation such as Ferramonti and the musical and human experience of interned musicians; the way in which detention and coexistence within the camp of people of various backgrounds who were forced to interact was indeed a crucial factor, not only for musical production but also for the survival and the future of most of the inmates. The different forms of Lagermusik are analyzed also in comparison with literary production from internment camps and through a philosophical perspective.

Le monde aéronautique a connu un essor significatif durant les premières décennies du XXe siècle. Propulsé par des avancées technologiques sans précédents, l’aéronautique fut rapidement omniprésente dans tous les secteurs de la vie et de la culture européennes. De la figure du pilote d’aéroplane émergea subtilement, puis avec force, l’image d’un homme robuste et valeureux qui personnifiait son pays. Trouvant un réceptacle favorable dans les héros nés de la Grande Guerre, les gouvernements totalitaires qui émergèrent façonnèrent le pilote comme l’avatar d’un homme idéal. L’imaginaire européen du premier tiers du XXe siècle vit alors naitre « l’homme volant », une facette de « l’homme nouveau », incarnant la grandeur de sa nation
Aeronautics underwent a significant development during the first decades of the 20th century. Helped by new technological advancements aeronautics quickly became omnipresent in all sectors of the European life and culture. From the figure of the airplane’s pilot emerged subtly, then with strength, the image of a strong and brave man personifying his country. Finding a favorable receptacle in the Great War’s heroes, the totalitarian governments shaped the pilot as the avatar of an ideal man. The European imagination of the first third of the 20th century gave birth to the "flying man", a facet of the “new man”, embodying the greatness of its nation

2010/2011
Lo studio ha analizzato la presenza degli scultori italiani a Parigi dall'inizio del XX secolo alla fine degli anni Trenta, con l'obiettivo di ricostruire un capitolo importante della storia degli scambi artistici in Francia. Ci siamo serviti del metodo storico-filologico che è stato applicato agli scritti critici e alla stampa d'epoca. Per quel che riguarda l'inizio del secolo, abbiamo rilevato una partecipazione italiana considerevole ai principali eventi espositivi della capitale come i Salons ufficiali; il successo commerciale e di pubblico aveva consentito loro di ottenere un certo spazio tra gli artisti alla moda più conosciuti. Nel corso degli anni Venti abbiamo notato un numero meno significativo di scultori, interpretando questo fatto alla luce della situazione storica italiana, sottomessa a importanti cambiamenti, successivi all'ascesa del regime fascista. Gli italiani che si trovavano ancora in Francia in seguito alla Prima Guerra Mondiale non si inserivano pertanto all'interno delle ricerche artistiche italiane, dal momento che sostenevano degli indirizzi estetici ormai sorpassati. L'ultima parte del nostro studio si è concentrata sullo sviluppo del nuovo linguaggio artistico della penisola italiana, diffuso ormai anche all'estero. Gli scultori italiani potevano partecipare di conseguenza all'attività espositiva di Parigi, e mostrare il volto di una plastica finalmente cosciente delle proprie potenzialità. La Francia da parte sua acccoglieva di buon grado questo tipo di sperimentazioni al fine di creare un rapporto di amicizia duraturo con la nazione confinante.
This study has analyzed the presence of Italian sculptors in Paris from the beginning of the 20th Century to the end of the third decade, with the aim of reconstructing an important chapter of the history of artistic exchanges between Italy and France. We have favored an historical-philological method, based on critical publications and old French and Italian press. Concerning the beginning of the century, we have remarked a considerable participation of Italians in the main expositions in the French capital, such as official Salons; critical and market success allowed them to get a main role in the crew of the most popular artists. During the twenties, we have noted a less considerable participation of Italian sculptors; we have interpreted it in relation to historical context of fascist Italy, where the government was trying to develop a national cultural program. The Italian artists in France, after the First World War, didn't share the new Italian artistic orientation; they went on with outdated aesthetic choices. The last part of our research was interested in the development of the new Italian artistic language, finally known out of Italy. The Italian sculptors consequently could take part in arts activity in Paris, showing the face of a new sculpture, finally aware of its potentialities. France gave these experimentations a good welcome in the aim of constituting a longtime friendship with the Italian country.
Cet étude a analysé la présence des sculpteurs italiens à Paris du début du XX siècle à la fin des années Trente, afin de reconstituer un chapitre important de l'histoire des échanges artistiques en France. Nous nous sommes servis d'une méthode historique et philologique, qui a bien été appliquée aux écrits critiques et à la presse de l'époque. Pour ce qui concerne le début du siècle, nous avons remarqué une participation considérable de la part des italiens aux principaux événements expositifs de la capitale comme les Salons officiels; le succès de public et commercial leur avait permis d'obtenir une place parmi les artistes à la mode les plus connus. Pendant les années Vingt, nous avons constaté un nombre moins significatif de sculpteurs; nous avons lu ce fait en nous rapportant à la situation historique italienne, qui en ce temps subissait des importants changements dus à l'ascension du régime fasciste. Les italiens qui étaient encore présents en France après la Guerre ne s'inséraient guère dans le cadre des nouvelles recherches artistiques italiennes, ils poursuivaient, au contraire, des orientations esthétiques plutôt dépassées. La dernière partie de notre étude s'est intéressée à l'essor du nouveau langage artistique de la péninsule italienne qui pendant les années Trente se répandit enfin même à l'étranger. Les sculpteurs italiens pouvaient donc participer activement à la vie expositive parisienne, tout en montrant le visage d'une plastique qui avait enfin pris conscience de ses potentialités. La France de sa part accueillait volontiers ces expérimentations, dans le but d'instituer une relation d'amitié durable avec le pays voisin.
XXIV Ciclo
1982

