Artículos de revistas: "Arab-Israeli conflict"

1

Moberly, John. "The Arab—Israeli conflict". International Affairs 72, n.º 4 (octubre de 1996): 846. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2624218.

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2

Hoveyda, Fereydoun. "Arab-Israeli Peace: Mission Impossible the Insoluble Arab-Israeli Conflict". American Foreign Policy Newsletter 15, n.º 4 (agosto de 1993): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07383169.1993.10392657.

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3

Milton-Edwards, B. "Review: Cultures in Conflict: The Arab-Israeli Conflict * Calvin Goldscheider: Cultures in Conflict: The Arab-Israeli Conflict". Journal of Islamic Studies 15, n.º 2 (1 de mayo de 2004): 256–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jis/15.2.256.

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4

Hassan Dahab, Mahdi Dahab. "Political Geography and its Impact on Conflict in the Middle East: "Israel and the Arabs as a sample". Tikrit Journal For Political Science, n.º 17 (2 de diciembre de 2019): 177. http://dx.doi.org/10.25130/poltic.v0i17.195.

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Recent international conflicts have witnessed developments in all aspects, whether at the level of the parties to the conflict, the tactics used, the tools used, the battlefields and the theater, especially those ongoing conflicts that may take a long time to complicate the conflict and its root and its unity, such as the Arab-Israeli conflict in the Middle East. Recent international conflicts have witnessed developments in all aspects, whether at the level of the parties to the conflict, the tactics used, the tools used, the battlefields and the theater, especially those ongoing conflicts that may take a long time to complicate the conflict and its root and its unity, such as the Arab-Israeli conflict in the Middle East. It is noteworthy that this conflict is one of the complex conflicts in which the methods and tools of the conflict change, even though they began to be ideological by the Jews and international Zionism, which sought to link the occupation of the Arab territories with the belief of the Promised Land. However, geopolitics began to overshadow the Jewish state and impose a reality on it Of its ambition to implement the Greater Israel Plan from the Nile to the Euphrates, as a result of the geopolitical data of the Israeli entity, be it at the level of demography or the level of the area and the so-called defense in depth and water scarcity and strategic support in the region. This study is based on the premise that geopolitics has become an important element in guiding the Arab-Israeli conflict to the extent that it imposes a reality on Israel in the need to think realistically and reduce its ambition in the region. On the other hand, geopolitics influenced Israel's security strategy in military tactics. In the first strike, the transfer of conflict outside its borders, the intensive fire strategy and the scorched-earth policy of anti-democratic growth that favors the Arabs, as well as its adherence to the West Bank to increase its depth from Qalqilya in the West Bank to Tel aviv in the Mediterranean for a few miles (10 miles) Therefore, this study will attempt to use a different method to understand the Arab-Israeli conflict using geopolitics

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5

Abdullah., FarhadHassan. "ARAB SPRING AND THE ARAB -ISRAELI CONFLICT." International Journal of Advanced Research 5, n.º 3 (31 de marzo de 2017): 463–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.21474/ijar01/3534.

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6

Lokman, Ainul Asyraf. "Mapping Arab-Israeli Conflict : A Bibliometric Analysis". Islamiyyat 46, n.º 1 (1 de junio de 2024): 27–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.17576/islamiyyat-2024-4601-03.

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The Arab-Israeli conflict and the circumstances in the region were significantly impacted by the 1967 conflict, often known as the Six-Day War. This study attempts to offer recommendations by exploring the trend and characteristics of Arab-Israeli conflict as the conflict become increasingly multiplex. Thus, the main objective of this study is to visualize trends in research on Arab-Israeli conflict from 1967 to 2022. This study examined quantitative and qualitative bibliometric data using escriptive and visual methods. The bibliometric data was retrieved from the Scopus database (the largest inter-disciplinary database in social sciences), and the authors ran a number of analyses on it using Biblioshiny via the R-Studio and VOSviewer software. As a result, this article will shed light on the most recent trend and features of Arab-Israeli research published in the Scopus database. The analysis shows that Israel and the United State of America (USA) have become the top countries that have played a major role in creating collaborative research on Arab-Israeli conflict. Furthermore, the study highlights the increase in publication on this topic over the past decade and the growing interdisciplinary approach among scholars including psychological aspect and normalization aspect in terms of conflict management. To the authors’ knowledge, this is the first bibliometric study of Arab-Israeli conflict materials in Scopus. As a result, it will assist academics in broadening and deepening their studies on Arab-Israeli relations, so raising their chances of attaining a permanent peace.

