Tesis sobre el tema "Arab-Israeli conflict"
Siga este enlace para ver otros tipos de publicaciones sobre el tema: Arab-Israeli conflict.
Crea una cita precisa en los estilos APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard y otros
Consulte los 50 mejores tesis para su investigación sobre el tema "Arab-Israeli conflict".
Junto a cada fuente en la lista de referencias hay un botón "Agregar a la bibliografía". Pulsa este botón, y generaremos automáticamente la referencia bibliográfica para la obra elegida en el estilo de cita que necesites: APA, MLA, Harvard, Vancouver, Chicago, etc.
También puede descargar el texto completo de la publicación académica en formato pdf y leer en línea su resumen siempre que esté disponible en los metadatos.
Explore tesis sobre una amplia variedad de disciplinas y organice su bibliografía correctamente.
1
Jacobsohn-Coussin, Orly. "Teaching the Arab-Israeli conflict in Israeli high schools". Thesis, University of Leicester, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/30921.
Texto completoResumen
The introduction addresses issues of culture and curriculum, and how they change our times. With the help of international examples drawn from the U.S.A. and the U.K., the central part of the thesis examines how conflict situations have been addressed in varying countries. In particular the ideas of multiculturalism and citizenship are analysed in relation to attempts by governments to ask schools and the education systems to diffuse conflict and ethnic tensions.;A case is made that recent high levels of migration into the state of Israel have caused social unease and tension. While a degree of action has been instigated, the case is made that too little, too late is causing the Arab-Israeli conflict to intensify. In particular the revision and teaching of the secondary phase curriculum in Israel is examined.;The thesis concludes by arguing that only more radical and more sufficient curriculum planning, teacher training and change in the educational system's approach can have an impact on a deteriorating situation.
2
Ammus, Muthanna S. "Jerusalem in the Arab Israeli conflict 1967-1998". Thesis, Durham University, 1999. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/1526/.
Texto completo
3
Sohns, Olivia Louise. "Lyndon Baines Johnson and the Arab-Israeli conflict". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/283940.
Texto completo
4
Abū, Khalaf Nāyif. "The European community and the Arab-Israeli conflict". Boston Spa, U.K. : British Library Document Supply Centre, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?did=1&uin=uk.bl.ethos.373214.
Texto completo
5
Stawicki, Melanie 1973 Davis Charles N. "Framing the Israeli-Palestinian conflict a study of frames used by three American newspapers /". Diss., Columbia, Mo. : University of Missouri--Columbia, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10355/5338.
Texto completoResumen
The entire thesis text is included in the research.pdf file; the official abstract appears in the short.pdf file; a non-technical public abstract appears in the public.pdf file. Title from PDF of title page (University of Missouri--Columbia, viewed on January 15, 2010). Thesis advisor: Dr. Charles Davis. Includes bibliographical references.
6
Parsons, Laila. "The Druze in the Arab-Israeli conflict, 1947-1949". Thesis, University of Oxford, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.282162.
Texto completo
7
DUARTE, BARBARA SAMPAIO VIEIRA. "THE MEDIATOR`S BEHAVIOUR IN THE ARAB-ISRAELI CONFLICT". PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2003. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=4236@1.
Texto completoResumen
COORDENAÇÃO DE APERFEIÇOAMENTO DO PESSOAL DE ENSINO SUPERIORO objetivo desta dissertação é verificar se o comportamento do mediador no conflito entre árabes e israelenses está de acordo com a definição dada pelo modelo de mediação internacional. As duas vertentes principais desse modelo usadas aqui são a mediação tradicional e a mediação de segunda via, que determinam condutas diferenciadas para seus respectivos mediadores. Três processos foram selecionados para a análise e discussão das atividades e comportamentos de cada tipo de mediador. O primeiro caso trata da mediação feita pelo secretário de Estado americano Henry Kissinger entre Egito, Síria e Israel na década de 70. O segundo processo é a negociação conduzida pelo presidente Jimmy Carter entre Israel e Egito que assinaram os acordos de Camp David em 1978. E a terceira mediação é a feita entre israelenses e palestinos por representantes noruegueses de janeiro a agosto de 1993.
The purpose of this dissertation is to verify whether the mediators behaviour in the conflict between Arabs and Israelis fits the definition of the international mediation model. The two main types of mediation used in this analysis, official mediation and pure mediation, define different behaviours to their respective mediators. Three case studies were chosen to analyse and discuss the activities and behaviours of each type of mediator. The first case refers to the mediation of the American Secretary of State Henry Kissinger between Egypt, Syria and Israel in the 70s. The second case studied here is the mediation of US President Jimmy Carter between Israel and Egypt, which culminated in the signing of the Camp David accords in 1978. And the last mediation studied here is the one of Norwegian representatives between Israelis and Palestinians from January to August 1993.
8
Mann, Lili D. "Entrenchment of the status quo in the Arab-Israeli conflict". Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/39651.
Texto completoResumen
Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited.This study examines those endemic factors which contribute to the entrenchment of the status quo in the Arab-Israeli conflict. By removing the dynamics of the Cold War, the particular circumstances of the main actors- Israel, the Palestinian Liberation Organization, Syria, the United States and the United Nations--become apparent. It is the thesis of this paper that the underlying causes in the creation and perpetuation of the Arab-Israeli conflict include (1) the importance of ideology and security to Israel, (2) a lack of political will among the players to alter the status quo, (3) a plethora of systemic organizational constraints, and (4) limitations faced by the UN that inhibit its usefulness as an intermediary. While compelling arguments should move the actors toward a resolution of the conflict, particularly when a window of opportunity now exists in the aftermath of Desert Storm, the factors cited above comprise powerful counterforces which both serve to sustain Israel's de facto borders and provide a pretext for Arab hostility.
9
Alawi, Turki Mahmoud S. "Subaltern realism, Saudi foreign policy and the Arab-Israeli Conflict". Thesis, University of Manchester, 2014. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/subaltern-realism-saudi-foreign-policy-and-the-arabisraeli-conflict(68a70244-f3a7-4a35-8bb5-e471018f5f41).html.
