Literatura académica sobre el tema "Antique phrases"

La première partie de cette étude abordait les prémisses rationnelles et logiques sous-jacentes à l’utilisation de termes inintelligibles, ou voces magicae , dans le but de modifier un système (physique ou social) en crise, une pratique qui connut un essor important à l’époque impériale. Cette première partie concluait que, dans le sillage d’une tradition ancienne caractérisée par l’emploi de mots comme remèdes dans les carmina , les prières ou les hymnes, les mots et les lettres se sont vu attribuer une dynamis ou puissance propre à l’époque impériale. De ce fait, il convenait de traiter les mots selon des méthodes analogues à celles employées pour les herbes, les aliments et d’autres exemples de materia medica , afin de bénéficier de leur puissance et opérer les changements désirés. Comme l’essentiel de cette materia medica relevait du régime quotidien de la plupart des gens, son utilisation dans le but de produire des effets différents impliquait aussi d’en employer les ingrédients selon des modalités différentes de leurs usages habituels. De même l’emploi de voces , parfois conjointement avec de tels ingrédients plus substantiels, impliquait-il des pratiques d’énonciation et d’écriture différentes de l’usage habituel de la parole. Pour effectuer cette distinction, l’on pouvait choisir des mots obscurs, composer des chaînes non-naturelles de voyelles ou de consonnes, écrire certains mots à l’envers ou les répéter, décontextualiser des phrases ou encore employer des alphabets idiosyncrasiques. Le présent article identifie les méthodes les plus couramment employées pour transformer les mots en ingrédients susceptibles d’opérer des changements dans le contexte de la pédagogie impériale et tardo-antique, les exercices scolaires et leurs représentations littéraires. Il sera ensuite suggéré que le phénomène des voces n’est pas seulement lié conceptuellement aux pratiques thérapeutiques mais aussi aux tactiques militaires. En particulier, nous proposons d’associer l’habitude de représenter les voces en formation aux tableaux de stratégies que l’on trouve dans les manuels militaires.

Abstract In his liturgical commentary Rationale divinorum officiorum, the thirteenthcentury writer Guillaume Durand describes a special, “antique” way of singing sequences called “neumatizing” (“neumatizare”). According to Durand, a sequence could be neumatized either by singing certain phrases melismatically or by vocalizing the entire sequence without words. The chief focus of this investigation is the identification of which sequences were still being neumatized after the decline of that practice around 1100, where and at which feasts they were sung, and why. The evidence suggests that neumatizing was especially cultivated in northern France during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, especially in the cathedral towns of Rouen, Laon, Cambrai, and Amiens, as well as at various religious institutions in Metz, Andenne, Chichester, and Bamberg. The liturgical period of Advent, Christmas Eve, the Feast of John the Evangelist, and masses celebrating patron saints were the most typical liturgical occasions where neumatizing took place. The rationales for the singing practice appear to have been manifold, ranging from the practical and mundane to the spiritual and sacred. Motives for neumatizing include improving preexisting structures for purposes of fulfilling expectations about genre; using musical responses to highlight poetic topoi; lending solemnity and symbolic meaning to important liturgical feasts; and honoring ancient traditions while resisting some of the newer trends found with late examples of the genre.

Belonging to the style of late eclectics, products of the Ekaterinburg Lapidary Factory are scarce in the collections of Russian museums. Their small size and complex forms did not correspond to the notion of objects worthy of preservation. For this reason, most of the works created by Ural masters in the 1870s–1900s did not enter their collections at the early stage of the formation of Soviet museums. The insignificant presence of these works in available collections, the possibility of becoming acquainted with many of them only from graphic materials, together with a general negative attitude towards the decorative arts of late eclecticism and historicism, led to a lack of systematic analysis, often replaced by general phrases about decadence and insufficient artistic level. Meanwhile, more and more works by the Imperial Lapidary Factory in Ekaterinburg appearing on the antique market during this period are evidence of a strenuous search for new forms. The absence of a recognizable approach to form makes the attribution of such items extremely difficult, and often impossible without reference to the graphic heritage of the factory. Scattered and still awaiting systematization, it indicates the involvement of artists of different trends in the search for new forms and principles of decorating stone works. The article considers the existing complexes of graphic works connected with the activity of the Ekaterinburg Lapidary Factory, restoring the fate of previously undescribed objects. Also, the author provides information on the known materials, analyzing the style of proposed and executed designs and providing examples of attributions made based on drawings. Several graphic sheets are introduced into scholarly circulation for the first time.