The goal of this thesis is to look at the emergence of the thematic contemporary art exhibition in Italy through an analysis of the influence of Fascism and the commercial sector in the three exhibitions composing the Cycle of Vitality, organised between 1959 and 1961 at the Centro Internazionale delle Arti e del Costume (CIAC), opened at the Palazzo Grassi in Venice in 1951. The cycle falls within the fields of both curatorial studies and the history of modern and contemporary exhibitions, two disciplines that have been developed since the 1990s. This inquiry contributes to them by clarifying further their specific fields of investigation, or in presenting alternative genealogies by casting light on overlooked antecedents; and by addressing the curator as a distinct cultural producer, the institution as a medium for social change and the history of exhibitions. The exhibitions analysed belong to the genealogy that resulted from the shift in the display language of international inter-war avant-garde experiments in exhibition design as manipulated by Fascism and commerce in the 1930s. Modernist architects were engaged in turning the exhibition into a medium for social change, and a mass-medium to bring a sense of the future into the present: It was from this premise that the model of the thematic exhibition emerged. Its further development in post-war Italy paralleled the questioning of the fine art museum’s entanglement with the discipline of art history, enacted by those architects trained in the 1930s. The Cycle of Vitality paired the two models in the thematic contemporary art exhibitions – Vitalità nell’arte (1959); Dalla natura all’arte (1960) and Arte e contemplazione (1961) – organised by curators avant-la-lettre Paolo Marinotti and Willem Sandberg. Crucial to the analysis of the Cycle of Vitality is the questioning of the relationship between contemporary curators, museums and the discipline of art history, as a consequence of Italian exhibition culture between 1932 and 1961. Within this historical framework, these exhibitions were influenced by the original profile of the CIAC, a cultural centre sponsored by the SNIA Viscosa, a company manufacturing man-made fibres. The CIAC allowed for the development of exhibitions that were intended to reshape the social body rather than to present the results of art historical research as was traditionally the role of museum or fine art exhibitions. In the 1950s, modernist Italian architects played a strategic role in rethinking the museum, a tendency further fostered by curators avant-la-lettre who, as cultural producers, turned the institution into their medium rather than considering it a function of the discipline of art history.

In questa dissertazione il dramma musicale "Giulio Cesare" (1935) di Gian Francesco Malipiero, da Shakespeare e dedicato a Mussolini, e un inedito gruppo di musiche di scena per 'Teatro di Massa' di Riccardo Malipiero Jr per l’omonimo dramma di Nino Guglielmi (1939) sono osservati alla luce del culto del romanità e del cesarismo mussoliniano nell’Italia degli anni Trenta. Oltre a considerazioni in merito al rapporto intrattenuto dai due compositori con il Regime e al contesto culturale e performativo delle rispettive, succitate partiture teatrali, queste ultime vengono analizzate alla luce sia della “religione politica” del fascismo sia dei particolari topics musicali ivi impiegati, onde dimostrare l’esistenza di una vera e propria ‘texture musicale della romanità’.
The musical drama "Giulio Cesare" (1935) by Gian Francesco Malipiero (after Shakespeare’s Tragedy of Julius Caesar and dedicate to Mussolini) and "Giulio Cesare" (1939) by Riccardo Malipiero Jr—an unpublished set of incidental music for Nino Guglielmi’s drama 'for Theater of Masses'—are here observed through the rhetoric of romanity and the ‘Mussolinian Caesarism’ during the last decade of the Fascist era. Besides considering their cultural and performative context and the relationship between art and power in this age, these two works are analyzed through the historiographical approach of 'Sacralization of politics' and, in musical terms, through topic theory in order to demonstrate the existence of a ‘romain musical texture’.

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Foreign Languages and Literatures