Texto completoResumen
This study aims to provide a comprehensive analysis of Saudi foreign policy towards the Arab-Israeli Conflict. The study has three main aims: the discovery of the historical Saudi foreign policy towards the Arab-Israeli Conflict, an analysis of how far internal and external factors influence this foreign policy and the extent to which the foreign policy of Saudi Arabia can be explained by using a Subaltern Realism perspective. The study uses a case study research methodology, with the use of a secondary source analysis of official studies into Saudi foreign policy as the main form of research data. The results of the study found that there were internal and external factors that impacted tremendously upon Saudi foreign policy, underlining the developing nation status that is central to the Subaltern Realism perspective. The analysis shows that there is tension between the individual groups in Saudi society and the foreign policy that has developed. The relationship with the US has perhaps historically been the most dominant external influence on the development of Saudi Arabian foreign policy, with it often siding with peace in the region rather than the destruction of Israel. However, in recent years, the influence of internal groups has increased and the relative power and roles of the Ulama, liberals and Islamists have been vital in the development of foreign policy that has sought to become more independent of the US, as the country has become more confident in its position. The study concludes that the Subaltern realist perspective (although it has its limitations) is a far more effective way of identifying the impact that internal and external factors have on the development of Saudi Arabian foreign policy, than previous studies based upon a more traditional form of Realism. This study finds that the importance of domestic groups such as the Ulama, the Royal Family, liberal and the growing religious extremists have a determining influence on the development of foreign policy and, further, that the relative power that each has at any given time leads to the increase or decrease of the influence of international factors respectively. Overall, this research shows that the Arab-Israeli Conflict has had wide and important implications for the Saudi decision-making process because it is an issue that draws together and involves all of the many, complex and multi-faceted external and internal factors that impact on Saudi foreign policy decisions. The conclusion draws out the implications of this research and outlines some further recommendations for study.
10
Arduengo, Enrique Sebastian Stockdale Nancy L. "The war for peace George H. W. Bush and Palestine, 1989-1992 /". [Denton, Tex.] : University of North Texas, 2009. http://digital.library.unt.edu/permalink/meta-dc-11061.
Texto completo
11
Gombert, Gregory W. "Hydropolitics and the prospect for peace in the Arab-Israeli conflict". Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 1998. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA352445.
Texto completoResumen
Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs) Naval Postgraduate School, June 1998."June 1998." Thesis advisor(s): Daniel J. Moran. Includes bibliographical references (p. 77-81). Also available online.
12
Shaheen, Murad Abdulmajeed. "The influence of the water dispute on the Arab-Israeli conflict". Thesis, Keele University, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.389608.
Texto completo
13
Kreft, Anne-Kathrin Abedi-Djourabtchi Amir. "The weight of history : change and continuity in German foreign policy towards the Israeli-Palestinian conflict /". Online version, 2010. http://content.wwu.edu/cdm4/item_viewer.php?CISOROOT=/theses&CISOPTR=327&CISOBOX=1&REC=10.
Texto completo
14
Buchanan, Andrew S. "Conflict resolution in the Middle East : the Israeli-Palestinian Declaration of Principles on Interim Self-Government Arrangements : a history". Thesis, University of St Andrews, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/15297.
Texto completoResumen
This work evaluates the Declaration of Principles on Interim Self-Government Arrangements (DoP), the document signed between the State of Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO), in Washington D.C. on 13 September 1993, as a case study of the bilateral management of an asymmetrical national-subnational conflict within the context of an international conflict resolution framework. The DoP represents progress in the international endeavour to realise a settlement of the wider Arab-lsraeli conflict, as signalled by the Madrid conference of 31 October 1991. The DoP ushered in a new era in Israeli-Palestinian relations. It is part of a process which, in essence, is the cornerstone of a formal mutual recognition pact which represents a reciprocal acknowledgement of legitimacy, a crucial first step towards finding a broad and permanent settlement. The DoP was only possible due to the abandonment of long-held mutually antagonistic and intransigent positions. Like all political documents, it represents a compromise. This study examines the complex nature and dynamics of the attempts at resolving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and reviews the DoP to investigate how it transpired, what it means, how it will be implemented, how far it can be used as a blueprint for future peacemaking, and offers an analysis of the findings in conclusion. This study also addresses the wider international ramifications and relationships which will be a prerequisite for the evaluation and analysis of the corresponding policies and responses by the major powers and actors from the international community within the framework of the 1991 Madrid Middle East Peace Conference. Chapter one examines the definition and contextualisation of the conflict resolution case study. Chapter two focuses on the establishment, purpose and development of the DoP, incorporating a thorough examination of the development of the secret Oslo backchannel, concluding with an analysis of the Oslo negotiations within the official Madrid framework as an example of conflict resolution. Chapter three provides an analysis of the DoP as an example of conflict resolution and critiques the meaning and purpose of the document. Chapter four provides an analysis of the implementation process of the initial years of the life of the DoP, incorporating the actual implementation of the DoP to 31st August 1997, including: the Agreement on the Gaza Strip and Jericho Area of May 1994; the World Bank aid programme; influential bilateral agreements by the two with third parties; the Agreement on Preparatory Transfer of Powers and Responsibilities of August 1994; the Protocol on Further Transfer of Powers and Responsibilities of August 1995; the Israeli- Palestinian Interim Agreement on the West Bank and the Gaza Strip of September 1995; and the Protocol Concerning the Redeployment in Hebron of January 1997. The final chapter concludes by evaluating the attempt by the two communities to shape a common future with an analysis in determining the effectiveness of the DoP both as an instrument for, and as an example of, conflict resolution.
15
Alouri, A. I. Y. "U.S. policy towards the Arab-Israeli conflict : the issue of Palestinian representation". Thesis, University of Manchester, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.505674.
Texto completo
16
Cubert, Harold M. "The PFLP's changing role in the Middle East". Thesis, University of St Andrews, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/13437.
Texto completoResumen
The PFLP represents a violent Marxist trend among Palestinian political organizations. It is uncompromisingly hostile toward Israel, the industrialized West and the West's regional allies, and rejects any settlement of the Arab-Israeli conflict which does not entail both Israel's elimination and the establishment of an independent Palestinian state on all land it claims as Palestine. Until this occurs, the PFLP remains committed to armed conflict with its enemies. This study attempts to explain the PFLP's lagging position within the Palestinian national movement by comparing its policies with Fatah's. Unlike the PFLP, Fatah's overriding concern was to establish a Palestinian authority on any portion of 'liberated land' and consider the question of Israel's existence later. Fatah's selection of supporters was never conditioned upon ideological compatibility. It formed coalitions with all interested parties and accepted assistance from all willing providers. Most importantly, Fatah - as the PLO's dominant faction - transformed itself from an underground group to a quasi-government with diplomatic status and later, to leadership of the PNA in the West Bank and Gaza Strip. Fatah's flexibility enabled it to survive regional and global changes. In the unipolar international order which followed the Soviet bloc's collapse in 1991, the PLO courted the United States and its allies, participated in the Arab-Israeli peace process, and was rewarded with authority over part of the Palestinian 'homeland'. The PFLP, spurning change, refused to act likewise. From its Damascus headquarters, it can currently do nothing without the Syrian government's approval and Syria, on the verge of a peace agreement with Israel, is unlikely to allow its protege to do more than issue statements. Only an imaginative and bold move by the PFLP, at this point, can restore the organization's prestige among its constituents and notoriety among its enemies.