The article tries to reveal the national particularity of usage of borrowed phrasemes, to show that despite their international character they function differently in different target languages adapting to culture, traditions, reflecting national psychology. The semantics of the same phraseological calque varies to some extent in various languages. The context of usage, frequency and relevance to the culture may vary significantly. The article describes some phrasemes with supplemental words, semantic extension, cases when collocations undergo further mataphorisation. Among the international phrasemes to be compared are some borrowings from the Bible, classic phrasemes of antique origin, mythologems. The diachronic processes leading to alteration of frequency, coining or losing of some connotations are also studied. The phraseme is considered to be like a living thing which adapts to a cultural environment and reacts to the changes occurring in it. The article contributes to cultural linguistics, helps to find the ways of fruitful intercultural communication.

The article aims to present and analyze those passages of the Hexameron (Šestodnev) in which ‘heretics’, ‘Manichaeans’, ‘pagans’ or ‘pagan Slavs’ are mentioned. The fragments are compared with their Greek counterparts (as long as these exist); the Old Bulgarian texts (especially those that can be considered original additions or loose compilations) are utilized for interpreting certain elements of heterodox doctrines common to Manichaeism, Paulicianism, Massalianism and Bogomilism. The Old Bulgarian translation/compilation by John Exarch supplies important information on the cosmology, theological doctrine and liturgical life of the Neo-Manichaeans within the Byzantine- Slavic world. The original additions and passages that can be seen as loose translations or compilations testify to the relevance of anti-dualist polemics even in the later periods of the Byzantine-Slavic religious community. The old Gnostic and Manichaean concepts, adapted by later dualist heresies (as e.g. Massalianism and Paulicianism), coupled with Trinitarian and Christological deviations from the official dogma, infiltrate the 1st Bulgarian Empire and provide a hospitable environment for the appearance of Bogomilism. In this sense, the Old Bulgarian Hexameron turns out to be an important source of information on the predecessors of the ‘Bulgarian heresy’. The original additions and loose translations/compilations of certain passages uncover some ‘common areas’ characteristic of all medieval Neo-Manichaean doctrines: the dualist creation myth, the belief in Satan as God’s ‘first-born son’ and the related Trinitarian and Christological departures from the prescribed dogma. Especially noteworthy is the passage referring to the Trisagion (Trisvetoe). The rejection of particular elements of the Liturgy of the Faithful attests to the dualists’ more diversified attitude towards the official ritual – not an indiscriminate renunciation, but the exclusion of those elements that were considered to praise the Old Testament God and to be irreconcilable with the Neo-Manichaean beliefs concerning creation and forgiveness. The mentioning of a Slavic pagan sun cult should be analyzed not only in connection with the charges against Manichaeans and Slavs concerning idolatry, but also in a wider context of the refutation of antique astrological beliefs and soothsaying practices. The comparison of particular lexemes, phrases and larger textual units in John Exarch’s Hexameron on the one hand and the Sermon Against the Heretics on the other makes it possible to conjecture that Cosmas the Priest was familiar with his predecessor’s work and made use of it when composing his own anti-heretic text.

This article examines the ways in which Stephan Hoeller, head of the Ecclesia Gnostica, has transformed a very diverse set of late antique currents, with doctrines phrased in a mythic language unfamiliar to most moderns and rituals only sketchily documented in the sources, into a form of lived religiosity relevant for contemporary audiences.