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7

Bauer, Yehuda. "Internationalizing the Arab—Israeli Conflict". Israel Journal of Foreign Affairs 8, n.º 1 (enero de 2014): 63–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23739770.2014.11446627.

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8

Chai, Winberg. "Resolving the Arab-Israeli Conflict". Asian Affairs: An American Review 18, n.º 1 (marzo de 1991): 13–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00927678.1991.10553536.

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9

Abdullah Al-hatash, Naji Mohammed. "The Arab Spring and the future of the Arab-Israeli conflict". Tikrit Journal For Political Science 1, n.º 1 (28 de febrero de 2019): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.25130/poltic.v1i1.91.

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The Arab-Israeli conflict is one of the most complex and protracted conflicts in modern and contemporary history. It is a comprehensive and multi-faceted conflict in its political, military, economic and cultural aspects, which has gained wide international attention due to the importance that the Middle East poses to the world. David, to our present time through the Madrid Peace Conference in 1991 and the Oslo Accords of 1993, efforts to resolve the conflict have not succeeded and the situation has remained the same as the result of the positions of the parties concerned and the interventions of the external parties. The Viti and the United States individually strong ally of Israel's role in the settlement of the conflict and the marginalization of other parties especially the United Nations and the European Union.

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10

Bar-Siman-Tov, Yaacov. "The Arab—Israeli Conflict: Learning Conflict Resolution". Journal of Peace Research 31, n.º 1 (febrero de 1994): 75–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343394031001007.

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11

Mohammad Edan, Yousif. "The Arab –Israeli conflict 1948-1973(Israeli testimonies)". Al-Anbar University Journal For Humanities 2020, n.º 3 (1 de septiembre de 2020): 2175–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.37653/juah.2020.170949.

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12

Gross, Zehavit y Eshan Gamal. "How Muslim Arab–Israeli Teachers Conceptualize the Israeli–Arab Conflict in Class". Studies in Philosophy and Education 33, n.º 3 (12 de noviembre de 2013): 267–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11217-013-9392-1.

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13

Fischbach, Michael R. "Cultures in Conflict: The Arab-Israeli Conflict (review)". Shofar: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Jewish Studies 22, n.º 2 (2004): 183–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sho.2004.0016.

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14

Melnikova, S. V. "Dynamics of the arab countries' involvement to the israeli-palestinian peace process (1967–2002)". Vestnik of Samara University. History, pedagogics, philology 26, n.º 4 (30 de diciembre de 2020): 30–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.18287/2542-0445-2020-26-4-30-37.

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The paper presents an analysis of the evolution of the Arab countries` involvement to the resolution of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. The research was carried out through a historical analysis of the Israeli-Egyptian peace accords, the Madrid peace conference, the Oslo Process, the Israeli-Jordan peace agreements, and the Arab peace initiative. The author presents the gradual evolution of the Arab countries position to the Palestinian issue from the absolute non-recognition of Israel and open enmity to the end of the boycott and to the establishment of diplomatic relations with Israel. The author also identifies the causes and the consequences of this change in the approach of the Arab countries. Results show that the main reason was the weakening of the USSR and its collapse, which predetermined the need for Arab countries to seek a new source of support in the face of the United States. Moreover, the importance of the Palestinian problem decreases for Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, while influence of the economic factor and security issues increases. Other Arab countries such as Egypt, Lebanon, Syria and Jordan do not have sufficient resources to defend their position on Palestine. Another important factor is the destruction of the united Arab position, and the decline in the popularity of the concept of pan-Arabism. The author concludes that the Palestinian-Israeli conflict ceases to be a stumbling block for resolving the larger Arab-Israeli conflict, and becomes a bargaining chip. Thus, it can be assumed that even with the resumption of the Palestinian-Israeli peace process the participation of Arab countries in it will be comparably formal. While a gradual rapprochement of Israel with its neighbor countries, the conflict will continue to evolve spontaneously with regular cases of Palestinian resistance until the irrevocable Israeli occupation is over.