17
Peterson, Luke Mathew. "Contending discourses : Palestine-Israel in the print news media". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610738.
Texto completo
18
Levitt, Matthew Adam. "The impact of acute security crises on the process of ongoing negotiations : lessons from the Palestinian-Israeli peace process, 1993-1996 /". Thesis, Connect to Dissertations & Theses @ Tufts University, 2005.
Buscar texto completoResumen
Thesis (Ph.D.)--Tufts University, 2005.Adviser: Robert Pfaltzgraff, Jr. Submitted to the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 455-492). Access restricted to members of the Tufts University community. Also available via the World Wide Web;
19
Alhayek, Pascal Gabi. "Israel-Hizballah July 2006 war : comparative analysis of the perspective of U.S. college students as opposed to the perspective of U.S. officials on the war /". Abstract Full Text (HTML) Full Text (PDF), 2008. http://eprints.ccsu.edu/archive/00000531/02/1980FT.htm.
Texto completoResumen
Thesis (M.S.) -- Central Connecticut State University, 2008.Thesis advisor: Ghassan El-Eid. "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Science in International Studies." Includes bibliographical references (leaves 80-83). Also available via the World Wide Web.
20
Swisher, Clayton Edward. "Rise of the partisans : America's escalating mediation bias toward the Arab-Israeli conflict". Thesis, University of Exeter, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/33093.
Texto completoResumen
This submission for PhD by Publication includes two studies I conducted during 8 years of dedicated field research examining the US role in mediating the Arab-Israeli conflict. These studies developed from my collection of in-depth oral testimonies and were buttressed by my recovery and examination of troves of original documents that had been previously denied any public, much less academic, scrutiny. The scope of this qualitative research and my political and historical analysis of it resulted in two published books that chronicle the unsuccessful American efforts to negotiate Arab-Israeli peace agreements during the presidencies of William Clinton, George W. Bush, and the first term of Barack Obama. In order of publication, they are The Truth About Camp David (New York: Nation Books, 2004) and The Palestine Papers: The End of the Road? (London: Hesperus Press, 2011). The original academic contribution of both works was the presentation of new empirical evidence to advance understanding of how heavily biased American mediation severely damaged this diplomatic undertaking. Despite being a solidly pro-Israel country, the United States had previously been able to achieve some notable mediation successes when it made efforts to adopt an “even-handed” approach. Yet in the period covered by both my books, I demonstrated how top American mediators—comprised of mostly pro-Israel partisans—dismissed any pretext of impartiality, and in most instances even escalated their mediation bias. This behavior has exacerbated the Arab-Israeli conflict and made the stated aim of a comprehensive peace a very distant prospect. The Truth About Camp David was intended as a first rough draft of history. The title references the famous summit convened by President Clinton in July 2000 that failed to forge peace between Israelis and Palestinians and the overarching US-led “peace process” around it which contributed to the outbreak of the Second Intifada. The book also details the effort to conclude an Israeli-Syrian peace agreement at Geneva just months before, which also failed. My research advanced the thesis that both the Geneva and Camp David summits were historic miscarriages of diplomacy by my presentation of granular insider accounts revealing the intensity of American mediation bias. I also exposed the general disorganization of its negotiating team, a dysfunction that was largely unknown to the public prior to my book’s release. My primary purpose in writing The Truth About Camp David was thus to enable its reinterpretation by making public new evidence about this watershed moment and the period surrounding it. Relying primarily on oral history, I interviewed US, Arab, Israeli and European officials who were first-hand participants to collect their personal narratives. I sought to identify discrepancies in their accounts, and attempted to reconcile them through further interviews, document interrogation, and my own analysis. A key challenge of The Truth About Camp David was thus to weave a thread through the various testimonies and present, as best as I could, a coherent historical narrative. Following that, my aim was to have it reviewed and discussed among credible scholars and the foreign policy community. The testimonies within The Truth About Camp David directly challenged the official narrative and prevailing media orthodoxy at the time of Palestinian blame and Syrian intransigence. As a result, it helped reframe both political debate and academic scholarship concerning this crucial period of American diplomatic intervention. In 2006, The Truth About Camp David was translated into Arabic, giving its contents even greater reach. My 2011 book “The Palestine Papers: The End of the Road?” continued my earlier line of inquiry and was largely based on documents given to me the year prior, referred to as “The Palestine Papers,” the largest leak of confidential negotiating records in the history of the Arab-Israeli conflict. Published in full by Al Jazeera Media Network, and in limited partnership with the UK’s Guardian newspaper, the content of the files generated headlines around the world from January 24-27, 2011. My additional research for The Palestine Papers was released in May 2011 as an anthology of select papers with my accompanying qualitative analysis and interpretation rather than a stylistic mediation critique. My aim in writing “The Palestine Papers: The End of the Road?” publication was to reach beyond Al Jazeera and Guardian audiences and equip interested scholars, practitioners, and skeptics with essential highlights from the papers as well as an analytical framework to put them into context. My research for The Palestine Papers sought to help reconcile the intervening gap of negotiating history from Truth About Camp David, following the trajectory of how Israelis and Palestinians alike had grown even more conditioned to expect if not rely upon biased American mediation that excessively tilts toward Israel. The Palestine Papers also catalogues for the first time the dynamics that enabled US negotiators to escalate its role from being the self-appointed judge of Palestinian negotiating behavior during the talks (in the Camp David 2000 era) to the unilateral “juror” of its final-status positions (evidenced by the presidencies of George W Bush and Barack Obama). A supplemental essay included in this submission analyzes an earlier diplomatic era to advance my thesis of how far US mediation bias has traveled since America assumed the principal negotiator role of the Arab-Israeli conflict in the early 1970’s. Indeed, based on the overarching narrative that evolve from both those publications and this essay, it is entirely predictable to see how America’s mediation posture has matured into the era of extreme pro-Israel bias that now characterizes the approach of the Trump Administration. I will interpret this collective diplomatic history using a range of multidisciplinary academic theories addressing biased mediation in international conflict resolution. Then, by drawing on the scholarship from my previous books, I will assess and critique the theoretical benefits of employing biased mediators in conflict resolution—as some prominent scholars have advocated for. By taking a fresh look at earlier Arab-Israeli negotiations led by Henry Kissinger under President’s Richard Nixon and Gerald Ford, I am able to make even greater contrast to that very limited era when biased American mediation in the Arab-Israeli conflict appeared to yield limited success. The process of applying the scholarship of others against the knowledge created from my own published works enable me to demonstrate in this essay that the present day American negotiating bias toward Israel largely exceeds what the normative scholarship on mediation bias envisaged.
