Bibliografías temáticas / Arabic and Swahili

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Literatura académica sobre el tema "Arabic and Swahili"

Autor: Grafiati
Publicado: 25 de julio de 2024

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Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Arabic and Swahili"

1

Mugane, John. "The Odyssey of ʿAjamī and the Swahili People". Islamic Africa 8, № 1-2 (2017): 193–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/21540993-00801005.

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This paper takes a look at the odyssey of the Arabic script in Swahili hands. It shows how the distinction between the Arabic script and Swahili ʿAjamī constitutes a hyphen whose meaning is saturated with the story of Swahili society and language. The hyphen represents a non-trivial record of Swahili agency as innovative users, authors, transcribers, translators, and interpreters of the Arabic script enlarged its use and versatility as a viable medium to write Swahili, a Bantu language. The paper identifies as resilience Swahili efforts to sustain the use of the unmodified Arabic script alongside the enriched one. The Swahili wrote because they were compelled to write, everyone in their dialect, with content not divorced from script. The Swahili ʿAjamī record is a bonafide source and terminus of Africa’s knowledge.
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2

Mwaliwa, Hanah Chaga. "Modern Swahili: an integration of Arabic culture into Swahili literature." Tydskrif vir Letterkunde 55, no. 2 (2018): 120–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/2309-9070/tvl.v.55i2.1631.

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Due to her geographical position, the African continent has for many centuries hosted visitors from other continents such as Asia and Europe. Such visitors came to Africa as explorers, missionaries, traders and colonialists. Over the years, the continent has played host to the Chinese, Portuguese, Persians, Indians, Arabs and Europeans. Arabs have had a particularly long history of interaction with East African people, and have therefore made a significant contribution to the development of the Swahili language. Swahili is an African native language of Bantu origin which had been in existence before the arrival of Arabs in East Africa. The long period of interaction between Arabs and the locals led to linguistic borrowing mainly from Arabic to Swahili. The presence of loanwords in Swahili is evidence of cultural interaction between the Swahili and Arabic people. The Arabic words are borrowed from diverse registers of the language. Hence, Swahili literature is loaded with Arabic cultural aspects through Arabic loanwords. Many literary works are examples of Swahili literature that contains such words. As a result, there is evidence of Swahili integrating Arabic culture in its literature, an aspect that this paper seeks to highlight.
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3

de Voogt, Alex. "Sikujua’s Writing of Muyaka’s Poetry in Arabic Script." Journal of Islamic Manuscripts 15, no. 1 (2023): 5–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1878464x-01401005.

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Abstract Muyaka’s poetry as it is known today was first recorded in the 1890s, mainly written down by Mwalimu Sikujua who used Arabic script as well as an adapted Swahili-Arabic writing system to document the language. Sikujua’s versatility when using the Arabic script as well as his use of variant spellings suggest a writing practice that embraces rather than avoids orthographic variation. His use of diacritics including the shadda and hamza is particularly noteworthy. Muyaka’s poems with their frequent repetitions as well as the writing of the poet’s name feature multiple spellings by Sikujua even when applying the adapted Swahili-Arabic script. Sikujua invented solutions that best approach a Swahili pronunciation but he also displays a detailed understanding and creative use of a wide range of Arabic signs and diacritics. The complexities of writing Swahili with Arabic script benefit from Sikujua’s creativity. It is this versatility and creativity that has been largely ignored and misinterpreted as merely inconsistent in studies where standardization is considered preferable.
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4

Omar, Yahya Ali, and P. J. L. Frankl. "An Historical Review of the Arabic Rendering of Swahili Together with Proposals for the Development of a Swahili Writing System in Arabic Script (Based on the Swahili of Mombasa)." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 7, no. 1 (1997): 55–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186300008312.