Title: Paths Through Tradition and Modernity in the Female Universe of Fascist Regime Cinema (1929-1943) Examining critical studies about women in Fascist Regime cinema, we discover that there are only a few publication and biographical essays on the diva phenomenon (divismo). Some studies, useful but quite peripheral, deal with the various socio-cultural aspects of the filmic production under Fascism. No critical space is devoted to women, when in fact women were true protagonists of the stories narrated on the silver screen. This research study intends to follow the female figure through “paths” and “typologies” (the sinner, the mother, the victim, the femme fatale ‘the new woman” etc.) during the period between 1929 and 1943. 1929 was chosen as a starting point, because it is the year when Mario Camerini shot Rotaie, while 1943 is the year when Luchino Visconti’s Ossessione was released. This movie marks a turning point, since it launches a female role which was completely new in the filmic production of the time. The two films embody two types of female figure: the first, frequent in melodrama, is the woman as instrument of conversion for the man; the second, instead, is the woman who leads the man to perdition, with her passionate sensuality. The first embodies the exemplary wife and mother, exalted by fascist propaganda, the second illustrates the collapse of the family as institution. Considering the vast corpus of films produced in the period mentioned above, we find paths leading in various directions; examining diachronically the evolution of the female figure, we find it most represented in two macro-genres: comedy and melodrama. The cinematic production of the Regime period focuses almost exclusively on comedy, the favorite escapist genre popular also in Hollywood. Comedy projected images of wealth at a difficult historic and economic time. Most Italian movies, while imitating American, French, Magyar and German models, prompt at less transgressive, less emancipated female types, yet still inspired by a desire for independence. The Regime displayed an ambivalent and contradictory attitude towards such female figures: on the one hand laws were passed that confined women to the domestic sphere, thereby promoting the syrupy image of exemplary wives and mothers, on the other hand women were actively involved in public life, therefore inevitably removed from paternal and conjugal tutelage. The comedies studied in chapters II, III and IV show a conciliatory ending; here the emancipatory desires of the women are redirected towards the reassuring domestic sphere. In the early Forties however, we find a certain disregard for the oleographic female model promoted by the regime. The melodrama (chapters V, VI, VII), quite uncommon until the late Thirties (well into the autarky years) and during the war, produces the most unusual women protagonists: prostitute, single mother, adulteress. Since melodrama is the natural space for female protagonism, we decided to give ample space to the examination of melodramatic films, despite the limited production in comparison to comedies. The educational message endorsed by the cinema, and particularly by mélo—the genre of the conflict between the individual and society—is almost always aimed at swerving away the female audience from behaviours that were deviant or contrary to common morals; in some films, instead, we catch the glimpse of a different message, because female protagonists are willing to go against the leading social rules, in order to affirm their right to freedom, despite the tragic end of their personal stories. (I bambini ci guardano, Ossessione, Malombra). The plots of the melodramas appear inspired and guided by the moral imperative to warn the ‘new woman’ who is exposed to the dangers of urban life, victim of her inner frailty, easy prey to male advances. Although the mélos are less numerous than the comedies, they still provide a code of conduct for young female audiences: no passional lapse is allowed for women before marriage; they absolutely must not confuse eros with agape.
Titolo: Percorsi tra tradizione e modernità all'interno dell'universo femminile nel cinema di regime (1929-1943) Se si prendono in esame gli studi critici sulla figura femminile nel cinema del Ventennio, si scopre che esistono solo alcune pubblicazioni, per lo più biografie o saggi sul divismo. Altri studi, utili ma piuttosto periferici, affrontano aspetti socio-culturali della produzione filmica sotto il fascismo, senza riservare alle donne quello spazio da protagoniste che di fatto possedevano all'interno delle storie raccontate sul grande schermo. Questo lavoro di ricerca si propone dunque di tracciare un €œritratto€ della figura muliebre attraverso €œpercorsi€ per tipologie (la peccatrice, la madre, la vittima, la femme fatale, la €œdonna nuova€, ecc..), in un periodo compreso tra il 1929 e il 1943. Si è scelto come termine a quo il 1929, quando Mario Camerini gira Rotaie, mentre come termine ad quem il 1943, l'€™anno di Ossessione (1943), diretto da Luchino Visconti, un film di svolta, in quanto si afferma un ruolo femminile inedito rispetto a quello veicolato dalla produzione del periodo. Le due pellicole rappresentano infatti le due anime della figura femminile: la prima, che ritroveremo con una certa continuità  all'€™interno del melodramma, è la donna come strumento di conversione€ dell'™uomo. La seconda invece trascina l'€™uomo, attraverso la passione dei sensi, alla perdizione. La prima incarna la moglie e madre esemplare tanto decantata dalla propaganda fascista, la seconda lo sfaldamento dell’istituzione familiare. Considerando l'€™ampio corpus di film girati nel periodo preso in esame, i percorsi si sono diramati in più direzioni mantenendo però come stella polare l'€™evoluzione diacronica delle presenze femminili all'€™interno dei due macrogeneri (la commedia e il melodramma). La produzione cinematografica di regime rivolge il proprio interesse quasi esclusivo alla commedia, genere d'€™evasione prediletto anche a Hollywood, per iniettare sogni di benessere in un contesto critico sul piano storico ed economico. La maggior parte delle pellicole, pur imitando i modelli americani o francesi o magiari o tedeschi, propone tipologie di donne meno emancipate e trasgressive di quelle straniere, ma ugualmente animate da desideri di indipendenza verso cui il regime mostrava un atteggiamento ambiguo e contraddittorio: mentre si emanavano leggi volte a relegarle ancora al focolare domestico, promuovendone l'€™immagine edulcorata di madri e mogli esemplari, si voleva, allo stesso tempo, coinvolgerle attivamente nella vita pubblica, allontanandole inevitabilmente dalla tutela paterna o coniugale. Le commedie analizzate (capitoli II, III, IV) offrono quasi sempre un finale conciliante in cui le pulsioni di emancipazione dell'€™universo muliebre vengono smorzate all'€™interno del rassicurante nucleo domestico, anche se in alcuni film, soprattutto dei primi anni Quaranta, si riscontra una certa insofferenza nei riguardi del modello oleografico femminile propagandato dal regime. E'ˆ il genere melodrammatico (capitoli V, VI, VII), poco frequentato dalla produzione cinematografica se non verso la fine degli anni Trenta, in piena campagna autarchica, e durante la guerra, che riserva alle protagoniste parti pressoché inusuali fino a quel momento: prostituta, ragazza madre, adultera. Essendo il melodramma luogo naturale per un protagonismo al femminile, si è deciso di riservare ampio spazio all'€™analisi di pellicole melodrammatiche, nonostante la loro ridotta presenza sul grande schermo rispetto alle commedie. Il messaggio educativo riservato al cinema, e in particolare al mélo, genere del conflitto dell'€™individuo con la società, è quasi sempre quello di indirizzare il pubblico, soprattutto femminile, a non lasciarsi andare a comportamenti devianti, contrari alla morale comune; in qualche film trapela invece un messaggio diverso grazie a protagoniste disposte a mettersi contro le regole sociali imperanti, pur di affermare il loro diritto alla libertà, nonostante l'€™esito tragico delle loro storie personali (I bambini ci guardano, Ossessione, Malombra). Le trame dei film melodrammatici appaiono ispirate e guidate dall'urgenza morale di ammonire la €œdonna nuova€ esposta ai pericoli della vita cittadina, vittima della propria fragilità interiore, facile preda delle avances maschili. Il codice di condotta morale rivolto alle giovani spettatrici è questo: non è concesso alle donne alcuna debolezza passionale prima e dopo il matrimonio; non devono assolutamente confondere eros con agape.

Moments before the Weimar Republic succumbed National Socialism, and their paths sharply diverged as a result, Leni Riefenstahl and Béla Balázs collaborated to make Das Blaue Licht. Within a year of their collaboration Riefenstahl was working closely with Hitler on plans for Triumph of the Will, and Balázs, a Hungarian Jew, had fled to Moscow without credit or payment for Das Blaue Licht, which he co-wrote and co-directed. This thesis explores multiple readings of Das Blaue Licht, as a modern text, a fascist text, and ultimately, one that exists in a complex gray zone.