21
Scheifer, Ron. "Political warfare in the Arab-Israeli conflict : the reaction of the Israeli government to the Palestinian uprising 1987-1989". Thesis, University of Leeds, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.443682.
Texto completo
22
Nader, Marouf Suleiman Bakhit. "The evolution of Egyptian air defence strategy 1967-1973". Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 1990. https://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/the-evolution-of-egyptian-air-defence-strategy-19671973(fd109bc9-99fc-45e3-9436-360e7f4e67f4).html.
Texto completo
23
Zeumer, Mathias. "Israeli Rejection of the Arab Peace Initiative: Political Climate and Public Perceptions". Thesis, University of Oregon, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/18737.
Texto completoResumen
The Arab Peace Initiative (former Saudi Initiative) was officially proposed by Saudi Arabia and has been (re-)endorsed by all 22 member states of the Arab League since 2002. Israel has not officially responded to the API but rather has generally ignored and by default rejected it. This thesis examines the reasons for the Israeli rejection by analyzing the structure of the Israeli government in relation to the position of the prime minister, both normatively and descriptively, and examining public opinion as a potential enabler or constraint on policymaking. It also explores mechanisms such as threat perceptions and framing to highlight cognitive influences that negatively impacted serious consideration of the API. Qualitative interviews with expert Israelis and Arabs contribute to a deeper understanding of the Israeli perspective of the API's shortcomings. The API is unlikely to be implemented under this current government unless Israeli public opinion significantly changes in its favor.
24
Baser, Zeynep. "Contending Approaches To Security In Israel: 1948-2000". Master's thesis, METU, 2008. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/3/12609996/index.pdf.
Texto completoResumen
This thesis provides an analysis of Israel’
s security conceptions, discourses and practices, in the context of the Arab&
#8211
Israeli conflict in general and the Israeli&
#8211
Palestinian conflict in particular, between 1948 and 2000. The purpose of the study is, to explore those processes through which particular definitions and practices of security have been produced and changed, against the background of the domestic debates and competing worldviews among key political actors
and to highlight the overall impact of these points in different periods on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and, thus, on Israel&
#8217
s overall security. In this context, it is observed that the debates among the political actors, regarding the future borders and the identity of the state, have played a key role in the construction and reconstruction of Israeli security policy particularly vis-à
-vis the Palestinian problem. Nevertheless, it is also observed that the extent of these differences has been limited to the objectives of the security policy, and that a zero-sum conception of security, and the primacy of military means to confront the perceived threats have prevailed as common characteristics of Israeli security understanding, informing Israel&
#8217
s related practices. Along these lines the thesis considers the Oslo peace process as an anomaly, and tries to assess it within the framework of the continuities and changes it has introduced to thinking and acting about security in Israel.
25
Musallam, Sāmī. "Ṣūrat al-ʻArab fī ṣiḥāfat Almānyā al-ittiḥādīyah". Bayrūt : Markaz Dirāsāt al-Waḥdah al-ʻArabīyah, 1985. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/66906654.html.
Texto completo
26
Hamdy, Karim 1972. "Between conflict and accommodation : PLO strategies toward Israel 1991-2000". Thesis, McGill University, 2004. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=81494.
Texto completoResumen
This thesis examines the initiation and dynamics of accommodation in protracted conflicts in the developing world characterized by important stakes and major asymmetries. The case study is the Palestinian-Israeli conflict and in particular Palestinian strategy from 1991--2000. This thesis argues that external politico-military concerns are the main explanatory factors affecting the pursuit of accommodation in this type of case. Powerful third parties play a significant role in initiating/mediating processes of accommodation and in providing assurances/incentives to encourage its pursuit. Bilateral conditions, especially perceptions of irreversible decline by the weaker party and solid expectations of reciprocity from its opponent, are the key factors in generating meaningful accommodative moves. Difficult economic conditions serve as an additional spur for the pursuit of accommodation while difficult political conditions act as a constraint. However, established leaders with strong nationalist credentials have greater room for manoeuvre on foreign policy issues.
27
Kandil, Magdi Ahmed. "The Israeli-Palestinian Conflict in American, Arab, and British Media: Corpus-Based Critical Discourse Analysis". Digital Archive @ GSU, 2009. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/alesl_diss/12.
Texto completoResumen
The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is one of the longest and most violent conflicts in modern history. The language used to represent this important conflict in the media is frequently commented on by scholars and political commentators (e.g., Ackerman, 2001; Fisk, 2001; Mearsheimer & Walt, 2007). To date, however, few studies in the field of applied linguistics have attempted a thorough investigation of the language used to represent the conflict in influential media outlets using systematic methods of linguistic analysis. The current study aims to partially bridge this gap by combining methods and analytical frameworks from Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) and Corpus Linguistics (CL) to analyze the discursive representation of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in American, Arab, and British media, represented by CNN, Al-Jazeera Arabic, and BBC respectively. CDA, which is primarily interested in studying how power and ideology are enacted and resisted in the use of language in social and political contexts, has been frequently criticized mainly for the arbitrary selection of a small number of texts or text fragments to be analyzed. In order to strengthen CDA analysis, Stubbs (1997) suggested that CDA analysts should utilize techniques from CL, which employs computational approaches to perform quantitative and qualitative analysis of actual patterns of use occurring in a large and principled collection of natural texts. In this study, the corpus-based keyword technique is initially used to identify the topics that tend to be emphasized, downplayed, and/or left out in the coverage of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in three corpora complied from the news websites of Al-Jazeera, CNN, and the BBC. Topics –such as terrorism, occupation, settlements, and the recent Israeli disengagement plan—which were found to be key in the coverage of the conflict—are further studied in context using several other corpus tools, especially the concordancer and the collocation finder. The analysis reveals some of the strategies employed by each news website to control for the positive or negative representations of the different actors involved in the conflict. The corpus findings are interpreted using some informative CDA frameworks, especially Van Dijk’s (1998) ideological square framework.
28
Al-sa'd, Sa'd Faisal 1947. "Symbolic commitment of presidential speeches: A study of American policy toward the Arab-Israeli conflict". Diss., The University of Arizona, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/282145.