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This article provides an historical review of the Arabic rendering of Swahili, while Appendix A (Parts I and II) contains proposals for the development of Arabic script to yield a phonologically adequate writing system for a variety of Swahili spoken on the East African coast – the variety known as kiMvita (central Swahili), and spoken from just north of T’akaungu to Mombasa, and thence as far south as Gasi. Parallel possibilities for the refinement of romanised script are not considered in any detail.It should be stressed that kiMvita, the variety of Swahili here described, is not the standardised language. For a number of reasons, the Swahili speech of Zanzibar town, together with the Swahili spoken by Africans from the interior of the continent but resident in Zanzibar, were the varieties of Swahili with which the pioneering standardises of Swahili were familiar.
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5

Gromova, Nelli V., Yulia G. Suetina, and Aida R. Fattakhova. "THE EVOLUTION OF ARABIC LOANWORDS IN THE LANGUAGES OF EAST AND WEST AFRICA." Вестник Пермского университета. Российская и зарубежная филология 13, no. 3 (2021): 12–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2073-6681-2021-3-12-18.

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The article deals with the evolution of words borrowed from the Arabic language in two major African languages – Swahili and Hausa, from the mid-20th century to the present day. We used S. Baldi’s dictionary A First Ethnolinguistic Comparison of Arabic Loanwords Common to Hausa and Swahili as a basis for comparative analysis. The analysis allowed us to identify the peculiarities of the functioning of Arabic loanwords in the Swahili and Hausa languages at the contemporary stage of their development. These are code-switching at the phonological level, lexical and semantic variations of linguistic borrowings introduction (semantic broadening or narrowing, acquisition of a new meaning different from the original one), grammar transformation (change of the part of speech, derivational activity). When adapting Arabic loanwords, the Swahili and Hausa languages adhere to certain strategies, which are generally common to both languages. The paper is mainly focused on the study of the lexical and semantic relations between the prototype and the correlative borrowing in the modern Swahili and Hausa languages, the identification of changes in the original semantic structure of a word in the recipient language or its conservation with the motivational feature being preserved. There are distinguished thematic groups of Arabic loanwords, with words related to religion and trade constituting the largest groups in number. Many Arabic loanwords have disappeared from active use in the past 70 years, especially in the Hausa language that has a lesser period of contacts with the Arabic language.
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6

Muhindo, Faisal Masuod. "As-Shuwar as-Salbiyyah li al-Mar’ah fî Amtsâl al-‘Arabiyyah wa al-Amtsâl as-Sawâhiliyyah (Dirâsah Muqâranah)." International Journal of Arabic Language Teaching 4, no. 01 (2022): 18. http://dx.doi.org/10.32332/ijalt.v4i01.4606.

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This study aimed to reveal the image of women in Arabic and Swahili Proverbs, and to identify the issues and meanings addressed by the owners of the environment in which the proverbs were said and broadcasted, in addition to highlighting the sweetness felt in the proverbs of humor and anagrams, which enhances literary pleasure. The research methodology used for this study was the comparative approach whereby an image of women was presented through Arabic and Swahili proverbs, and the researcher also used the descriptive analytical approach to highlight the contents of proverbs and their significance to reveal the image of women that reflects their status in society, and this enabled the researcher in comparing the image of omen between Arabic and Swahili proverbs. The results of the research indicated that there are proverbs in Arabic and Swahili languages that glorifies women and raises their status which are few when compared to other proverbs that detract their status and reduce their value, we sometimes find that the two extremes coexist in one example.
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7

Luffin, Xavier. "The influence of Swahili on Kinubi." Journal of Pidgin and Creole Languages 29, no. 2 (2014): 299–318. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jpcl.29.2.04luf.

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Kinubi, as it is spoken today in Kenya and Uganda, is strongly influenced by Swahili, the two languages having been in contact with each other for more than one century. This influence does not occur in the lexicon alone, but also in the phonology and even the morphology and syntax of Kinubi. Though the analysis of the lexicon and the phonology appear to be rather easy, the possible influence of Swahili on Kinubi morphology and syntax may prove to be may be more problematic. However, this influence may be ‘measured’ through the comparison of Kinubi and Juba Arabic: many features shared by Kinubi and Swahili are not found in Juba Arabic, which tends to show that these expressions come from Swahili. This influence seems to be rather uniform, though Swahili does not occupy the same place in Uganda and Kenya. This fact may be explained by several factors, like the ‘Islamic’ culture of the Nubi, which makes Swahili a language of prestige, even in the community based in Uganda, as well as the permanence of the contact between Nubi communities across the border, including intermarriage and other social factors.
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8

Topan, Farouk. "Biography Writing in Swahili." History in Africa 24 (January 1997): 299–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3172032.