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15

Abukhalil, Asad. "Syria and the Arab-Israeli Conflict". Current History 93, n.º 580 (1 de febrero de 1994): 83–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.1994.93.580.83.

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16

Stein, Kenneth W. y Charles D. Smith. "Palestine and the Arab-Israeli Conflict." American Historical Review 95, n.º 2 (abril de 1990): 557. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2163901.

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17

Gerson, Allan. "Fundamentalism and the Arab‐Israeli conflict". Terrorism 11, n.º 5 (enero de 1988): 355–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10576108808435731.

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18

Bahgat, Gawdat. "Energy and the Arab–Israeli Conflict". Middle Eastern Studies 44, n.º 6 (noviembre de 2008): 937–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00263200802426195.

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19

Abadi, Jacob. "Perspectives on the Arab-Israeli Conflict". Middle East Studies Association Bulletin 34, n.º 1 (2000): 54–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026318400042449.

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20

Karmi, Ghada. "Reconciliation in the Arab‐Israeli conflict". Mediterranean Politics 4, n.º 3 (septiembre de 1999): 104–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13629399908414701.

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21

Bickerton, Ian J. "Approaches to the Arab–Israeli conflict". Asian Studies Review 15, n.º 2 (noviembre de 1991): 30–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03147539108712775.

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22

Muhammad, Alaa Abd el-Hafeez. "Chinese policy on the Arab–Israeli conflict: constant determinants and variables". Contemporary Arab Affairs 7, n.º 3 (1 de julio de 2014): 437–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2014.936121.

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Chinese foreign policy towards the Middle East is undergoing geopolitical and geostrategic transformation. In spite of the fact that there are constant determinants in China's policy toward the Middle East and its major issues such as the Arab-Israeli conflict, new rules are being applied with regard to Chinese relations with the major powers that have interests in the region. This is understood to be a fundamental development and major change in determining the future and balance of power in the region, and perhaps in the world order. This study uses a ‘national interest’ approach to clarify the strategy that China has pursued in protecting its national interests in the Middle East, and in particular in the wake of the political developments that the region has been undergoing since 2010. The study gives a background history of Chinese foreign policy on the Arab–Israeli conflict, the recent changes in Chinese foreign policy regarding the Arab–Israeli conflict and the expected future of Chinese foreign policy on the Arab–Israeli conflict. Finally the study gives recommendations pertaining to Arab–Chinese relations.

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23

Xavier, Sujith. "Book Review- Victor Kattan's From Coexistence to Conquest: International Law and the Origins of the Arab-Israeli Conflict 1891-1949 (2009)". German Law Journal 11, n.º 9 (septiembre de 2010): 1038–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200020083.

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AbstractVictor Kattan's “From Coexistence to Conquest: International Law and the Origins of the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 1891–1949” is an archival excavation of the Israeli-Palestinian (Arab-Israeli) conflict and its origins. This review will examine the contours of Kattan's book followed by a brief examination of objectivity in academic scholarship often enunciated through the concept of ‘balance’ as it relates to those scholars (like Kattan) working on the conflict. Finally, this review will explore some of the weakness of the arguments that Kattan advances.

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24

Ivanova, Nadezhda A. "U.S. policy towards Israel in the context of the Israeli-Jordanian armed clashes (1954)". Tambov University Review. Series: Humanities, n.º 5 (2022): 1343–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/1810-0201-2022-27-5-1343-1351.

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The U.S. policy towards Israel in 1954 is considered on the example of foreign policy decisions taken by the American side during the Israeli-Jordanian armed clashes. As part of the unresolved Arab-Israeli conflict, the U.S. administration considered the vector of establishing partnerships with Arab countries as one of the ways to counteract the expansion of Soviet influence in the region. When resolving the issue of the Israeli-Jordanian border conflicts, the U.S. resorted to a policy of maneuvering, trying to maintain a balanced interaction with each of the parties. Meanwhile, this did not improve relations with the Arab countries, which emphasized the ongoing U.S. financial and political assistance to Israel. There was also a cooling of relations with the Jewish state, whose government was concerned about the prevailing positive trends in relations between the Arab countries and the United States. It is concluded that by 1954 the U.S. policy towards Israel was still at the stage of its formation, which was reflected in the contradictory opinions within the U.S. administration itself when resolving issues related to the foreign policy strategy regarding the Jewish state, and manifested itself in the process of unsuccessful resolution of the Israeli-Jordanian conflict.