In this paper, eleven new inscriptions are presented, which were found between 1981 and 2017 at Assos in the southern Troad, Asia Minor. Funerary inscriptions that can be dated to the Late Antique and Byzantine periods constitute the majority of the inscriptions found during the period defined above. The first inscription, carved on a lintel, is an acclamation of the Lord/ Emmanouel. The personal name Chrysogonos in the second inscription may have been the name of a stonecutter who worked in the quarry. The third inscription is the epitaph of the gravediggers of the Orthodox “Great Church”. By the phrase “Great Church” (μεγάλη ἐκκλησία), a cathedral must have been intended, located inside the city or its immediate surroundings. The fourth inscription presented here is the sarcophagus inscription of the heirs of an individual called Daniel. The fifthis the sarcophagus inscription of Theoktistos. The inscriptions nos. 6-10 from the oor of Ayazma Church include several sarcophagus inscriptions: No. 6 is of Bas(s)os, no. 7 is of Eutychianos, and no. 8 is of Onesimos, whose father’s name is uncertain due to a crack and damage on the surface of the stone. No. 9 is the sarcophagus of presbyter Anastasios, and no. 10 is the sarcophagus of Eugenios. The eleventh inscription is a fragmentary sarcophagus inscription.

AbstractAfter clarifying the theological implications of the phrase τὸ πολὺ πέλαγος τοῦ καλοῦ in Plat. Symp. 210d4 and demonstrating that it cannot be considered the archetype, the article aims to examine the Nachleben of Gregory of Nazianzus’ expression πέλαγος οὐσίας ἄπειρον καὶ ἀόριστον (Or. 38.7 and 45.3): not only is it spread in late antique and mediaeval literature both Greek and Latin, but it is also present in Dante’s Commedia. The huge diffusion of this image across time and space, supported by a careful examination of the use that is made of it by authors who pick it up, makes it possible to demonstrate that πέλαγος οὐσίας ἄπειρον καὶ ἀόριστον became a very well known proverbial topos in the Christian world.

Background. One of the typical trends of modern musicology is the increasing interest in the problem of components dialogue in the synthetic forms of art. In the context of this global topic, the issue of music and choreography interaction in the stage dances of musical theater productions of the 17th – the first half of the 18th century is of particular interest. The connection of music and choreography in the art of stage dance of the 17th – the first half of the 18th century appears as a kind of continuation of the syncretic unity of ancient art seen through the prism of the professional experience of the creators of court musical and stage productions in the French classicism style. In the court operas, ballets and other types of performances such of the composers, as A. Kampra, J.-B. Lully, J. F. Rameau, the spirit of the antique art was reviving in its own special way representing the “ensemble of arts” in a miniature. The research objective is to identify the features of the combination and interaction of musical and choreographic arts in the stage dances of French musical and theatre productions of the 17th – the first half of the 18th century. The article uses the method of comparative analysis. This method allows to analyze the features and the ways of interaction between the elements of dance and musical syntax. Results. The art of choreography is a rhythm and plastic form of thinking and self-expression, which can reflect reality not only in its eventual plot related manifestations, but also to rise to the broad abstract generalizations. In view of its rather conditional nature, dance requires, to one degree or another, the interpretation of its content. In the 17th and early 18th centuries, the need for such an explanation increases significantly because of the great role of emblems and encoded content in various aesthetic and artistic phenomena. In the dance, the close relation to the court ceremonial, which did not allow the expression of emotions, initiated this feature additionally. For example, at that time one was believed that stepping a minuet means “drawing up secret signs of love”, which were recognized in movements, poses, facial expressions and gestures. In the Baroque Epoch the audience easily was recognizing the content of such dances, whereas for the modern observer and researcher it remains unknown. The dance moves and their combinations in stage dances of the 17th and early 18th century receive a specific meaning in the context of poetic, musical and dance phrases. However, first, the moves of dancers-performers were consistent with the music. As a rule, the result of making a choreographic production depended on the composer’s choice of the musical form. Most of the dances within the researched period were set to music in a two-part form. Less often we can find the samples in the form of a couplet rondo and ostinato variations. When making the dance productions, French choreographers took into account the features of other popular musical forms of the 17th –18th centuries. In some cases they emphasized or combined with their own author’s decision the symmetric basis laid down in the musical structure (the form of rondo), in others – they disclosed the effect of the continuity principle. An example of the embodiment of a choreographic idea set to music in the form of a rondo is the passepied production (fr. passé-pied) “La Gouastalla” realized by R. A. Feye to the music of the unknown composer. The choreographic composition consists of five dance periods corresponding to five sections of the musical form. A slightly different choreography scheme – ABCBC is combined with the symmetric scheme in the musical variation– ABACA. In this production the combination of the musical form and the choreographic composition is somewhat changed, however, this does not mean the complete neglect of the musical form regularities in the construction of the dance general plan. One of the aspects of the musical and choreographic arts combination in French stage dances of the 17th and 18th centuries is the connection with of the choreographic component of the latter with the tonal plan of the musical work. The tonal coloring of the music was reflecting in the formation of a choreographic drawing of dance, in the process of expressing in the movements of various emotions and feelings. Changes of tonalities, the most used of which, as a rule, a certain circle of images and affects, their own “character” carried along at that time, were associated with a variety of transitions in the emotional coloring of the dance. It is from such, emotional, the perception of tonality, the versions of the tonal plans of French dances follows, which are unusual for later canons of Viennese Classicism, in particular, with the violation of the harmonic sequence of T-D-S-T. Conclusions. Thus, the stage dance of the 17th and early 18th century is a peculiar form of embodiment of the “miniature ensemble of arts”, where dance moves and their combinations receive a specific coloring in the context of poetic, musical and dance phrases and certain allegorical meanings. Nevertheless, first and foremost, the moves of dancers-performers were consistent with the music. Obvious is the great dependence of the choreographic production on the musical form and its components – the rhythm as well as the tonal and harmonic plan, which combined with the choreographic elements, prompt the feelings transmitted in the dance, which give to it the life and inspiration.