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Any meaningful assessment of biography and autobiography writing among the Swahili as a historical source needs to take at least three factors into consideration. The first is the influence of Arab literary traditions on the emergence of the genre on the East African coast; the second is the relationship between literacy and orality, and its implication for writing and narration in an African context. The role of colonialism, and the introduction of the Western “mode” of biography and autobiography writing, forms the third factor. The aim of the paper is to survey these factors, not chronologically, but as part of a general discussion on the notion and status of the genre in the Swahili context.Swahili interface with Arabic as an essential ingredient of Islamic practice laid the foundation for the development of literate genres on the East African coast, among them the biographical and the historical. In the process, Swahili adopted styles of narrative expression which are reflected in the terms employed for them. The most common are habari (from the Arabic khabar) and wasifu (from wasf). In its original usage, khabar denoted a description of an event or events that were connected in a single narrative by means of a phrase such as “in that year.” It lacked a genealogy of narrators, and the form was stylistically flexible to include verses of poetry relevant to the events. In Swahili the current meaning of the word habari is “information” and “news” (and, hence, also a greeting) but, as a historical genre, it has been used in two ways. The first is in relation to the history of the city-states recounted through documents whose titles include the word, khabari/habari, (or the plural, akhbar in Arabic), usually translated as “chronicle(s).”
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9

Timammy, Rayya, and Amir Swaleh. "THEMATIC ANALYSIS OF UTENDI WA MWANA KUPONA: A SWAHILI/ISLAMIC PERSPECTIVE." International Journal for Innovation Education and Research 1, no. 3 (2013): 60–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.31686/ijier.vol1.iss3.116.

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This paper has the objective to make a thematic analysis of a classic poem Utendi wa Mwana Kupona using a Swahili/Islamic approach. The poem is believed to have been written by Mwana Kupona binti Mshamu in 1858. The poem is intended to be a motherly advice to her daughter about her religious and marital duties in a Swahili society.As a background to this paper, it was found out that Swahili culture has been greatly influenced by Islam. Ever since Arab, Persian, Indian and other merchants from Asia and the Middle East visited the East African coast to trade or settle, the Waswahili people embraced Islam. The Islamic religion influenced Swahili culture greatly. One of the more direct influences was the adoption of the Arabic script which the Swahili used to write their poetry and used it for other communication.The Arabic language had a lot of impact on the Kiswahili language, enriching it with new vocabulary, and especially religious and literary terminology. This is why a majority of the Waswahili are Muslims; hence Islam is an attribute accompanying the definition of ‘Mswahili’. A modest estimate would put words borrowed from the Arabic language into the Kiswahili language at between twenty to thirty percent.The eighteenth and nineteenth centuries saw a rapid development of written Kiswahili literature, especially in verse form. The majority or almost all of the poets of the time were very religious or very knowledgeable about Islam. This is the reason most poems of the time were pervaded by Islamic religious themes or other themes but definitely using an Islamic perspective. Utendi wa Mwana Kupona is one such verse. It is a mother’s advice to her daughter about her duties and obligations towards God, and specifically, towards a husband.
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van de Bruinhorst, Gerard C. "Changing Criticism of Swahili Qur'an Translations: The Three ‘Rods of Moses’." Journal of Qur'anic Studies 15, no. 3 (2013): 206–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jqs.2013.0118.