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25

Моцак, Світлана y Ігор Токаренко. "THE OSLO AGREEMENTS AND THE 2000 CAMP DAVID SUMMIT: THE ATTEMPT OF US PRESIDENT B. CLINTON AND HIS ADMINISTRATION TO SETTLE THE ARAB-ISRAELI CONFLICT PEACEFULLY IN 1993-2001". КОНСЕНСУС, n.º 3 (2023): 61–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.31110/consensus/2023-03/061-069.

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The article analyzes the Oslo 1 and Oslo 2 agreements, the 2000 summit in Camp David as attempts to settle the Arab-Israeli conflict with the direct participation of U.S. President Bill Clinton and his administration in 1993–2001. Considerable attention is paid to the analysis of the content of the agreements and the positions of the parties regarding the peaceful settlement of the Arab-Israeli conflict. The main structural elements of the Oslo 1 and Oslo 2 agreements have been identified. The opinions of the leaders of Israel and Palestine regarding the possibility of a complete settlement of the conflict are analyzed. US President Bill Clinton's views on the process of settling the Arab-Israeli conflict during the Camp David summit are provided. The principled positions of the leader of the Palestinian Authority Yasser Arafat regarding Jerusalem and the creation of an independent Palestine are highlighted. The purpose of the research is to analyze the Oslo 1, Oslo 2 agreements and the 2000 Camp David summit as an attempt by U.S. President B. Clinton and his administration to implement the process of peaceful settlement of the Arab-Israeli conflict. The methodological basis of the research was the principles of objectivity, historicism and systematicity with the use of general scientific research methods: analysis, synthesis, generalization of information. The scientific novelty of the publication consists in a comprehensive analysis of the peace talks Oslo 1, Oslo 2 and the summit in Camp David in 2000, as the attempts of U.S. President B. Clinton and his administration at the negotiating table to settle the Arab-Israeli conflict in 1993–2001. Conclusions. The agreements Oslo 1, Oslo 2 and the summit in Camp David in 2000 became a real breakthrough in relations between Israel and Palestine, for the first time in the last decades of the 20th century there were real reasons to believe that the Arab-Israeli conflict would still be possible resolve peacefully. However, despite all attempts, the Oslo-1, Oslo-2 and the 2000 Camp David summit did not finally resolve the conflict in the Middle East. In the societies of both states, new radical options for resolving the conflict were maturing, which eventually led to a new intifada of the Palestinian people.

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26

Ziadé, Nassib G. "League of Arab States: Communiques from Summit Meetings in Amman and Algiers". International Legal Materials 27, n.º 6 (noviembre de 1988): 1646–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002078290002221x.

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At an emergency Arab meeting in Amman, preoccupation with the Arab-Israeli conflict gave way to concern over the Iran-Iraq war. Until then, the permanent emergency of Palestine had been the basic raison d'etre for Arab summitry. But in Amman, the emergency was the Iran-Iraq war. It was shortly after the Amman meeting that the uprising in the occupied territories began. Therefore the Algiers summit meeting, also called “the intifadah (uprising) summit” returned the Palestinian issue to the top to “the Arab agenda and put the Arab-Israeli conflict back at the center of world attention

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27

Daniel, Godson. "Arab-Israeli Relations and the Palestinian Cause post-2020". Electronic Journal of Social and Strategic Studies 04, n.º 02 (2023): 167–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.47362/ejsss.2023.4206.

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The Israel-Palestine Conflict is one of the longest ongoing conflicts in the world. The Twonation theory is widely accepted to be the best amicable solution to the conflict. Although multiple efforts have been made to implement the solution, the failures of the numerous treaties due to conservative Israeli Governments prove that an alternative approach is key. This paper reflects on the origins and evolution of the conflict and looks into specific areas of why Arab states have decided to disassociate from the conflict and how it affects the Palestinian cause. Literature review and Qualitative analysis of previous work is the methodology used in this paper. Major Findings include that Palestine, being in Apartheid and in threat of being annexed (Amnesty International UK, n.d), puts the implementation of the two-nation solution in a question mark. The recommendation in the paper provides a unique approach focused on working on the Arab immigration and refugee policy as an alternative to the existing solution. The new approach may completely change the paradigm of how the conflict is viewed and may help in improving Palestinian lives, by providing them with refuge, opportunities, and better standards of living by allowing them to escape apartheid and find new homes.