Ce travail a comme objectif de démontrer comment l’ethos, le logos et le pathos, tels qu’ils se dessinent dans les discours politiques d’António de Oliveira Salazar et de la propagande de l’Etat nouveau entre 1928 et 1936, ont contribué à l’apparition, puis à la consolidation d’une réponse dictatoriale à la crise de la fin des années 1920 au Portugal. Profondément attaché à une vision chrétienne de l’homme et de la société, Salazar utilise ses discours politiques comme une arme redoutable au service de la conversion des âmes, but essentiel de la régénération salazariste pour réintégrer le pays dans la tradition chrétienne et faire émerger un homme nouveau dans un contexte marqué désormais par des rapports étroits entre le politique et le religieux
This research work endeavours to show how the ethos, logos and pathos emerging in the political speechs of António de Oliveira Salazar and the propaganda of the New State between 1928 and 1936 contribued to a stronger dictatorial response to the crisis og late 1920s in Portugal. As Salazar attached great value to a Christian vision of man and society, his speechs turned out to be a formidable weapon used in the conversion of souls, which was a crucial goal of the Salazarist regenaration aiming to reinstate the country’s Christian tradition and to pave the way for the emergence of a New Man, in a contexte marked from then on by the close ties between the political and the religious

Après la victoire militaire du général Franco, le 1er avril 1939, s’instaure en Espagne une dictature militaire et ecclésiastique. Un « temps du silence » commence pour les vaincus de la guerre. À partir de 1945, cependant, la dictature surnage après la défaite des régimes qui avaient été ses modèles ; elle va traverser plusieurs étapes. L’époque médiane du franquisme (1945-1959) sera celle de la consolidation du régime, qui s’affiche désormais comme nationalcatholique.Dans le domaine photographique, les pratiques professionnelle et amateur vont se heurter à de sévères et nombreux interdits, et l’imagerie nationale sera celle du repli sur soi, du respect des conventions. La photographie espagnole sera adepte du franquisme ou sa vassale obligée ; ses avant-gardes seront balayées, les reportages, muselés, et les mouvements rétrogrades, comme le pictorialisme tardif, magnifiés. Une photographie qui ne donnera qu’une vision borgne de la réalité, tant les sujets traités obéissent à une certaine nostalgie de commande, aux reflets maniérés et académiques d’un passé révolu.Un élan de modernité et des minces filets d’air libre surgiront néanmoins de la province – où naîtront des associations d’amateurs – ainsi que de la vision des quelques photographes étrangers qui parcourent l’Espagne à cette époque. En interrogeant les usages et les pratiques, en scrutant l’esthétisme de ces images, nous tenterons de savoir dans quellemesure, de quelle manière et jusqu’à quel point les photographes espagnols et étrangers ont pu représenter la société espagnole de 1945 à 1959. Les uns, dans un discours de légitimation d’un pouvoir en place ; les autres, dans un esprit moderniste et humaniste
After General Franco’s victory on April 1st, 1939, a military and ecclesiastical dictatorship takes hold of Spain. A “time of silence” sets in for the vanquished of the war. After 1945, however, the dictatorship survives the demise of the political regimes it had modelled itself on and goes through several stages. Under the median period of Franquism (1945–1959), the regime, in a phase of consolidation, sets itself up as National-Catholic. In the realm of photography, both professional and amateur practices are up against harsh, manifold prohibitions, and the national imagery displays introversion and respect for conventions. Spanish photography proves the follower or mandatory vassal of Franquism; its avant-gardesare annihilated, its reports muzzled, while retrograde movements, such as late Pictorialism, are glorified. It conveys only a one-eyed vision of reality in that its subjects respond to a conventional nostalgia reflecting a bygone past in affected, academic fashion.However, a surge of modernity, as well as thin trickles of fresh air, emerges from the provinces –where amateur associations come into light– and from the vision of some foreign photographers then touring Spain. We will question common practices and scrutinize the esthetics of these images in order to find out how, to what extent and in what way theseSpanish and foreign photographers have managed to picture Spanish society between 1945 and 1959: some with a view to legitimizing the authorities in control, others in a modernist, humanist frame of mind

Cette thèse est consacrée à la réception de la figure et de l’œuvre de Béla Bartók (1881-1945) en Italie, dans la première moitié du XXe siècle. Opérée depuis un point de vue musicologique, l’analyse de l’influence bartókienne dans les œuvres de nombreux compositeurs italiens (d’Alfredo Casella à Bruno Maderna) invite à reconsidérer l’évolution du modernisme artistique en Italie, ainsi que les fondements de la poétique du musicien hongrois – informée par le nationalisme magyar, la « pureté » du folklore paysan et l’utopie de la « musique nocturne ». Par ailleurs, l’étude des formes de transmission et de critique de l’un des compositeurs canoniques du siècle dernier soulève des enjeux plus généraux, qui relèvent de l’histoire culturelle : la continuité entre modernisme artistique et totalitarisme, les formes et les significations de la résistance culturelle, les rapports entre musique et diplomatie, la construction du mythe antifasciste de Bartók. À bien des égards, la « vague bartókienne » qui s’affirma en Italie pendant la période de la guerre froide fut l’aboutissement de la fusion entre le mythe de Bartók – ce « musicien de la liberté » dont parlait le critique Massimo Mila – et le mythe de la renaissance nationale. Une fusion qui avait ses origines dans le paysage sonore de la dictature fasciste et de la Resistenza
This thesis focuses on the reception of Béla Bartók’s music and figure in Italy during the first half of the twentieth century. From a musicological standpoint, the analysis of Bartók’s influence on the works of several Italian composers (from Alfredo Casella to Bruno Maderna) invites us to reconsider the evolution of artistic modernism in Italy, as well as the foundations of Bartók’s poetics – which is informed by Hungarian nationalism, the “purity” of peasant folklore, and the utopia of “night music”. Furthermore, the study of the forms of transmission and criticism of one of the canonical composers of the last century raises broader issues concerning cultural history, such as: the continuity between artistic modernism and totalitarianism, the forms and meanings of cultural resistance, the relation between music and diplomacy, and the construction of the antifascist myth of Bartók.This thesis argues that the Bartókian Wave, which emerged in Italy during the early Cold War period, was the result of the fusion between the Bartók myth – i.e. the “musician of freedom” celebrated by the critic Massimo Mila – and the myth of national regeneration: a fusion that had its origins in the soundscape of Fascist dictatorship and the Resistenza