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This article examines three Swahili books with the same title Fimbo ya Musa (‘The Rod of Moses’), published between 1970 and 2010, each of which critically investigates Qur'an translations and vernacular religious texts in Swahili. The first Fimbo was written by the Kenyan Ahmad Ahmad Badawy and criticises one of the earliest Swahili Qur'an translations, by Abdullah Saleh al-Farsy. In the second, Nurudin Hussein Shadhuly, head of the Shadhuly/Yashrutiyya Ṣūfī branch in Tanzania examines and condemns the translation efforts by Saidi Musa, a student of al-Farsy. The final Fimbo is a treatise by the Ibāḍī scholar Juma al-Mazrui from Oman and digitally distributed in 2010 which deals with the doctrine of God's visibility in the hereafter and is an answer to the Salafiyya Tanzanian Kassim Mafuta's 2008 work on this topic. The example of these three polemics over the last four decades shows the shifting concerns in the reaction to the translated Qur'an in Swahili. The act of translation from Arabic to the vernacular is no longer attacked, but rather the theological implications of a deficient translation are at the heart of the more recent discussions. While authoritative knowledge is still associated with a high command of Arabic, affiliation to a particular school of law or intellectual genealogy is not. Religious learning is no longer primarily transmitted through well-established links of personal authorities, but can increasingly be derived from private study and reading. As a direct result of this opening up of a wide field of knowledge for a non-Arabic reading audience, the potential numbers of discussants increases: each new Swahili Qur'an translation reveals more of the enigmatic character of the Qur'an and fuels new debates.
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Tesis sobre el tema "Arabic and Swahili"

1

Mutiso, Kineene Wa. "Kasida ya Hamziyyah (part 1)." Universitätsbibliothek Leipzig, 2012. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:15-qucosa-98128.

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Kasida ya Hamziyyah, yumkini, ndiyo tafsiri ya Kiswahili ya zamani zaidi. Kiswahili kilichotumiwa katika ukawafi huu kimechakaa sana hata maneno mengine hayatumiki tena. Hii ni kasida ambayo ni maarufu sana katika ulimwengu wa fasihi na dini ya Kiislamu na Waswahili huikariri wakati wa sherehe za Maulidi ya Nabii Muhammadi au wanapocheza Twari la Ndiya. Kasida hii ya Hamziyah pia hujulikana kama Chuo cha Hamziyah au Utenzi wa Hamziyah. Kasida ya Hamziyyah ilitafsiriwa kutoka kwa Kiarabu na Sayyid Aidarus bin Athumani bin Sheikh Abubakar bin Salim hapo mwaka wa 1652b. Pamoja na kuinukuu kwa hati za Kirumi nimebawibu Hamziyah katika sehemu mbalimbali, kulingana na maudhui yake, ili iweze kusomeka kwa urahisi na iweze kuwavutia wasomaji. Katika miswada ya Kiswahili niliyoipata, mswada mmoja una ubeti mmoja zaidi.
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2

Gerhardt, Ludwig. "Swahili: eine Sprache, zwei Schriften." Universität Leipzig, 2005. https://ul.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A33608.

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Der Aufsatz behandelt die Verschriftlichung des Swahili in zwei verschiedenen Schriften, der arabischen – in vorkolonialer Zeit – und der lateinischen unter Einfluss der Missionen und der Kolonialregierung. Er geht auf die Probleme ein, die bei der Schreibung in diesen beiden Systemen entstanden sind und zeigt Lösungen, wie sie im Laufe der langen Schreib- und Literaturtradition in beiden Alphabeten entwickelt worden sind.
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3

Luffin, Xavier. "On the Swahili documents in Arabic script from the Congo (19th century)." Universitätsbibliothek Leipzig, 2012. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:15-qucosa-91085.