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28

YUCHTMAN-YAAR, EPHRAIM y MICHAEL INBAR. "Social Distance in the Israeli-Arab Conflict". Comparative Political Studies 19, n.º 3 (octubre de 1986): 283–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414086019003001.

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This article deals with the phenomenon of social distance as a social-psychological dimension of intergroup relationships. We discuss the concept of social distance and the research associated with it, pointing to some shortcomings in the theoretical thinking associated with this concept. We adopt an analytic framework that views the varieties of social distance as collective phenomena, reflecting the structure of resource interdependence between groups. The data set at our disposal enabled us to apply this framework to two reciprocal dyadic relationships in the context of the Israeli-Arab conflict: Israeli Jews vis-à-vis Israeli Arabs (Palestinians), and Israeli Jews vis-à-vis Egyptian Arabs. The empirical findings indicate that while the Israelis are unwilling to have the same degree of close relations with the Palestinians that the Palestinians desire with the Israelis, the Egyptians are unwilling to have as close a relationship with the Israelis as the Israelis would like to have with the Egyptians. Both patterns of social distance are those expected in the light of the proposed resource-dependency perspective, as alternative theoretical views seem incapable of adequately explaining them.

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29

Laskier, Michael M. "Israeli–Moroccan Relations and the Arab–Israeli Conflict, 1977–2002". Israel Affairs 10, n.º 3 (septiembre de 2004): 41–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1353712042000242572.

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30

kh. Mohammed, Abdalrazaq. "Saudi Peace Initiatives Towards Arab-Israeli Conflict". مجلة دراسات إقلیمیة 6, n.º 15 (1 de julio de 2009): 295–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.33899/regs.2009.28934.

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31

McDowall, David. "Facts and fables: the Arab—Israeli conflict". International Affairs 66, n.º 2 (abril de 1990): 413. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2621440.

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32

Halsell, Grace. "The Arab-Israeli Conflict and the WCC". Journal of Palestine Studies 17, n.º 2 (1 de enero de 1988): 159–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2536873.

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33

Christison, Kathleen. "Policy Perspective and the Arab-Israeli Conflict". Journal of Palestine Studies 20, n.º 1 (1990): 115–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2537326.

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34

Naramoto, Eisuke. "Japanese Perceptions on the Arab-Israeli Conflict". Journal of Palestine Studies 20, n.º 3 (1991): 79–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2537548.

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35

Hooglund, Eric. "Iranian Views of the Arab-Israeli Conflict". Journal of Palestine Studies 25, n.º 1 (1995): 86–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2538107.

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36

Jaspal, Rusi. "Psychological Warfare in the Arab-Israeli Conflict". Israel Affairs 21, n.º 4 (2 de octubre de 2015): 704–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537121.2015.1083704.

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37

Mazor, Yair. "The Arab-Israeli Conflict: David W. Lesch". Digest of Middle East Studies 17, n.º 1 (abril de 2008): 110–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1949-3606.2008.tb00151.x.

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38

Inbari, Motti y Kirill M. Bumin. "American Evangelicals and the Arab-Israeli Conflict". Journal of Church and State 62, n.º 4 (31 de octubre de 2019): 603–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jcs/csz063.

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39

Sicherman, Harvey. "American Diplomacy and the Arab-Israeli Conflict". Orbis 55, n.º 3 (enero de 2011): 438–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.orbis.2011.04.020.

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40

Naramoto, Eisuke. "Japanese Perceptions on the Arab-Israeli Conflict". Journal of Palestine Studies 20, n.º 3 (abril de 1991): 79–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.1991.20.3.00p0245l.

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41

Hooglund, Eric. "Iranian Views of the Arab-Israeli Conflict". Journal of Palestine Studies 25, n.º 1 (octubre de 1995): 86–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.1995.25.1.00p0057w.