Studio, trascrizione, analisi e pubblicazione degli scritti e delle note di critica d'arte redatti da Margherita Sarfatti e conservati presso l'Archivio del ‘900 del Mart di Rovereto Il progetto di ricerca si è concentrato sull'analisi del Fondo Margherita Sarfatti, per lo più inedito, conservato presso l'Archivio del '900 del Mart di Rovereto. Il patrimonio documentario, acquisito dal Museo trentino nel 2009, è stato conservato per tutta la vita dall’autrice e ne ha seguito in parte gli spostamenti. Il Fondo consta di oltre 3.000 documenti inediti di corrispondenza personale, scritti preparatori per pubblicazioni e conferenze, testi di altri autori, ritagli stampa e un ricco patrimonio fotografico. Eccettuata la raccolta di ritagli stampa, si tratta nella maggioranza dei casi di materiale manoscritto o dattiloscritto autografo, inedito, e riferibile all'attività di studio e preparazione dei numerosi articoli e saggi pubblicati da Margherita Sarfatti durante la sua prolifica carriera di critica d'arte e promotrice culturale. Sono oggetto di questo studio i documenti conservati nella serie 3, dedicata agli scritti e ricca di un patrimonio di 194 fascicoli e 15 quaderni di appunti personali. Più specificamente, all’interno di questa serie, la ricerca si è concentrata sulla sottosezione 3.3, che raccoglie 98 fascicoli denominati “Materiale preparatorio per articoli e conferenze”. I testi di argomento storico- artistico sono stati oggetto di analisi puntuale e trascrizione. Cronologicamente, la ricerca si è concentrata sul ventennio 1919-39, che rappresenta il periodo più intenso di Sarfatti nell’ambito della critica d’arte, parallelamente alla sua ascesa e poi declino dal ruolo di “regina nazionale senza corona”, secondo la nota definizione data da Alma Mahler nel 1928. I numerosi materiali recuperati a Rovereto hanno consentito di stilare il primo elenco, mai realizzato, sicuramente non esaustivo ma già molto ampio, delle importanti partecipazioni a convegni, conferenze e presentazioni di mostre, tenuti da Sarfatti, in Italia e all’estero, non solo quale promotrice del movimento novecentista o quale illustre critica d’arte, ma talvolta anche come ambasciatrice culturale del Fascismo all’estero. Infine, una sezione è costituita dal significativo corpus di interventi dedicati alle arti decorative e all’architettura. Lo studio del fondo roveretano ha permesso anche un significativo aggiornamento della bibliografia di Sarfatti, di argomento storico-artistico, il cui corpus consta di oltre 700 pubblicazioni tra volumi a stampa e articoli su giornali e riviste. Infine, il patrimonio documentario depositato al Mart comprende la Biblioteca personale di Margherita, o almeno quella parte che dalla villa del Soldo e dagli eredi è arrivata in deposito nell’archivio trentino, ricca di circa 400 pubblicazioni tra cataloghi, testi monografici e riviste. Il lavoro è impostato secondo un ordine cronologico degli avvenimenti ma propone anche un taglio tematico, teso ad individuare la nascita e lo sviluppo di alcuni temi e concetti ricorrenti nella poetica di Sarfatti critica d’arte, senza trascurare la sua poliedrica attività verso le diverse forme espressive e le differenti correnti artistiche. Fulcro ed esito dell’analisi è il testo più importante scritto dall’autrice su questi temi, “Storia della pittura moderna” edito nel 1930, che costituisce un momento cruciale per Margherita, quale punto di arrivo delle ricerche degli anni venti e momento di partenza per le battaglie critiche nel corso degli anni trenta.
Study, transcription, analysis and publication of the writings and notes on art criticism made by Margherita Sarfatti and preserved at Archives of '900, Mart Museum, Rovereto, Italy The research project focuses on the analysis of the Fund Margherita Sarfatti, mostly unpublished, preserved in the Archives of the '900's at Mart Museum in Rovereto, Italy. The Archive, acquired by the Museum of Trentino in 2009, has been preserved for life by the author and followed in part her moves. The Fund consists of over 3,000 unpublished documents of personal correspondence, written in preparation for publications and conferences, texts by other authors, press clippings and a rich photographic heritage. Except for the collection of press cuttings, it is in most cases of autograph and unpublished manuscripts or typewritten documents, and it refers to the activity of study and preparation of numerous articles and essays edited by Margherita Sarfatti during her prolific career as an art critic and cultural promoter. The research involves especially the documents kept in the series 3, dedicated to the writings, of 194 files and 15 personal notebooks. More specifically, in this series, the research has focused on subsection 3.3, which collects 98 files of preparatory material for articles and conferences. The texts of art-historical subject are presented with detailed analysis and transcription. Chronologically, the research is focused on the decades 1919-39, which represents the most intense period of Sarfatti in the field of art criticism, parallel to her rise and then decline in the role of "national uncrowned queen" according to the famous definition given by Alma Mahler in 1928. The numerous materials collected in Mart Archive allowed to draw up the first list, ever made, certainly not exhaustive but already very large, of the important participation in conferences, lectures and presentations of exhibitions, held by Sarfatti, in Italy and abroad, not only as a promoter of the movement Novecento italiano or as a distinguished art critic, but sometimes also as a cultural ambassador of Fascism internationally. Moreover, a section of the research examines a significant group of texts dedicated to decorative arts and architecture. The study of the Fund in Rovereto has also allowed a significant update of Sarfatti's' bibliography on art-historical subjects, whose corpus consists of over 700 publications, including printed books and articles in newspapers and magazines. Finally, the documentary heritage deposited at Mart includes the personal Library of Margherita, or at least that part of it that from the villa Il Soldo and the heirs arrived in storage to the collections of Mart Museum, rich of about 400 publications including catalogs, monographs and journals. The work is set in a chronological order of events but also offers a cutting theme, aimed at identifying the origin and development of some recurring themes and concepts in the poetics of Sarfatti art criticism, without neglecting her multifaceted activities towards different expressive form and various artistic movements. Main focus and outcome of the analysis is the most important text written by the author on these issues, “Storia della pittura moderna”, published in 1930, which represents a crucial time for Margherita Sarfatti as a point of arrival of the research of the twenties and as a start for the critical battles carried on during the thirties.