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Si les documents rédigés en kiswahili à l’aide des caractères arabes provenant d’Afrique de l’Est sont bien renseignés depuis longtemps, qu’il s’agisse de correspondance ou de littérature, l’existence de tels documents provenant d’Afrique Centrale, et en particulier du Congo, est encore très mal connue. Pourtant, outre les témoignages de divers observateurs ou acteurs européens des débuts de la colonisation, plusieurs documents conservés pour la plupart en Belgique ont subsisté jusqu’à nos jours. Il s’agit essentiellement de la correspondance de marchands swahilis établis dans l’ancien district des Stanley Falls, mais aussi de traités, d’échanges «diplomatiques» ou de notes personnelles, remontant essentiellement aux deux dernières décennies du 19ème siècle. Ces documents se révèlent être une source intéressante à la fois pour l’Histoire du Congo précolonial et pour l’étude diachronique du kiswahili et de son expansion géographique<br>Though the existence of Swahili documents in Arabic script originating from East Africa – mainly Tanzania and Kenya – has been well documented for a long time (see for instance Büttner 1892, Allen 1970, Dammann 1993 and the recent Swahili Manuscripts Database of the SOAS), very few things regarding such manuscripts in Central Africa, and especially the Congo, have been reported up to now. However, several museums and archives in Belgium and elsewhere hold documents written in Swahili with Arabic script coming from what is today the DRC, along with other documents in the Arabic language.1 All of them date back to the two last decades of the 19th century. Most of these documents are to be found in the Historical Archives of the Royal Museum of Central Africa (MRAC), Tervuren, but some other Belgian institutions like the African Archives (AA) of the Belgian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Library of the University of Liège (ULg) and the Army Museum (MRA) in Brussels, also contain some examples of these documents. Other possible sources should be explored, like the personal archives of families whose ancestors worked in the Congo during the colonial time – most of the Swahili documents in Tervuren are personal papers belonging to former Belgian officers, which were donated to the Museum after their death – as well as the archives of Christian missionary orders. Nevertheless, nothing is known about the presence of such documents in DRC today, but we can suppose that some of them have been preserved in places like mosques, Koranic schools or personal archives
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4

Luffin, Xavier. "On the Swahili documents in Arabic script from the Congo (19th century)." Swahili Forum 14 (2007), S. 17-26, 2007. https://ul.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A11499.

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Si les documents rédigés en kiswahili à l’aide des caractères arabes provenant d’Afrique de l’Est sont bien renseignés depuis longtemps, qu’il s’agisse de correspondance ou de littérature, l’existence de tels documents provenant d’Afrique Centrale, et en particulier du Congo, est encore très mal connue. Pourtant, outre les témoignages de divers observateurs ou acteurs européens des débuts de la colonisation, plusieurs documents conservés pour la plupart en Belgique ont subsisté jusqu’à nos jours. Il s’agit essentiellement de la correspondance de marchands swahilis établis dans l’ancien district des Stanley Falls, mais aussi de traités, d’échanges «diplomatiques» ou de notes personnelles, remontant essentiellement aux deux dernières décennies du 19ème siècle. Ces documents se révèlent être une source intéressante à la fois pour l’Histoire du Congo précolonial et pour l’étude diachronique du kiswahili et de son expansion géographique.<br>Though the existence of Swahili documents in Arabic script originating from East Africa – mainly Tanzania and Kenya – has been well documented for a long time (see for instance Büttner 1892, Allen 1970, Dammann 1993 and the recent Swahili Manuscripts Database of the SOAS), very few things regarding such manuscripts in Central Africa, and especially the Congo, have been reported up to now. However, several museums and archives in Belgium and elsewhere hold documents written in Swahili with Arabic script coming from what is today the DRC, along with other documents in the Arabic language.1 All of them date back to the two last decades of the 19th century. Most of these documents are to be found in the Historical Archives of the Royal Museum of Central Africa (MRAC), Tervuren, but some other Belgian institutions like the African Archives (AA) of the Belgian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Library of the University of Liège (ULg) and the Army Museum (MRA) in Brussels, also contain some examples of these documents. Other possible sources should be explored, like the personal archives of families whose ancestors worked in the Congo during the colonial time – most of the Swahili documents in Tervuren are personal papers belonging to former Belgian officers, which were donated to the Museum after their death – as well as the archives of Christian missionary orders. Nevertheless, nothing is known about the presence of such documents in DRC today, but we can suppose that some of them have been preserved in places like mosques, Koranic schools or personal archives.
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5

Omar, Yahya Ali. "Burdai ya Al-Busiri." Universitätsbibliothek Leipzig, 2012. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:15-qucosa-97744.