Texto completoResumen
The purpose of this study was to explore systematically the interaction among nation states by focusing on a single case of American policy toward the Arab-Israeli conflict, specifically the symbolic rhetoric in presidential speeches. This study seeks to increase our knowledge about international crises, and any possible patterns and fluctuations in presidential symbolic rhetoric toward the Arab-Israeli conflict during the 1948-1992 period. The central objective is to explore whether changes in symbolic rhetoric may be related to the escalation of the conflict, as well as investigating numerous parameters of the rhetoric itself. The measure of presidential symbolic rhetoric was tested in seven Middle East countries: Egypt, Iraq, Israel, Jordan, Lebanon, Saudi Arabia and Syria. Theoretically the study adopts Edelman's classification method in distinguishing between referential and condensational symbols. Attention in this study is paid to condensational symbols or symbolic commitment (i.e pride, anxieties, patriotism), and whether the use of those symbols in the Middle East might have been related to three other primary variables: actual conflict in the Middle East, United States military and economic aid to the region, and U.S. political initiatives in the region. In addition, we focused on five distinct conflict periods to see whether changes in symbolic rhetoric patterned itself differently before, during, and after the five crises. The principle conclusion of this research is that the Arab-Israeli conflict was an important issue symbolically to U.S. policy makers, and the presidents of United States lean toward positive symbols. These symbolic commitments tend to increase during the escalation process, and the amount of attention and symbols decreased when war de-escalated. From these results it is possible to assert that presidential perceptions reacted to events as they developed in the region. Convergence between rhetoric and conflict in this specific study suggests that symbols are important political and social indicators in the way policy makers perceive certain issue-areas, and this rhetoric relates to important political events in the Middle East.
29
Fontaine-Skronski, Kim. "The making of peace : the role of leaders in the implementation of peace agreements". Thesis, McGill University, 2001. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=32909.
Texto completoResumen
Why have numerous peace agreements not led to peace? Peacemaking evolves within a specific social, political and economic context involving different actors, numerous issues, and domestic and international constraints. However, political leaders ultimately prioritize the interests of the nation, politicize issues, and initialize policies. The study proposes, first, that the belief system and perceptions of political leaders play an important role in the making of peace by directly influencing the political environment during the implementation phase of peace agreements. Second, the main obstacle to peace may lie within the leaders' failure to transform the political environment into one more conducive to peace. A theoretical model attempts to bridge the gap between leaders, implementation phases, and outcome, or impact on the political environment. The process of transformation results from three factors: trust, increased direct communication, and a positive alteration of the image of the opponent. This provides the necessary foundation for both leaders and populations to begin the difficult and shaky process of belief alterations and perception corrections. The cases of the Camp David Agreements leading to the Egyptian-Israeli Peace Treaty of 1979, and the Oslo Accords of 1993 provide the basis for "probing" into the relevancy of these propositions.
30
Streiner, Scott (Scott Hugh) Carleton University Dissertation International Affairs. "The heart of the matter; Arabs, Jews, and Jerusalem". Ottawa, 1992.
Buscar texto completo
31
Karp, Candace. "The United States and the Arab-Israeli conflict, 1948-1967, with specific reference to final borders, refugees and the status of Jerusalem /". [St. Lucia, Qld.], 2002. http://www.library.uq.edu.au/pdfserve.php?image=thesisabs/absthe16310.pdf.
Texto completo
32
Stine, Scot F. "The three possilble solutions to the Israel-Palestinian conflict and their impact on the achievement of US interests /". Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2002. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/02Jun%5FStine.pdf.
Texto completo
33
Batarfi, Khaled M. "Analysis of news coverage patterns of Middle East conflicts /". view abstract or download file of text, 1999. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/uoregon/fullcit?p9948015.
Texto completoResumen
Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Oregon, 1999.Typescript. Includes vita and abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 171-180). Also available for download via the World Wide Web; free to University of Oregon users. Address: http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/uoregon/fullcit?p9948015.
34
Botha, Marniel. "Die internasionale reaksie op die Israel-Arabiese oorlog van 1973". Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53379.
Texto completoResumen
Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2003.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: From the earliest years the Middle East was known for it's wars and conflict. Religious differences and both the Jews and Palestinian Arabs lay claim to certain territories and religious sites. The fact that the conflict is based on religion makes it an explosive situation and very difficult to find a solution. When the state Israel was established the conflict took on a particular form and the existence of the Palestinian Arabs was threatened. Israel and Egypt were faced opposite each other regularly on the battlefield. Only with the help of a superpower they were able to be in active conflict with each other. Since the Second World War there were an alliance between Israel and the US and Egypt decided to approach Russia for a partnership. Both Israel and Egypt realised that they could not face each other on the battlefield if they were not getting aid and help from a superpower. The influence of the superpowers in this conflict in the Middle East brought a new dimension to the whole situation. The relationship between the superpowers after World War II was in such a bad shape that it gave way to the rise of the Cold War. The bad relationship between the superpowers had a direct influence on the countries in the Middle East. Due to the fact that the allies of the superpowers in the Middle East was entangled in a conflict that increased the mistrust between the superpowers. The course of the October war of 1973 was completely different than the rest of the Middle East wars up until 1973. The superpowers was drawn into the war because of the pressure that was put on the superpowers during this war. That what was feared by everybody were coming true. The conflict in the Middle East was developing from a regional war to the threat of a pending global war. It was very clear that the superpowers could not control their clients of the Middle East to such an extent to avoid a direct confrontation between them. The global crisis did not last long and ended very shortly after it started. During the period after the October war an intense period of negotiations took place between the relevant countries. The friendship between Israel and America was reasonably stable in comparison to the unstable relationship between Egypt and Moscow. Egypt was approaching Washington now to establish a friendship with them. America was the driving force behind the negotiations in the Middle East and with that tried to bring an end to the influence of Russia in the region. They were very succesful in doing that and agreements were signed between Israel and Syria as well as Israel and Egypt. The conflict between Egypt and Israel ended with the signing of the peace agreement between them but the conflict between Israel and the Palestinian Arabs has not ended. The grievances between them are extremely complex and a solution for peace looks very unlikely.