L'étude de la création lexicale en latin détermine la fréquence de certaines formations, leur productivité et leur emploi, selon des périodes, des genres ou des auteurs donnés. L’analyse morphologique des néologismes poétiques rend compte des capacités du latin à innover lexicalement en puisant dans ses fonds propres. Notre présente étude s’intéresse au phénomène de la composition nominale, dont la variété des combinaisons possibles, les commodités lexicales et métriques demeurent un élément déterminant dans le renouvellement du vocabulaire poétique latin, répondant aux soucis de varietas et d’originalité des poetae fabricatores. Afin de comprendre les influences lexicales des veteres poetae sur les poètes postérieurs, cette étude part de la poésie cicéronienne (Catulle, Lucrèce et Cicéron) pour s’étendre à la période augustéenne (Virgile, Horace, Properce, Tibulle et Ovide), la plus fertile en composés nouveaux, puis à la julio-claudienne (Sénèque, Perse et Lucain) et enfin à la flavienne (Silius Italicus, Valérius Flaccus, Stace, Martial et Juvénal) en s’autorisant une comparaison avec le latin tardif. La très faible fréquence d’attestation des lexèmes poétiques, dont une grande partie constitue des hapax legomena, permet de considérer ces termes comme des créations poétiques. Ces composés nouveaux contribuent à une poïetique du sens en intensifiant le discours et en créant une enargeia propre à mettre en évidence une pensée unique. Il convient dès lors de souligner l’intérêt stylistique et sémantique que ces néologismes revêtent par la simplicité de leur formation, de leur statut de mots « possibles » et enfin de leur adaptation aux différents mètres latins, et en particulier l’hexamètre dactylique
The study of lexical creation in Latin determines the frequency of certain formations, their productivity and their use according to given periods, types or authors. The morphological analysis of poetic neologisms shows the lexical innovative quality of Latin and its ability to feed on itself. Our study focuses on the phenomenon of compounding whose variety of possible combinations and adaptability to lexis and metrics remain crucial factors in the renewal of the Latin poetic vocabulary, thus answering the poetae fabricatores’s concerns about varietas and originality. In order to understand the lexical influences of the veteres poetae on the following poets, this study on lexical creation by nominal compounding starts from the Ciceronian period (Catullus, Lucretius and Cicero) to the Augustan Age (Virgil, Horace, Propertius, Tibullus and Ovid) – when the widest range of new compounds was created – to the Julio-Claudian period (Seneca, Persius and Lucan) to the Flavian Age (Silius Italicus, Valerius Flaccus, Statius, Martial and Juvenal), with a comparison with Late Latin. The very low frequency of the occurrences of poetic words, many of which are hapax legomena, makes it possible to regard these terms as poetic creations. These new compounds contribute to a poietic of the meaning by intensifying the speech and by creating an enargeia that reveals a single thought. We can therefore stress the stylistic and semantic interests of these neologisms due to the simplicity of their formation, their status of “possible” words and eventually their adaptation to the various Latin meters, especially the dactylic hexameter