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The Burda (or `mantle´), an Arabic poem in praise of the prophet Muhammad (s. a.u.), was composed in Egypt by the 7th /13th century poet al-Busiri. Over the centuries the Burda of al-Busiri has become familiar in many parts of the Islamic world, including Swahili-land -where it is known as Burdai. Although it has already been translated into Swahili verse, this seems to be the first occasion that the Burdai has been translated into Swahili prose (into kiMvita, the speech of Swahili Mambasa). The translation which follows employs a new system of orthography which now appears in print for the very first time.
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6

Bertoncini, Elena. "Code-switching in an `Utendi´?" Universitätsbibliothek Leipzig, 2012. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:15-qucosa-92657.

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In old Swahili tendi and homiletic poems about 50% of vocabulary is of Arabic origin (Bertoncini 1973), and besides single words, they include noun phrases or even whole Arabic sentences. In order to prove my point, I will discuss some verses taken from the Utendi wa Shujaka by one Hasan bin Ali from Lamu. The only extant manuscript of this epic poem in 295 stanzas was brought to Germany in 1854 by Ludwig Krapf and is kept in the Library of the Orientalistic Society in Halle. The poem is written in the Lamu dialect with many archaic features, like the incomplete palatalization of KI, the demonstratives in S- and others. But what is striking is the great amount of Arabic phrases and whole sentences, to the extent that we may perhaps speak of a case of code-switching. In fact, several verses of the poem cannot be understood properly without some knowledge of the main features of Arabic grammar, such as verb conjugation (both perfective and imperfective), verb forms (or classes), active and passive participles, noun inflection (masculine and feminine, broken plurals, construct state), personal, relative and possessive pronouns, prepositions and their combination with enclitic pronouns, numerals, conjunctions and particles, as well as word order.
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7

Hirji, Zulfikar A. "The co construction of space and relatedness amongst Swahili speaking Muslims of the Indian Ocean : Zanzibar, Mombasa and Muscat." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.248924.

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8

Raia, Annachiara. "Swahili Palimpsests: The Muslim stories beneath Swahili compositions." 2018. https://ul.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A35323.

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Although a textual relationship between Arabic Muslim texts and their rendition through Swahili epic poems (tendi) is acknowledged in Swahili poetry studies, “translation” is not a straightforward explanation of this relationship. Furthermore, Swahili narrative poems on the prophets (manabii), mostly created at the end of the 19th century, have seldom been considered in textual relation to the Qiṣaṣ al-Anbiyā’ literature or to the Qur’ān. Thus, important questions have not been asked: How did the Arabic stories of the prophets arrive on the Swahili coast? How did poets appropriate these stories and forge them into a new narrative discourse? In this paper, I focus on tafsiri as a form of appropriation and adaptation, applying Gérard Genette’s concept of “palimpsest” to analyse the textual relationship between Arabic Muslim and Swahili literary texts. This will allow me, through a close reading of these texts and consideration of both language and genre, to identify the palimpsestuous presence or rather copresence of Arabic source texts within Swahili works. Ultimately, this method offers a model for future philologies of world literature.
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Libros sobre el tema "Arabic and Swahili"

1

Kubwa, Rustam Mohamed. Arabic contribution to the Swahili language. Sharjah Institute for Heritage, 2016.

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2

Markaz al-ʻĀlamī lil-Dirāsāt al-Afrīqīyah (Sudan), ed. The impact of the Arabic language on standard Swahili: Zanzibar island. International Center for African Studies, 2008.

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3

Baldi, Sergio. A first ethnolinguistic comparison of Arabic loanwords common to Hausa and Swahili. Istituto universitario orientale, 1988.

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4

Bosha, I. Taathira za Kiarabu katika Kiswahili pamoja na kamusi thulathiya (Kiswahili-Kiarabu-Kiingereza) =: Tāthirā zā KiʻArabu katika Kisuwāḥili pamūja nā kāmūsi thulāthiyā (Kiswāḥili-kiʻArabu-Kinghiriza) = al-Taʼthīrāt al-ʻArabīyah fī al-lughah al-Sawāḥilīyah maʻa muʻjam thalāthati (Sawāḥilī-ʻArabī-Injilīzī) = The influence of Arabic language on Kiswahili with a trilingual dictionary (Swahili-Arabic-English). Dar es Salaam University Press, 1993.