Il presente lavoro è dedicato alla raccolta e all'analisi di un nutrito corpus di fonti visive e letterarie italiane, aventi come soggetto le popolazioni nere dell’Africa durante il periodo coloniale; l’arco cronologico indagato è, nello specifico, quello del Ventennio fascista (1922-1943). La ricerca prende in esame svariate tipologie di veicoli delle immagini, quali opere d’arte, riviste illustrate e grafica per l’infanzia, nonché numerosi articoli d’epoca tratti da riviste e quotidiani. Lo scopo del lavoro è quello di indagare le diverse modalità di rappresentazione dell’alterità nera, al fine di mettere in luce i pregiudizi e gli stereotipi generati dalla visione eurocentrica. Prima di passare alla disamina dei diversi cliché emersi dal corpus delle immagini reperite, il lavoro propone un primo capitolo introduttivo, dedicato a presentare la metodologia con la quale è stata impostata la ricerca. Il secondo capitolo è suddiviso in due sezioni, l’una rivolta alla contestualizzazione dell’arte a soggetto esotico, della corrente ottocentesca dell’Orientalismo e di alcuni suoi esponenti italiani, l’altra riservata alla presentazione del dibattito in merito all'arte a soggetto coloniale nell'ambito della critica d’arte del Ventennio. Il terzo capitolo, suddiviso anch’esso in diverse sezioni, analizza gli stereotipi maschili e femminili emersi dall'osservazione delle immagini e dalla lettura dei testi d’epoca, tenendo conto di alcuni particolari frangenti storici, quali le guerre italo –etiopiche del tardo Ottocento e del biennio 1935-36, che hanno contribuito alla diffusione di determinati cliché e iconografie. Il lavoro inoltre propone, a margine dell’analisi delle immagini, notizie in merito a molti degli artisti citati, utili per comprendere il contesto e le vicende dell’arte coloniale del periodo fascista e dei suoi protagonisti. Concludono il lavoro l’apparato bibliografico, una selezione degli articoli d’epoca rintracciati, divisi in fonti a tema artistico e fonti a soggetto etnografico, e il catalogo delle illustrazioni, consistente in una selezione di oltre ottocento elementi.

A presente tese de doutoramento tem como principal objeto de investigação e análise o estudodas relações existentes entre a arquitetura italiana e a arquitetura portuguesa durante o vinténioque vai de 1928 a 1948. Do ponto de vista histórico, Itália e Portugal tiveram um contextopolítico similar, caraterizado por dois regimes ditatoriais: o de Mussolini (1922-1943) e o deSalazar (1928-1974).Em ambos os países, a produção arquitetónica financiada pelo governo - nas obras públicas -para dar resposta a uma nova reorganização do Estado, tem aspetos e caraterísticas comuns,sendo a principal a "criação" ou "invenção" de uma modernidade nacionalista. Tendo comoponto de partida as relações políticas, diplomáticas e culturais e o impulso dado por algumasfiguras de relevo - por exemplo, António Ferro e Duarte Pacheco - emergem afinidades formaise programáticas e escolhas linguísticas que foram determinantes para designar uma arquiteturade regime.Em particular, a presente tese procura analisar e clarificar a leitura determinista feita pelahistoriografia portuguesa, ou seja, a de uma ligação com a arquitetura "fascista" proveniente deItália (e da Alemanha). Em relação ao pressuposto - até agora confirmado - de uma similitudepuramente e aparentemente formal, tentou-se identificar as ligações - quais, como e quando -entre os dois países no campo da arquitetura, sendo que esta respondia sempre a uma hegemoniapolítica. Procurou-se também esclarecer se tais ligações existiram de facto e, eventualmente,como se concretizaram nas obras públicas representativas do regime.A base da estrutura argumentativa do presente trabalho foi a de não "isolar" a arquiteturaconstruída do seu contexto político nem da sua ligação estreita com a ideologia subjacente eestruturadora das decisões relativas à construção de uma identidade e de uma memória coletivas;ou seja, de um conceito de "nacionalismo" adjetivado, respetivamente, com os termos "fascista"e "salazarista".As relações entre os arquitetos portugueses e a arquitetura moderna italiana foram "mediadas"pelas viagens de estudo a Itália, pela difusão da arquitetura nas revistas do setor, peloscontactos diretos entre arquitetos por ocasião de exposições e congressos: um conjunto deexperiências, sucessivamente traduzidas nas obras edificadas, que demonstra que o exemploda arquitetura moderna italiana não se limita a episódios pontuais, mas é uma evidência maisampla que implicou, sobretudo, as obras públicas, com uma linguagem reelaborada segundo a"especificidade" de cada um dos regimes. Com efeito, esta tese vai permitir evidenciar que oconjunto das relações entre a Itália e Portugal se carateriza por uma continuidade que, emboracom diferentes conjugações, atravessa o século XX na sua globalidade.
The present PhD thesis has as its main object, research and analysis, the study of the relationshipsbetween Italian and Portuguese architecture, in two decades between 1928 and 1948: from ahistorical point of view, in fact, Italy and Portugal lived a similar political context, characterizedby two dictatorial regimes, respectively, by Mussolini in Italy (1922-43) and by Salazar inPortugal (1928-74).The architectural production financed by the government - in public works - put in place by thetwo countries to respond to a new reorganization of the state, presents links and common points,where the main was the "creation" or "invention" of a nationalist modernity. Starting frompolitical, diplomatic, and cultural relations, and from the impulse of some important figures - asAntonio Ferro and Duarte Pacheco - we can highlight some formal and programmatic affinities,as well as linguistic choices that were decisive to characterize an architecture of dictatorship.In particular, the thesis tries to analyze and clarify a deterministic reading given by thePortuguese historiography, that is the link with a "fascist" architecture coming from Italy (andfrom Germany). Respect to this consolidated assumption - of a purely and apparently formalsimilarity, the attempt has been to clarify which, when and how these relations between the twocountries in the field of architecture have intertwined, which always responded to a hegemonypolicy. Furthermore, if these relations really existed, and - if so - how they have materialized inthe Public Works, that are representative of the regime.The central point of the argumentative structure of the present work, was not "isolating" thearchitecture built from its political context and from the close link with the underlying ideology,in the idea that the decisions werw related to the construction of an identity and a collectivememory; that is, a concept of "nationalism" declined, in the respective countries, in terms of"fascist" and "salazarist".Relations between Portuguese architects and modern Italian architecture were "filtered" throughstudy trips in Italy, the diffusion of architecture in the magazines of the sector, direct contactsbetween architects during exhibitions and congresses: a set of facts, later translated into thebuilt works, which demonstrate how the example of modern Italian architecture is not limitedto timely episodes but constitutes a wider affair that interested, above all, public works, with alanguage response reworked according to the "specificity" "of the two countries.In fact, it will emerge that the complex of relations between Italy and Portugal is characterizedas a continuity, which, although with different variations, goes through the entire 20th century.Keywords: Architecture; Modern; Dictatorship; Italy; Portugal; Fascism; New State

