Literatura académica sobre el tema "ANTI-DISCRIMINATION MEASURES"
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Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "ANTI-DISCRIMINATION MEASURES"
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Buniak, Daria. "Constitutional Gender Anti-Discrimination Measures in European Model of Human Rights". Bulletin of Kemerovo State University. Series: Humanities and Social Sciences 2020, n.º 3 (6 de noviembre de 2020): 245–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.21603/2542-1840-2020-4-3-245-256.
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The present research featured anti- discrimination laws used in EU countries. The research objective was to describe the categories of equality, non-discrimination, and protection against discrimination within the European model of human rights, as well as to analyze their effectiveness. The article focuses on domestic violence, gender discrimination in the political sphere, and the so-called gender laws, or laws on gender-based violence. Even in the modern world, women still remain subject to discrimination. This fact justifies the development of special laws to protect their natural rights. However, the exact extent of gender discrimination remains unclear. The author raises the question of effectiveness of such laws and other legal provisions. The research featured both constitutional norms and current legislation in cases its norms develop the constitutionally significant principle of non-discrimination, as well as the practice of constitutional review bodies, special bodies, and legal awareness. The work was based on the dialectical method (logical method, analysis and synthesis, modeling), as well as on some special methods (formal legal, historical, systemic, etc.). The formal legal method was used to analyze the gender anti-discrimination norms of legislation of EU countries. The specific-historical method helped to interpret the legal events and facts that shaped the modern constitutional protection measures. The system method was used to describe the legislation of the EU states. Equality is the freedom for a person to choose their identity and occupation regardless of behavior stereotypes imposed by their community. The European model of human rights concentrates on such constitutional and legal aspects of the fight against discrimination as the legislation reform and bodies of constitutional control. However, sometimes such measures fail and might be used for manipulation.
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Howard, Erica. "Anti Race Discrimination Measures in Europe: An Attack on Two Fronts". European Law Journal 11, n.º 4 (julio de 2005): 468–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0386.2005.00271.x.
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Berthou, Katell. "New Hopes for French Anti-Discrimination Law". International Journal of Comparative Labour Law and Industrial Relations 19, Issue 1 (1 de marzo de 2003): 107–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/ijcl2003006.
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Abstract: This article provides an analysis of the recent legal developments in France in the field of equal treatment and equal opportunity in the workplace. It begins with a survey of the situation prior to 2001, paying special attention to the failures of French law, in particular where the burden of proof and indirect discrimination are concerned. It then proceeds to examine the two statutes enacted in 2001. In an attempt to implement EC Directives 2000/43/EC and 2000/78/EC these statutes provide additional incentives for collective bargaining on sex equality, an extension of the scope of protection against discrimination, a new regime as regards the burden of proof and measures to ensure more effective judicial protection.
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Bygnes, Susanne. "Making Equality Diverse? Merged Gender Equality and Anti-Discrimination Measures in Norway". NORA - Nordic Journal of Feminist and Gender Research 18, n.º 2 (junio de 2010): 88–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08038741003755475.
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Oppenheimer, David B. "The Ubiquity of Positive Measures for Addressing Systemic Discrimination and Inequality". Brill Research Perspectives in Comparative Discrimination Law 3, n.º 3-4 (31 de julio de 2019): 1–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24522031-12340007.
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Abstract In The Ubiquity of Positive Measures for Addressing Systemic Discrimination and Inequality: A Comparative Global Perspective, part of the Brill series on Comparative Discrimination Law, David Oppenheimer compares positive measures for addressing inequality and systemic discrimination, including discrimination based on gender, race, ethnicity, color, national origin, disability, and religion. Across the globe, such measures are ubiquitous, commonly applied in employment, admission to selective colleges and universities, selection for legislative seats, and membership on corporate boards. They are variously described as “positive measures,” “affirmative action,” “positive action,” “compensatory action,” or “special measures.” These policies began in the late-eighteenth to mid-nineteenth centuries, as a part of the social/political movements to end slavery, grant universal suffrage, end colonialism, grant equal rights to women and men regardless of social status or property, eliminate the caste system, adopt measures of proportional representation, embrace the benefits of diversity, and endorse universal equality. Nearly every large nation in the world has adopted at least some special measure plans, with continuing experiments using quotas, reservations, set-asides, reparations, preferences, tie-breakers, targeted recruiting efforts, diversity measures, equity and inclusion policies, anti or unconscious bias training, and public disclosure requirements.
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FOUKA, VASILIKI. "How Do Immigrants Respond to Discrimination? The Case of Germans in the US During World War I". American Political Science Review 113, n.º 2 (4 de marzo de 2019): 405–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055419000017.