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42

Abdul Razak, Bashir Hadi. "The dilemmas of the Israeli reality and the choice of war". Tikrit Journal For Political Science 2, n.º 4 (27 de febrero de 2019): 151. http://dx.doi.org/10.25130/poltic.v3i4.74.

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The Arab-Israeli conflict is among the longest and most complex conflicts in the world today, a conflict that transcends borders or a difference of influence. It is a struggle for existence in every sense. Since the establishment of Israel in 1948, one of the regional forces whose political movement is determined by the Arab world has become the result of the internal and external factors and changes that affect it. This entity is hostile to the Arabs, Which would have a negative impact on the regional strategic situation.

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43

ANTOSHCHENKO, D. V. "SYRIAN-ISRAELI RELATIONS IN THE CONTEXT OF MODERN CRISES IN THE ARAB EAST". Sociopolitical Sciences 14, n.º 2 (28 de abril de 2024): 45–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.33693/2223-0092-2024-14-2-45-54.

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The purpose of the study. The article examines the positions and interests of Syria and Israel in the Syrian crisis; the problems of the impact of Israel’s new war with HAMAS on the Middle East. The current situation in the Syrian conflict and Syrian-Israeli relations are analyzed; trends and prospects for the development of relations between the SAR and Israel in the context of the escalation of the conflict. The purpose of the study is to establish and identify the role and significance of the consequences of the war between Israel and HAMAS for the Middle East, as well as its impact on Syrian-Israeli relations and their further development in the Middle East region. Conclusions. The paper presents the results of a study of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict through the prism of the Syrian crisis. The author of the work examined the prerequisites and causes of the Palestinian-Israeli and Syrian conflicts, as well as analyzed the internal and external actors of the conflict in Syria. This work examines the role of Palestinians and Palestinian organizations in the Syrian civil war, examines the impact of the Syrian crisis on the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, determines the degree of mutual influence of the two conflicts and shows the prospects for the development of the regional situation in their context.

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44

Wexelbaum, Rachel. "Book Review: Arab-Israeli Conflict: A Documentary and Reference Guide". Reference & User Services Quarterly 57, n.º 3 (16 de marzo de 2018): 224. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/rusq.57.3.6621.

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The Arab-Israeli conflict continues to spark confusion, emotion, and anger in educational environments. Tension around these topics remains so high that strict ground rules and active arbitration remedies exist for those who wish to edit the Wikipedia articles for Israel, Palestine, and the Arab-Israeli conflict. As events progress in these regions, these Wikipedia articles experience a flurry of activity as editors around the world work to update and improve their content. This is the downfall of any traditionally published encyclopedia; once published, it becomes a snapshot in time, a historical artifact, as opposed to a living document that captures past, present, and future tense. The other disadvantage of traditionally published encyclopedias is that editors often give subject experts a template and writing guidelines for the entries that can make the subject expert look incompetent. Dr. Priscilla Roberts’s “documentary and reference guide” to the Arab-Israeli conflict, for this reason, has strengths and weaknesses.

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45

Katz, Yaron. "The Impact of Social Revolutions on the Arab-Israeli Conflict". Economics, Politics and Regional Development 1, n.º 1 (29 de abril de 2020): p17. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/eprd.v1n1p17.

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The Arab Spring refers to the protests and revolutions that spread across Middle Eastern and North African Muslim countries in the spring of 2011. It was the first “social media revolution”, which demonstrated the spread of social revolution and the way civil protests and demands for political reforms can swiftly spread globally through social media. Following the social movement in the Arab World, the turmoil in the Middle East continued with the Israeli Social Justice movement of summer 2011, which was also identified as a social media revolution. Same as in the Arab World, in Israel too new media increased the role of the public, who could influence political issues by bypassing the monopoly of the political establishment and traditional media on the political discourse. The research examines the way that the concept of democracy in the region changed in the digital age. The findings show that social media became crucial in shaping the political discourse and determined dramatic changes in the balance of political power in Israel and Arab countries. Through digital technology and online campaigns politics changed as young Arabs and Israeli altered public agenda from the traditional religious and political Arab-Israeli conflict to social and economic issues.