ResumoA presente tese de doutoramento tem como principal objeto de investigação e análise o estudodas relações existentes entre a arquitetura italiana e a arquitetura portuguesa durante o vinténioque vai de 1928 a 1948. Do ponto de vista histórico, Itália e Portugal tiveram um contextopolítico similar, caraterizado por dois regimes ditatoriais: o de Mussolini (1922-1943) e o deSalazar (1928-1974).Em ambos os países, a produção arquitetónica financiada pelo governo - nas obras públicas -para dar resposta a uma nova reorganização do Estado, tem aspetos e caraterísticas comuns,sendo a principal a "criação" ou "invenção" de uma modernidade nacionalista. Tendo comoponto de partida as relações políticas, diplomáticas e culturais e o impulso dado por algumasfiguras de relevo - por exemplo, António Ferro e Duarte Pacheco - emergem afinidades formaise programáticas e escolhas linguísticas que foram determinantes para designar uma arquiteturade regime.Em particular, a presente tese procura analisar e clarificar a leitura determinista feita pelahistoriografia portuguesa, ou seja, a de uma ligação com a arquitetura "fascista" proveniente deItália (e da Alemanha). Em relação ao pressuposto - até agora confirmado - de uma similitudepuramente e aparentemente formal, tentou-se identificar as ligações - quais, como e quando -entre os dois países no campo da arquitetura, sendo que esta respondia sempre a uma hegemoniapolítica. Procurou-se também esclarecer se tais ligações existiram de facto e, eventualmente,como se concretizaram nas obras públicas representativas do regime.A base da estrutura argumentativa do presente trabalho foi a de não "isolar" a arquiteturaconstruída do seu contexto político nem da sua ligação estreita com a ideologia subjacente eestruturadora das decisões relativas à construção de uma identidade e de uma memória coletivas;ou seja, de um conceito de "nacionalismo" adjetivado, respetivamente, com os termos "fascista"e "salazarista".As relações entre os arquitetos portugueses e a arquitetura moderna italiana foram "mediadas"pelas viagens de estudo a Itália, pela difusão da arquitetura nas revistas do setor, peloscontactos diretos entre arquitetos por ocasião de exposições e congressos: um conjunto deexperiências, sucessivamente traduzidas nas obras edificadas, que demonstra que o exemploda arquitetura moderna italiana não se limita a episódios pontuais, mas é uma evidência maisampla que implicou, sobretudo, as obras públicas, com uma linguagem reelaborada segundo a"especificidade" de cada um dos regimes. Com efeito, esta tese vai permitir evidenciar que oconjunto das relações entre a Itália e Portugal se carateriza por uma continuidade que, emboracom diferentes conjugações, atravessa o século XX na sua globalidade.
AbstractThe present PhD thesis has as its main object, research and analysis, the study of the relationshipsbetween Italian and Portuguese architecture, in two decades between 1928 and 1948: from ahistorical point of view, in fact, Italy and Portugal lived a similar political context, characterizedby two dictatorial regimes, respectively, by Mussolini in Italy (1922-43) and by Salazar inPortugal (1928-74).The architectural production financed by the government - in public works - put in place by thetwo countries to respond to a new reorganization of the state, presents links and common points,where the main was the "creation" or "invention" of a nationalist modernity. Starting frompolitical, diplomatic, and cultural relations, and from the impulse of some important figures - asAntonio Ferro and Duarte Pacheco - we can highlight some formal and programmatic affinities,as well as linguistic choices that were decisive to characterize an architecture of dictatorship.In particular, the thesis tries to analyze and clarify a deterministic reading given by thePortuguese historiography, that is the link with a "fascist" architecture coming from Italy (andfrom Germany). Respect to this consolidated assumption - of a purely and apparently formalsimilarity, the attempt has been to clarify which, when and how these relations between the twocountries in the field of architecture have intertwined, which always responded to a hegemonypolicy. Furthermore, if these relations really existed, and - if so - how they have materialized inthe Public Works, that are representative of the regime.The central point of the argumentative structure of the present work, was not "isolating" thearchitecture built from its political context and from the close link with the underlying ideology,in the idea that the decisions werw related to the construction of an identity and a collectivememory; that is, a concept of "nationalism" declined, in the respective countries, in terms of"fascist" and "salazarist".Relations between Portuguese architects and modern Italian architecture were "filtered" throughstudy trips in Italy, the diffusion of architecture in the magazines of the sector, direct contactsbetween architects during exhibitions and congresses: a set of facts, later translated into thebuilt works, which demonstrate how the example of modern Italian architecture is not limitedto timely episodes but constitutes a wider affair that interested, above all, public works, with alanguage response reworked according to the "specificity" "of the two countries.In fact, it will emerge that the complex of relations between Italy and Portugal is characterizedas a continuity, which, although with different variations, goes through the entire 20th century.Keywords: Architecture; Modern; Dictatorship; Italy; Portugal; Fascism; New State