This chapter explores how Petrarch responded to earlier arguments about imitatio, and how that relates to his unfinished epic Africa. It begins by showing how the metaphors used to describe imitation in the rhetorical tradition were deployed in the self-representations of humanist scholars who rediscovered a complete text of Quintilian. Petrarch’s own richly metaphorical discussions of imitatio are then connected with his concerns about verbal appropriation, and it is argued that Petrarch’s self-representations as a heroic rediscoverer of lost texts should not be taken at face value. He was adept at borrowing from late antique sources—Macrobius in particular—and at occluding those debts. His incomplete epic poem Africa shows how he sought to imitate without borrowing phrases longer than two words from an earlier work. Petrarch’s concerns about plagiarism led him to ‘imitate’ texts which were known about but lost, such as Ennius’s Annales. Imitating such texts—termed here ‘the lost imitand’—was a powerful means of establishing a distinction between imitation and textual appropriation, since a text which was lost could be reimagined, but it could not be plagiarized.

Abstract IN the previous chapter I suggested that the base for the materials of the Ars antiqua motet was a broad one, and I now wish to propose that it may have been matched by a breadth in the constituency of the audience for these pieces. The audience for medieval secular music has received little attention, perhaps because it is an issue where musicology dissolves into social and cultural history. As far as the Ars antiqua motet is concerned, the consensus is that these pieces were performed for ‘an intellectual élite’, but what manner of person—what manner of mind—does that phrase evoke in a thirteenth- or fourteenth-century context?

Language can mirror relationships throughout and between communities, while it enables connections and separation simultaneously. Jewish and Christian communities had a close but complicated relationship in the late antique-early Islamic period in Babylon (the fertile crescent). That relationship included similar dialects of Aramaic: Jewish Babylonian Aramaic and Christian Syriac Aramaic. My study describes changes and developments in the status of an apostate (Heb. Meshumad) in the Jewish literature of late antiquity, by examining terminological variations. In this presentation, I wish to present the Syriac developments and to compare the two, in order to better conceptualize the mutual process in one terminological and conceptual case. One such case is the defining of the apostate, not only by his apparent wrong doing, but also by seeking his motivation to act. According to that model, if an evil act originated from his desire or lewdness, he should be judged in a more containing manner than if it had originated by rage or theological purpose. This was phrased in Hebrew by the words Meshumad le-Teavon ‘apostate out of desire.’ The second word le-Teavon (for (his) desire), is a predicate added to the basic ancient term Meshumad, ‘apostate.’ This model and new phrasing are connected mainly with Rava, who was a prominent sage who lived in 4th century CE in Mehoza, close to Ctesiphon, the capitol of the Persian Sassanian dynasty. The Syriac word Shmad is well attested, and more so since the early testimonies of Syriac literature, in different forms, connected to the semantic field of curse, ban, and excommunication. Only in sources from the 5-6th centuries CE do we find a new form of that root Meshamdotho, which suggests ‘lewdness,’ ‘to be wanton.’ The new form changes the focus of the root from describing the wrongdoing and its social implication to describing the manner of doing, maybe even to the motive for his or her behavior. My presentation will raise the question of the connection between those almost parallel changes. Are they related to one another? In what way? What is similar and what are the differences? Can we explain the reason for raising a new paradigm in communal defining the apostates and wrong doers? I will examine some sources, Jewish and Christian, that relate to those terms and ideas.