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46

Buzan, Vitalii. "THE JIMMY CARTER ADMINISTRATION’SPOLICY TOWARDS THE ARAB-ISRAELI CONFLICT, 1977–1981". American History & Politics: Scientific edition, n.º 16 (2023): 80–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2023.16.7.

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The purpose of the article is to consider the U.S. policymaking towards the Arab-Israeli conflict, the Middle East process and the Palestinian problem under the presidency of Jimmy Carter. The research methodology is based on the principle of historicism and standards of objectivity. The author uses historical-comparative, problem-chronological, historical-genetic, and historical-systemic methods of historical research. The scientific originality. Special attention is paid to the U.S. policymaking towards the Arab-Israeli conflict and the intellectual basis of Carter’s Middle East policy. The author analyses the views of American high-ranking officials, leading experts, and policymakers regarding the concept of Arab-Israeli settlement and Soviet involvement in the Middle East peace process. The author outlines the role of the Soviet factor in American diplomatic calculations and considerations regarding the Arab-Israeli conflict. Conclusions. Initially, President Carter’s administration abandoned the concept of a step-by-step approach, partial settlement, and interim agreements. Instead, President Carter was determined to achieve a comprehensive peace settlement of the Arab-Israeli conflict, revived the idea of cooperation between Superpowers in the Middle East peace process, and agreed to reconvene the Geneva Conference on Middle East peace. The USA and the USSR were co-chairmen of the Geneva conference and issued a joint communiqué on the principles of a Middle East settlement. Among U.S. policymakers were opponents and supporters of Soviet participation in the peace process. Sadat’s peace initiative was a turning point in the U.S. strategy in the Middle East. After that, the USA changed its approach to the Middle East peace settlement, abandoned the idea of reconvening the Geneva Conference, and endorsed separate Egyptian-Israeli negotiations. President Carter’s administration was convinced that a peaceful solution to the Palestinian problem was essential to Middle East settlement. The U.S. officials began to mention the legitimate rights of the Palestinians and their self-determination. American policymakers elaborated an interim solution to the problem of a Palestinian homeland. In particular, they proposed the concept of a transitional arrangement for the West Bank and Gaza Strip.

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Shaltout, Sherif M. H. M. "Impact of the Israeli-Arab conflict on the Jews of Russia in Israel in the Contemporary Hebrew Novel". British Journal of Translation, Linguistics and Literature 2, n.º 3 (8 de septiembre de 2022): 49–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.54848/bjtll.v2i3.39.

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From the first attempts to establish Israel until the present time, this entity has witnesseda history full of wars and uprisings with the Arabs, produced by its usurper presence itselfon Arab lands in general, and Palestinian lands in particular. This ongoing conflict cast adark shadow on all sectors of Israeli society, including the Jews of Russia, which has hada direct impact on Modern Hebrew literature in general, and the contemporary Hebrewnovel in particular. The importance of the study is due to the fact that it is the first study -as far as I know - to deal with the impact of the Israeli-Arab conflict on the community ofRussian Jews in Israel as this issue is discussed through two models of the contemporaryHebrew novel by two Israeli female literary figures from Russian origin. The two novelsare “Victor and Masha” (2012) by the writer “Alona Kimhi”, which addressed the problemof the political integration of Jews who emigrated from Russia to Israel during the waveof the seventies of the twentieth century, and the novel “The Lost Community” (2014), bythe writer “Ola Groisman”, which She dealt with the political situation of Jewishimmigrants – especially young immigrants – from Russia to Israel in the seventies andnineties of the same century .The study aims to reveal the position of Russian Jews on thepersonality of the Arab in light of the conflict between Israel and the Arabs, in addition torevealing the extent to which the Israeli-Arab conflict affects the Russian Jews' sense ofsecurity and stability within Israel. This study adopts on the critical analytical approach,which includes analysis and interpretation of the two novels to highlight and address theissue of the impact of the Israeli-Arab conflict on Russian Jews in Israel. The study yieldsseveral results, including that the problems surrounding the process of integration into theIsraeli society, in addition to the state of war, insecurity and instability in this society, havecaused severe psychological damages to many Russian Jews. This eventually led to areverse immigration of a large sector of them.

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Melkumyan, E. S. "Role of the Arab League in Structuring the Arab Regional Space". MGIMO Review of International Relations 13, n.º 5 (11 de noviembre de 2020): 220–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2020-5-74-220-235.