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5

Chuo Kikuu cha Dar es Salaam. Taasisi ya Uchunguzi wa Kiswahili, ed. Kamusi Asisi ya Kiingereza-Kiswahili-Kiarabu. Taasisi ya Taaluma za Kiswahili, Chuo Kikuu cha Dar es Salaam, 2012.

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6

T, Allen J. W., ed. A poem concerning the death of the prophet Muhammad =: Utendi wa kutawafu Nabii : a traditional Swahili epic, with transliteration, translation, and notes on the reading of Swahili manuscripts in Arabic script for advanced students. E. Mellen Press, 1991.

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7

Dictionnaire des emprunts arabes dans les langues de l'Afrique de l'Ouest et en swahili. Éditions Karthala, 2008.

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8

Sicard, S. von. An Azanian trio: Three East African Arabic historical documents. Brill, 2019.

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Mohamed, Elmedlaoui, ed. Syllables in Tashlhiyt Berber and in Moroccan Arabic. Kluwer Academic Publishers, 2002.

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Françoise, Le Guennec-Coppens, and Caplan Patricia, eds. Les Swahili entre Afrique et Arabie. Karthala, 1991.

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Capítulos de libros sobre el tema "Arabic and Swahili"

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Ichumbaki, Elgidius B. "Methodological Approaches to Researching Maritime and Underwater Cultural Heritage Along the Swahili Coast in Tanzania." In Maritime and Underwater Cultural Heritage Management on the Historic and Arabian Trade Routes. Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-55837-6_3.

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Maw, Joan. "Fungu la kumi na nne Sokoni — At the market Matamshi ya kiarabu — Arabic—type Pronunciation." In Swahili For Starters. Oxford University PressOxford, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198237839.003.0014.

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Abstract If possible, with a friend practise buying and selling, using anything to hand — real goods, or pebbles etc. to represent them. The goods should first be laid out neatly in piles, or singly in front of the seller.
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"Quatrain: A Swahili Quatrain in Arabic Script." In An Azanian Trio, edited by James McL. Ritchie and Sigvard von Sicard. BRILL, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004258600_010.

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"Swahili Documents from Congo (19th Century): Variation in Orthography." In The Arabic Script in Africa. BRILL, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004256804_015.

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"Akhi patia kalamu: Writing Swahili Poetry in Arabic Script." In The Arabic Script in Africa. BRILL, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004256804_016.

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Ben Ali a, Damir, and Iain Walker b. "Attempts at fusion of the Comorian educational systems: Religious education in Comorian and Arabic and secular education in French." In Contemporary Issues in Swahili Ethnography. Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315280851-12.

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Swai, Ombeni. "Diminishing Architectural Artifacts along the Coastal Stretch of Tanzania." In Conservation of Urban and Architectural Heritage - Past, Present, Future [Working Title]. IntechOpen, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.111715.

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The purpose of this research was to investigate and document the existing architectural heritage in Bagamoyo and Dar es Salaam in the midst of urbanization, where artifacts have been dwindling over time. The study was carried out using an exploratory methodology and case study strategy, with various tools, such as a field survey, secondary data, physical documentation, and photographing. Several findings were concluded: both Bagamoyo and Dar es Salaam have valuable architectural and cultural heritage elements, such as Arabic, Swahili, Indian, Islamic, Western, and modern and contemporary that must be restored, up kept, and maintained for the two cities\' sustainability. Some of the artifacts, such as doors, have inscribed messages that are no longer visible. Demolition and partial replacement of heritage artifacts have been taking place in Dar es Salaam since the 1990s. To save the historical heritage in the two localities, a more comprehensive approach involving the government and other stakeholders (private and public) is required.
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"Language, government and the play on purity and impurity: Arabic, Swahili and the vernaculars in Kenya." In African Languages, Development and the State. Routledge, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203422571-20.

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Becker, Felicitas. "The heritage of slavery and the educationalist shehe of the Sufi brotherhoods." In Becoming Muslim in Mainland Tanzania, 1890-2000. British Academy, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197264270.003.0007.