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die Midde-Ooste was vanaf die vroegste tye 'n gebied wat gekenmerk is aan oorlog en konflik. Die konflik spruit uit godsdiensverskille en die aansprake wat beide die Jode en Palestynse Arabiere het op grondgebied en heilige plekke. Die feit dat die konflik op godsdiens geskoei is maak dat dit 'n plofbare situasie is en uiters moeilik om 'n oplossing te verkry. Die konflik het 'n kenmerkende vorm aangeneem toe die staat Israel gestig is en die bestaan van die Palestynse Arabiere in die gebied bedreig is. Israel en Egipte het menigmaal te staan gekom teenoor mekaar op die oorlogsveld. Beide kon dit net doen met die hulp van hul bondgenootskap met 'n supermoondheid. Israel en die VSA was bondgenote terwyl Egipte toenadering tot USSR gesoek het. Israel en Egipte het besef dat hul die hulp en ondersteuning van 'n supermoondheid nodig gehad het om suksesvol in hul stryd te wees teen die ander. Die invloed van die supermoondhede in die konflik in die Midde-Ooste het 'n nuwe dimensie gegee aan die stryd. Na die Tweede Wêreldoorlog het die verhouding tussen die supermoondhede sodanig verswak dat dit gelei het tot die ontstaan van die Koue Oorlog. Dié swak verhouding het 'n direkte invloed gehad in hul verhoudinge met die lande in die Midde-Ooste. Omdat hulle bondgenote ook in 'n stryd gewikkel was het dit verder bygedra tot die wantroue tussen die supermoondhede. Die Oktober-oorlog van 1973 het heeltemal anders as die ander oorloë verloop. Die druk wat die sitausie op die supermoondhede geplaas het, het daartoe gelei dat hulle direk in die konflik betrek is. Dit wat almal gevrees en oor gespekuleer het, het nou waar geword. Die konflik van die Midde-Ooste het nou ontwikkel van 'n streeksoorlog na 'n dreigende globale oorlog. Dit blyk baie duidelik dat beide supermoondhede nie genoegsame druk op hul bondgenote kon plaas om 'n direkte konfrontasie tussen hulle te vermy nie. So vinnig soos wat die globale krisis ontwikkel het so vinnig is dit beëindig. Die tydperk na die Oktober-oorlog was gekenmerk aan 'n intense periode van onderhandeling tussen die betrokke lande. Die verhouding tussen Israel en die VSA was baie stabiel teenoor die onstabiele verhouding tussen Egipte en die USSR. Egipte het al meer toenadering tot Washington gesoek. Amerika was die dryfveer agter die vredesonderhandelinge en het daarmee gepoog om die invloed van USSR in die Midde-Ooste tot 'n einde te bring. Hy was baie suksesvol daarmee en ten spyte van teenkanting is vredesooreenkomste gesluit tussen Israel en Egipte asook Israel en Sirië. Die konflik tussen Egipte en Israel is grootliks beëindig maar die konflik tussen Israel en die Palestynse Arabiere is nog in volle swang. Die twispunte tussen dié twee nasies is kompleks en "n vredesoplossing lyk hoogs onwaarskynlik.
35
Mitchell, Stephanie Claire. "The Function of Religion in the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict". PDXScholar, 2017. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3939.
Texto completoResumen
The role of religion in politics has been rising to the forefront of history in the Middle East for a number of decades and more so since 9/11, raising significant questions as to whether religion functions as a catalyst for conflict or peace. This thesis focuses specifically on the role of religion in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and the manner in which actors incorporate religion into their national politics. In doing so, the inquiry focuses on the proponents of religion on both the Jewish and the Palestinian sides in addressing a) territorial rights, b) interpretations in the use of deadly force and violence, and c) interpretations of the final political goal to be attained. In the context of the broader nationalism of each side, the study reflects on different approaches to religion and how they may provide perspectives that are either catalytic to conflict or catalytic to building peace. In this light, the inquiry of this thesis analyzes and contrasts religious nationalism and pro-peace religiosity, concluding with implications and directives for conflict resolution.
36
Oberlander, Moshe Marla. "Peace building : the role of social work and law in the promotion of social capital and political integration". Thesis, McGill University, 2004. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=84686.
Texto completoResumen
The study suggests that two domestic conditions are critical to foster opportunities for sustainable peace between formerly conflicting societies. The conditions are defined as social capital and political integration. These are explored in the context of Israeli and Palestinian societies following the signing of the Oslo Peace Accords in 1993 and through 1999, just one year prior to the outbreak of the al-Aqsa Intifada.Social capital refers to networks of association. Strong networks of relationship are important because they are positively associated with a community and/or society's ability to foster social cohesion, to problem-solve and cope with growing uncertainty such as that exemplifying the period of transition from conflict to peace.
Income inequality is inversely related to social capital. Communities and societies characterized by growing income inequality are typified by diminishing social capital, hence receding capacity to weather the impact of major societal change.
The term political integration refers to the relationship between a government and its citizens. In politically integrated societies citizens share a sense that government is concerned with their welfare and hence their loyalty is expressed through support of the government, its programs and policies. Growing political fragmentation, a lack of abidance, and the breakdown of relationships between civil society and government mark politically disintegrated societies. Political integration is particularly relevant in the aftermath of the signing of a peace agreement when domestic sectarian divides threaten to undermine the national entity that must maintain the delicate balance attained by formerly conflicting societies.
Social capital and political integration are the outcome of greater or lesser human rights: social and economic, civil and political. The persistence of inequality, social and economic, civil and political, wears down the relationships between members of a society and between citizens and their government.
Analysis of standard social and economic indicators in Palestinian and Israeli societies suggests that despite the promised peace dividend social and economic inequality persisted and in some instances worsened between 1993 and 1999. Analysis of civil and political conditions in both societies suggests that political disintegration as opposed to growing integration characterized the six-year period.
37
Lange, Sandra. "The case of uneven development in Palestine an investigation of scalar fix as an act of dispossession /". Morgantown, W. Va. : [West Virginia University Libraries], 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10450/10682.
Texto completoResumen
Thesis (M.A.)--West Virginia University, 2009.Title from document title page. Document formatted into pages; contains vi, 148 p. : ill., (some col.), col. maps. Includes abstract. Includes bibliographical references (p. 138-148).
38
Wachsmann, Emily Brook Lain Brian. "Social movements, subjectivity, and solidarity witnessing rhetoric of the international solidarity movement /". [Denton, Tex.] : University of North Texas, 2009. http://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc12211.
Texto completo
39
Sanagan, Mark. "The social construction of militancy in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict : masculinity, femininity and the nation". Thesis, McGill University, 2006. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=99597.
Texto completoResumen
This thesis examines nationalism and colonialism in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and asks the questions: What is the relationship between these ideologies and "national narratives" constructed of collective historical memory? How do these ideologies produce recognizable, sexualized, national bodies? What are the defining characteristics of these national bodies and how do they perform roles from the national narratives? These questions are addressed through a discussion of the role of masculinity in modern Zionism and the state of Israel, in particular how it relates to the land of Palestine and the Palestinian "other". This thesis also addresses anti-colonial resistance movements in Palestine and argues that performative nationalism produces a fetishized commodity that can me labeled "militancy". This militancy is found institutionalized in the popular culture of everything from poetry to political posters. Finally, Palestinian female suicide bombers, like women nationalists before them, do little to challenge how specific nationalist acts of resistance are defined by patriarchal nationalists and sexualized within a "gendered space of militancy".