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Abstract: The article analyzes the reasons that prompted the Arab states to consolidate their efforts and create the League of Arab States. Attention is focused on the deep differences that existed between the states that came forward with the idea of strengthening Arab unity and determined the nature of this regional organization and the features of its charter, which provided its members with the opportunity to preserve their political system, sovereignty and the specifics of foreign policy.The heterogeneous nature of LAS had an impact on its the goals and objectives. The focus of this organization was to protect pan-Arab interests and support all Arab states in achieving political independence.The aggravation of the situation in Palestine after the Second World War became a central item on the agenda of all the Arab League meetings. This organization indicated its position on the Palestinian issue in the preparatory period for its official proclamation. The article discusses the activities of the Arab League, aimed at introducing a complete boycott of Israel, which, amid expansion of the Arab League, other Arab states also joined. The Arab-Israeli conflict, due to the targeted efforts of the Arab League, consolidated the Arab geopolitical community and contributed to the formation of a national Arab identity. The LAS in its documents built a common Arab narrative, having two underpinnings: the recognition of the Palestinian Arab people as a victim of the Western powers and Zionists, as well as foreign policy of Israel.The article traces the relationship between the activities of the Arab League and the changes that have occurred in the regional and international environment. The gradual transition of the Arab League to the search for a political settlement of the Arab-Israeli conflict was influenced by the emergence of a new balance of power in the Middle East region, as well as the gradual transformations of a new system of international relations.The further demarcation of the Arab countries that occurred after the mass protests in 2011 influenced the activities of the Arab League, which tried to maintain Arab unity by using the traditional tool – the unresolved Arab-Israeli conflict. The LAS member-states should have taken a pan-Arab stance on the settlement of the Arab-Israeli conflict in order to preserve national identity. The refusal of all Arab League members to accept the American settlement plan, proposed by D. Trump administration in early 2020, was a confirmation that this regional organization retains its position as a defender of Arab unity and pan-Arab interests.

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Melkumyan, E. S. "Israel in Foreign Policy of the United Arab Emirates: from Confrontation to Normalization". MGIMO Review of International Relations 14, n.º 2 (30 de abril de 2021): 107–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2021-2-77-107-118.

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The article analyzes the transformation of the UAE policy towards Israel. Special at- tention is paid to the development of the country’s foreign policy priorities amid consolida- tion of the federal state. Strengthening relations with the Arab states during the first decades of the UAE history, participation in the Arab League, which consolidated the states of the Arab world, support of its opposition to Israel were the factors determining the anti-Israeli policy of the Emirates. The official position of the UAE was formulated under the influence of pan-Arab rhetoric and in no way differed from the position reflected in the documents of the Arab League summits. The peace process around the Arab-Israeli conflict launched since the 1991 in the framework of the Madrid Peace Conference did not result in the establish- ment of contacts between the UAE and Israel. The adjustment of Emirates’ foreign policy began after the aggravation in the Middle East, when countries such as Syria, Yemen and Libya were engulfed in conflicts. During this period, the Arab-Israeli conflict gradually lost its central role for the Arab world; the states of the Persian Gulf began to establish contacts with Israel, united by common fears about the strengthening Iran. The article discussed the path of stabilization between the United Arab Emirates and Israel including the role of their informal ties. The normalization between the UAE and Israel, outlined in August 2020 with the active participation of the United States, gave impetus to the establishment of relations between the two countries in various areas of mutual interest. The article traces the connec- tion between the specific areas of cooperation with Israel and those which were set byа Abu Dhabi as the key priorities of its national strategic development.

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Scholz, Norbert. "Bibliography of Periodical Literature". Journal of Palestine Studies 42, n.º 2 (2013): 188–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2013.42.2.188.

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This section lists articles and reviews of books relevant to Palestine and the Arab-Israeli conflict. Entries are classified under the following headings: Reference and General; History (through 1948) and Geography; Palestinian Politics and Society; Jerusalem; Israeli Politics, Society, and Zionism; Arab and Middle Eastern Politics; International Relations; Law; Military; Economy, Society, and Education; Literature, Arts, and Culture; and Book Reviews.

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Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Arab-Israeli conflict"

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