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This chapter describes the significance of the Sufi brotherhoods. It starts by addressing the arrival of the tarika in Southeast Tanzania. The tarika-shehe of the inter-war period, who are most clearly remembered in the coastal towns, were themselves fairly well travelled, well connected, and partly of patrician parentage. Ritual practices constitute a crucial unifying element for the tarika. Two tarika became influential in the late nineteenth century in Southeast Tanzania. The main characters of twentieth-century saints are summarized. The outlines of the shehes' lives and work already give a sense of the tensions they negotiated: between urbanites versed in Arabic script and immigrants to town versed in ngoma, between the ideology of patrician separateness and superiority, and the self-assertion of villagers struggling to make the colonial towns their home. The ritual expertise, colonial domination, and the reformulation of categories of social distinction are discussed. The spread of the tarika and their ritual practices along the Swahili coast illustrates the unity in diversity of this culture area at work.
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Abusharaf, Rogaia Mustafa. "Diasporic Circularities." In Mobility and Forced Displacement in the Middle East. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197531365.003.0005.

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The experience of the Omani-Zanzibaris who were forced to migrate from Zanzibar to Oman in 1964 has received relatively little attention, particularly as seen from the arriving/returning Omani-Zanzibaris’ emic perspectives. As we will see in this chapter, Oman’s identity as a cosmopolitan empire offers a variety of pathways for understanding its present-day culture and politics, as well as its responses to the large wave of arrivals from postcolonial Zanzibar. The chapter seeks to arrive at a better understanding of the forced migrations by telling the story of this period from the theoretical stance of hybridity, which challenges the prevailing essentialism of the historical narratives of the 1964 events as an African uprising against Omani colonizers. To expound the experiences of Omani-Zanzibaris, this project gathered multiple accounts drawn from multi-sited ethnographic research carried out in the first round of fieldwork in Oman and Zanzibar together with extensive conversations held in Zanzibar and Muscat in 2016 and 2017. Life-history collections, memoirs (both published and in private family possession in Arabic, English, and Swahili), archival materials in London and Muscat, and digital sources were also researched.
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Actas de conferencias sobre el tema "Arabic and Swahili"

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Nissan, Ephraim. "Semitic-language names formed by semantic motivation from ‘less’, and their transcultural fortune: Whig leaders at Balliol as Dryden’s “sons of Belial”, and Swahili Mbilikimo for ‘Pygmy’." In International Conference on Onomastics “Name and Naming”. Editura Mega, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.30816/iconn5/2019/19.

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The biblical compositional pattern “sons of no X” for “X–less ones” has been somewhat (just a bit) productive in Modern Hebrew, but as the Old Testament has been so influential across cultures since the Septuagint became available in the Hellenistic world, one comes across novel uses to which “son of Belial” has been put, such as in Dryden’s political allegory in Absalom and Achitophel, even as the etymology of Belial was not transparent to ones who did not know Hebrew and its word /bli/ ‘without’. Moreover, Arabic /bala/ ‘without’ also occurs in wordformation, and as the influence of Arabic along the eastern coast of Africa resulted in the Swahili language, the Swahili name for the Pigmies was formed as such an Arabic compound.
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Subramaniam, Raghav. "Examining Accuracy Heterogeneities in Classification of Multilingual." In 8th International Conference on Software Engineering. Academy & Industry Research Collaboration, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.5121/csit.2023.131221.

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Tools for detection of AI-generated texts are used globally, however, the nature of the apparent accuracy disparities between languages must be further observed. This paper aims to examine the nature of these differences through testing OpenAI’s “AI Text Classifier” on a set of various AI and human-generated texts in English, Swahili, German, Arabic, Chinese, and Hindi. Current tools for detecting AI-generated text are already fairly easy to discredit, as misclassifications have shown to be fairly common, but such vulnerabilities often persist in slightly different ways when non-English languages are observed: classification of human-written text as AI-generated and vice versa could occur more frequently in specific language environments than others. Our findings indicate that false positives are more likely to occur in Hindi and Arabic, whereas false negative labelings are more likely to occur in English. Other languages tested had a tendency to not be confidently labeled at all.
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