40
Levin, Lucille Hare. "An examination of the role of forgiveness in conflict resolution /". Access Digital Full Text version, 1992. http://pocketknowledge.tc.columbia.edu/home.php/bybib/11063488.
Texto completoResumen
Thesis (Ed.D.)--Teachers College, Columbia University, 1992.Typescript; issued also on microfilm. Sponsor: William Sayres. Dissertation Committee: Betty Reardon. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 129-133).
41
Demirel, Ipek. "The Failure Of Peace Processes In The Palestinian-israeli Conflict: The Clash Of Arab Nationalism And Zionism". Master's thesis, METU, 2006. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12607946/index.pdf.
Texto completoResumen
This thesis aims at analyzing the reasons for the insoluble nature of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. The reasons behind the continuation of the conflict are various. However, this thesis mainly concentrated on the ones stemmed from the clash of Arab nationalism and Zionism. This clash basically represents the failure of both sides in making any concession from their territorial attachments which resulted from Arab nationalism and Zionism. Though both nationalisms were constructed on the same founding factors such as religion, territory and culture, Arab nationalists and Zionists gained different positions during the conflict. These positions determined the future of all of the peace processes in the near past.
All peace processes that had focused on the solution of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict displayed that any formulation for a last settlement to the conflict should take into consideration the inability of the parties to agree on a territorial compromise and the adoption by both sides of the continuation of the conflict as a political instrument.
42
Abdo, Hadeel I. "Immigrant Arabs and immigrant Jews in Montreal : their social interaction and attitudes toward the Arab-Israeli conflict". Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp01/MQ54283.pdf.
Texto completo
43
Salom, Margot F. "The silencing of dissent in the Australian Jewish community /". [St. Lucia, Qld.], 2005. http://www.library.uq.edu.au/pdfserve.php?image=thesisabs/absthe19331.pdf.
Texto completo
44
O'Regan, Mary. "Framing the Israeli-Palestinian conflict : a case-study analysis of the Irish national 'opinion leader' press, July 2000 to July 2004". Thesis, University of Stirling, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/1921.
Texto completoResumen
This case study analyses how four Irish "opinion leader" newspapers - The Irish Times, the Irish Independent, the Sunday Independent and the Sunday Tribune - constructed the issue of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict during the four-year period from July 2000 to July 2004. A primary objective of this case study is to overcome some of the more prominent theoretical inadequacies that have characterised existing research in this area to date. Principally, because existing research has been mostly limited to analysing the American media context and to a lesser extent, the British and other core European contexts, very few analyses have been undertaken on the framing of foreign conflicts by media outlets that operate within entirely different national environments, such as the Irish media environment. Chapter I argues that already existing research has mostly been confined to "testing" propaganda, indexing, hegemonic and political control hypotheses regarding media roles in covering foreign conflicts. These hypotheses are based on assumptions that foreign conflict coverage is mostly influenced by extrinsic structural factors and that, therefore, the media's role is largely restricted to that of acting as conduits for government propaganda and elite perspectives. Consequently, research guided by these hypotheses neglects to investigate fully the influences exerted by the surrounding politico-cultural and media contexts on the various roles adopted by the media when reporting on different types of foreign conflicts. William A. Gamson and his colleagues' model of social constructivist media analysis was chosen as the most appropriate model for fulfilling the objectives of this research. This model analyses media coverage trends as outcomes of contested news construction processes that are potentially influenced by a range of different extrinsic environmental factors and intrinsic media, or news factors. This case study consisted of four different, yet interrelated, stages of research. The first stage consisted of a literature-based contextual analysis of the historical and political environments characterising the arena of the Israeli- Palestinian conflict, as well as the arenas of Irish-Israeli and Irish-Palestinian relations. The second research stage involved a longitudinal and descriptive analysis of a representative sampling of coverage of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict by The Irish Times, the Irish Independent, the Sunday Independent and the Sunday Tribune during the period from July 2000 to July 2004. The third stage consisted of qualitative frame analysis of news discourses. The fourth and final stage of research involved the undertaking of a series of exploratory, qualitative interviews with key media, political/diplomatic and NGO actors. Chapter 3 briefly outlines how the Israeli-Palestinian conflict has been historically manifested as a highly unequal, contested and multi-dimensional conflict. Chapter 4 analyses the potential contextual influences exerted by Irish political culture and foreign policy-makin(I-1t1ra ditions on the roles adopted by Irish media. It concludes that Ireland's "small state" and post-colonial status, its consequent lack of "hard power", or "vital" foreign policy interests in the Middle East, as well as its official dependency on UN and EU foreign policy perspectives, are likely to have exerted significant contextual influences on the ways in which the sampled newspapers covered the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Chapter 5 explores the ways in which the changed political environment surrounding Israeli-Palestinian relations during the period of July 2000 to July 2004 had significant constructivist implications for how international media, including the Irish media, covered the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. This case study's descriptive analysis of randomly sampled coverage by The Irish Times, the Irish Independent, the Sunday Independent and the Sunday Tribune during the period of July 2000 to July 2004 generated a number of significant findings. Firstly, it was concluded that the regular patterns of attention that the sampled newspapers devoted to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict were reflective of the dynamics and politics of that conflict itself, as well as its ongoing international resonance. However, this coverage was frequently of a semi- or non-prominent nature, while the sampled newspapers accorded only miniscule amounts of frontpage, analytical and editorial attention to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. It was concluded that Ireland's "small state" status and its lack of appreciable national or foreign policy interests in Israel and the Palestinian territories influenced these latter trends. However, in addition to the formative influences exerted by the national politico-cultural context, media contextual factors and intrinsic news factors also had discernible constructivist implications for news outcomes. For instance, the finding that the majority of news items were sourced from foreign-based jourrialists and news agencies was related to the operation of news factors, such as editorial judgements and criteria, as well as reporting norms and values. Most significantly, the intense competition characterising the Irish media market overall, as well as the lack of historical grounding of Irish media within a "tradition" of foreign news analysis, exerted substantial influence on these news-sourcing patterns by constraining the sampled newspapers' commitment to foreign news coverage. In relation to the findings generated by this case study's topical analysis, it was also concluded that the operation of news factors, in relation to the wider politico-cultural context, influenced the ways in which the sampled newspapers topicalised the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Thus, while news values tilted editorial decisions towards covering "conflict"/"political violence" topics, these values also served to reduce newspaper coverage of "peace" and other topics. Additionally, politico-cultural factors, such as the relative isolationist and dependent nature of Irish foreign policy worldviews, supplied an important context within which the sampled newspapers neglected to appreciably cover the international diplomaticsecurity context surrounding the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Moreover, the low levels of coverage devoted to domestic Israeli and Palestinian topics reflected Ireland's lack of any "vital" interests in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and its relatively weak politico-cultural and personal ties with Israel and the Palestinians. Finally, in relation to source access and representation trends, it was found that the sampled newspapers tended to be more or less contested sites (albeit unequal sites). variously featuring the assertions of competing Israeli and Palestinian politicaU"official" sources, rather than exclusively transmitting so-called consensual, hegemonic and elitist constructions of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. This emerged as a key finding of this research, as it challenges one of the primary theoretical assumptions of the propaganda, indexing, hegemonic and political control hypotheses - namely, that politically-powerful and economically resourceful conflict protagonists consistently have greater levels of media access than politically weaker protagonists, simply by virtue of the power disparities that pertain between them. Instead, this thesis argues that, within highly contested foreign conflict arenas, the protagonist sources' degree of access to international media attention is best viewed as a constructed and achieved outcome, which changes in line with developments in the wider political and media environments and changes in the operation of news factors.