O tema desta dissertação é a cidade de Roma entendida não apenas como formafísica mas, sobretudo, como um conjunto de valores e simbolismos intrínsecos àsua imagem e memória, associados à construção de um cenário político ideal emoderno, particularmente o movimento fascista durante o período Mussoliniano(1922-43).A equação do problema coloca-se a partir da interpretação do movimento políticocomo organizador do espaço, uma identificação fundamental para o estudo datransformação e modernização da cidade de Roma entre guerras, visto que as suassucessivas conceções e contradições constituem, na sua essência, o simulacro idealda metrópole moderna fascista. A importância da cidade está, em nosso entender,subordinada ao facto de esta ser o produto físico construído a partir de metáforas ede retóricas e, por isso, o gerador de um ideal e de um instrumento político.Cidade cuja forma antiga se afigura caótica e amontoada: um quadro demonumentos composto por fragmentos imperiais, mitos e valores intemporais deglória, e simbolismos de natureza romana. Esta identidade específica apela àapropriação e ao renascimento dos valores consolidados para lhes associar umasérie de novas imagens modernas, representativas das ideologias do movimentopolítico e decisivas, portanto, na sua propaganda, ascensão, e afirmação. É,precisamente, a importância do mito de romanità que constitui a chave para acompreensão do valor da cidade de Roma - cidade antiga - e da transposição da suacondição para a nova e atualizada realidade urbana fascista - cidade nova.Antigo e moderno são termos a que o texto recorre seletivamente na tentativa deconstruir uma perspetiva sobre a identidade ideal da política fascista, e a cidadecomo expressão da mesma. É, por isso, a concretização do espaço urbano fascistaque constitui a matéria deste trabalho, numa ótica política e fortemente ligada àapropriação e determinação do espaço pelo regime e do regime pelo espaço.
The theme of this Dissertation is the city of Rome understood not only as aphysical form but above all as a set of values and symbolisms inherent in hisimage and memory, associated with building an ideal and modern politicalscenario, particularly the fascist movement during the Mussolini period (1922-43).The problem of the equation arises from the interpretation of the politicalmovement as an organizer of space, a key identifier for the study of thetransformation and modernization of the city of Rome between wars, since theirsuccessive conceptions and contradictions are, in essence, the perfect simulacrumof the fascist modern metropolis. The importance of the city is, in our opinion,subject to the fact that it is the physical product built from metaphors and rhetoricsand therefore the generator of an ideal and a political instrument.City whose ancient form seems chaotic and crowded: one frame of monumentscomposed of imperial fragments, myths and timeless values of glory, andsymbolism of Roman nature. This specific identity calls for ownership and revivalof the consolidated figures for them to associate a number of new modern images,representing the ideologies of political movement and decisive, therefore, in theirpropaganda, rise, and affirmation. It is precisely the importance of romanità myththat is the key to understanding the value of the city of Rome - ancient city - andthe implementation of its condition for new and updated fascist urban reality - newcity.Ancient and modern are terms that the text refers selectively in trying to build aperspective on the ideal identity of the fascist policy, and the city as an expressionof it. It is, therefore, the realization of the fascist urban space that is the subject ofthis work, a political perspective and strongly linked to the recognition andmeasurement of space by the regime and the regime through space.

O tema desta dissertação é a cidade de Roma entendida não apenas como formafísica mas, sobretudo, como um conjunto de valores e simbolismos intrínsecos àsua imagem e memória, associados à construção de um cenário político ideal emoderno, particularmente o movimento fascista durante o período Mussoliniano(1922-43).A equação do problema coloca-se a partir da interpretação do movimento políticocomo organizador do espaço, uma identificação fundamental para o estudo datransformação e modernização da cidade de Roma entre guerras, visto que as suassucessivas conceções e contradições constituem, na sua essência, o simulacro idealda metrópole moderna fascista. A importância da cidade está, em nosso entender,subordinada ao facto de esta ser o produto físico construído a partir de metáforas ede retóricas e, por isso, o gerador de um ideal e de um instrumento político.Cidade cuja forma antiga se afigura caótica e amontoada: um quadro demonumentos composto por fragmentos imperiais, mitos e valores intemporais deglória, e simbolismos de natureza romana. Esta identidade específica apela àapropriação e ao renascimento dos valores consolidados para lhes associar umasérie de novas imagens modernas, representativas das ideologias do movimentopolítico e decisivas, portanto, na sua propaganda, ascensão, e afirmação. É,precisamente, a importância do mito de romanità que constitui a chave para acompreensão do valor da cidade de Roma - cidade antiga - e da transposição da suacondição para a nova e atualizada realidade urbana fascista - cidade nova.Antigo e moderno são termos a que o texto recorre seletivamente na tentativa deconstruir uma perspetiva sobre a identidade ideal da política fascista, e a cidadecomo expressão da mesma. É, por isso, a concretização do espaço urbano fascistaque constitui a matéria deste trabalho, numa ótica política e fortemente ligada àapropriação e determinação do espaço pelo regime e do regime pelo espaço.
The theme of this Dissertation is the city of Rome understood not only as aphysical form but above all as a set of values and symbolisms inherent in hisimage and memory, associated with building an ideal and modern politicalscenario, particularly the fascist movement during the Mussolini period (1922-43).The problem of the equation arises from the interpretation of the politicalmovement as an organizer of space, a key identifier for the study of thetransformation and modernization of the city of Rome between wars, since theirsuccessive conceptions and contradictions are, in essence, the perfect simulacrumof the fascist modern metropolis. The importance of the city is, in our opinion,subject to the fact that it is the physical product built from metaphors and rhetoricsand therefore the generator of an ideal and a political instrument.City whose ancient form seems chaotic and crowded: one frame of monumentscomposed of imperial fragments, myths and timeless values of glory, andsymbolism of Roman nature. This specific identity calls for ownership and revivalof the consolidated figures for them to associate a number of new modern images,representing the ideologies of political movement and decisive, therefore, in theirpropaganda, rise, and affirmation. It is precisely the importance of romanità myththat is the key to understanding the value of the city of Rome - ancient city - andthe implementation of its condition for new and updated fascist urban reality - newcity.Ancient and modern are terms that the text refers selectively in trying to build aperspective on the ideal identity of the fascist policy, and the city as an expressionof it. It is, therefore, the realization of the fascist urban space that is the subject ofthis work, a political perspective and strongly linked to the recognition andmeasurement of space by the regime and the regime through space.