45
Papenroth, Thomas H. "Germany's interests and policy in and toward the Middle East in the context of the Arab - Israeli conflict". Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2001. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA397513.
Texto completoResumen
Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs) Naval Postgraduate School, June 2001.Thesis advisor(s): Ghoreishi, Ahmad. "June 2001". Includes bibliographical references (p. 107-112). Also available online.
46
Chalmers, Dana Lori. "If you wrong us, shall we not revenge? daring entertainment to challenge ideologies of the Arab-Israeli conflict". Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/46326.
Texto completoResumen
Can entertainment challenge the ideologies that contribute to violent conflict, mass atrocities and genocide? This study explores audience responses to entertainment created for this purpose. Theoretical approaches including those of narrative persuasion, theatre for development, applied theatre, and genocide studies suggest that such a production ??? if sufficiently transportive ??? would encourage audiences to reconsider their views.
This study developed a theoretical approach to creating Ideologically Challenging Entertainment (ICE). (???Entertainment??? defined as narratives that audiences consider engaging, interesting, and ???transportive??? as described in narrative persuasion literature). It focused on mainstream theatrical approaches while presenting multiple perspectives, using an adaptation of The Merchant of Venice, (Two Merchants) aimed at confronting some of the ideological underpinnings of the Arab-Israeli Conflict, including antisemitism and Islamophobia. Each performance included two versions of the adaptation: a Jewish dominated society with an Arab Muslim minority, contrasted with an Arab Muslim dominated society and a Jewish minority. A mixed-methods study of audience responses explored whether this production inspired audiences to shift their ideological views to become more tolerant of differences, and more aware of the ideological persecution that contributes to violent conflict.
The results support the hypothesis that entertainment can challenge ideologies and inspire the moral imagination. Of audience members who did not initially agree with the premise of the production, 40% reconsidered their ideological views, indicating increased tolerance, greater awareness of their prejudices and recognition of the persecution faced by others. In addition, 86% of the audience expressed their intention to discuss the production with others, thereby encouraging critical engagement with, and broader dissemination of the material. Perceptions of the production as ???high quality??? and ???entertaining??? were the primary factor associated with changing ideological views. Furthermore, qualitative responses offered insight into aspects of inter-ethnic and inter-religious relations in Canada. The research also contributed to the refinement of audience response research methods in mixed-methods studies. These outcomes suggest that high quality entertainment ??? as defined by audience responses to it - can become a powerful tool in the struggle against the ideologies of hate and fear that contribute to prejudice, discrimination, violent conflict, atrocities and genocide.
47
Zaher, A. "A critical discourse analysis of news reports on the Israeli/Palestinian conflict in selected Arab and western newspapers". Thesis, Nottingham Trent University, 2009. http://irep.ntu.ac.uk/id/eprint/146/.
Texto completoResumen
As one of the most violent, ideological and intractable conflicts in modern history, sited in a very sensitive and strategic region, the Israeli/Palestinian conflict has always been under the spotlight of media and politicians. The conflict is almost a constant item in the coverage of news outlets, especially since the outbreak of the spiraling violence that marked the end of the peace process and the beginning of the second Palestinian uprising in the fall of 2000. The discourse of the conflict is as ideological and controversial as the conflict itself. Even news reporting, which is governed by values of truthfulness, accuracy, balance, impartiality and integrity, has always been the object of scrutiny and criticism by members of both sides who often accuse newspapers of bias against them. The discourse of the Israeli/Palestinian conflict has been the object of a number of academic studies. This thesis aims to contribute to this body of knowledge about the discourse of the conflict by critically analysing the discourse of news reports on selected events of the second Intifada, both from cross-cultural and inter-cultural perspectives, by exploring the way Arab and Western newspapers report on some recent events of the conflict and the way different newspapers issued in the UK cover the same events.
48
Smith, Jerry D. "Israel's counter-terrorism strategy and its effectiveness /". Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2005. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/05Mar%5FSmith.pdf.
Texto completo
49
Honig, Or Arthur. "How radicalization leads to peace explaining the timing of negotiations in enduring intra-state conflicts /". Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2009. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1998530821&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
Texto completo
50
Khan, Sharmeen. "Sacred space and sacred symbol : Hamas' use of Jerusalem during the first Intifada". Thesis, McGill University, 2003. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=79955.
Texto completoResumen
The imbroglio of Jerusalem is arguably at the center of the Arab-Israeli conflict and presents an impasse to establishing peace. Its capacity to evoke powerful emotions is the key to understanding the connection between politics and sacred.1 The intent of this work is to closely examine the connection between politics and holy space by analyzing how Hamas' use of Jerusalem's sanctity and space for its symbolic value during the first Intifaḍa (1987--1993) contributed to simultaneously fueling the Intifaḍa and creating the potential to thwart peace in a number of ways: by portraying the Palestinian-Israeli conflict as a continuation of the conflict between the Muslim and Jewish communities in seventh century Arabia; justifying the Muslim Palestinian claim that Israel is an illegitimate entity on Islamic land; rejecting any form of negotiation or peace process as un-Islamic; mobilizing the masses; justifying armed struggle for Jerusalem in the form of jihad; gaining political influence; and presenting an alternative to the national-secular agenda of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO).1Roger Friedland and Richard D. Hecht, "The Politics of Sacred Spaces: Jerusalem's Temple Mount/al-haram al-sharif" in Sacred Places and Profane Spaces: Essays in the Geographics of Judaism, Christianity, and Islam, ed. Jamie Scott and Paul Simpson-Housley (New York: Greenwood Press, 1991): 23.