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I study the effect of taste-based discrimination on the assimilation decisions of immigrant minorities. Do discriminated minority groups increase their assimilation efforts in order to avoid discrimination and public harassment or do they become alienated and retreat in their own communities? I exploit an exogenous shock to native attitudes, anti-Germanism in the United States during World War I, to empirically identify the reactions of German immigrants to increased native hostility. I use two measures of assimilation efforts: naming patterns and petitions for naturalization. In the face of increased discrimination, Germans increase their assimilation investments by Americanizing their own and their children’s names and filing more petitions for US citizenship. These responses are stronger in states that registered higher levels of anti-German hostility, as measured by voting patterns and incidents of violence against Germans.
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Thornton, Margaret. "Equality and Anti-Discrimination Legislation: An Uneasy Relationship". Law in Context. A Socio-legal Journal 37, n.º 2 (28 de agosto de 2021): 12–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.26826/law-in-context.v37i2.149.
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Despite the rhetoric of equality that infuses anti-discrimination legislation, a close analysis reveals that it is in-equality that is invariably privileged. With reference to the Australian example, this introductory article will show how the paradox is played out at multiple sites in terms of both form and substance, such as through the individualism and confidentiality of the complaint-based mechanism. A striking exclusion from the legislation is the attribute of class, the most significant manifestation of social inequality, which remains ineffable even when it significantly shapes other attributes. The prevailing political backdrop of neoliberalism plays a significant role in promoting inequality through competition policy and profit maximisation. Powerful corporations not only endeavour to resist transparency, but they also tend to oppose proactive measures in favour of substantive equality. The contradictions of anti-discrimination legislation thereby sustain in-equality while simultaneously espousing the rhetoric of equality.
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Howard, Erica. "Bans on the Wearing of Religious Symbols in British Schools: A Violation of the Right to Non-Discrimination?" Religion & Human Rights 6, n.º 2 (2011): 127–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187103211x576071.
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AbstractBans on the wearing of religious symbols in education have been said to violate the right to freedom of religion and/or anti-discrimination legislation. This article builds on an earlier article published in this journal which examined whether bans constitute a violation of the fundamental human right to freedom of religion. It analyses such bans as a breach of anti-discrimination measures by looking at cases of the European Court of Human Rights and the British courts. This analysis leads to the conclusion that a claim based on anti-discrimination law is not likely to be more successful in court than a claim based on freedom of religion because similar issues are taken into account in both decisions.
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Friedrich, Bettina, Sara Evans-Lacko, Jillian London, Danielle Rhydderch, Claire Henderson y Graham Thornicroft. "Anti-stigma training for medical students: The Education Not Discrimination project". British Journal of Psychiatry 202, s55 (abril de 2013): s89—s94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/bjp.bp.112.114017.
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BackgroundEducation Not Discrimination (END) is the component of the Time to Change programme intended to reduce mental health stigma among professionals and professional trainees.AimsTo investigate the impact of the END anti-stigma programme on medical students immediately and after 6 months with regard to knowledge, attitudes, behaviour and empathy.MethodA total of 1452 medical students participated in the study (intervention group n = 1066, control group n = 386).Participants completed questionnaires at baseline, and at immediate and 6-month follow-up. Groups were compared for changes in stigma outcomes.ResultsAll measures improved in both groups, particularly among students with less knowledge and more stigmatising attitudes and intended behaviour at baseline. At immediate follow-up the intervention group demonstrated significantly greater improvements in stigma-related knowledge and reductions in stigma-related attitudes and intended behaviour, relative to the control group. At 6 months' follow-up, however, only one attitude item remained significantly better.ConclusionsAlthough the intervention produced short-term advantage there was little evidence for its persistent effect, suggesting a need for greater integration of ongoing measures to reduce stigma into the medical curriculum.
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Zeng, Rongxin y Xiaoshan Li. "On the Illegality and Regulation of Algorithmic Price Discrimination in China's Digital Economy". Journal of Politics and Law 16, n.º 4 (6 de noviembre de 2023): 36. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v16n4p36.
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The legal issue of algorithmic price discrimination sparked by the in-depth use of big data and algorithm techniques has emerged as a significant concern in the development of China's digital economy. Although Chinese law has implemented many regulations on the collection and protection of personal information, data security and governance, as well as on price discrimination, instances of algorithmic price discrimination have arisen in judicial practice. The legal issue surrounding algorithmic price discrimination has not yet been fully resolved. Legal studies in China on this issue mainly uses "big data killing" or "algorithmic price discrimination" to define it. Regarding the legal classification and regulation of algorithmic price discrimination: the Anti-Monopoly Law's regulatory measures are limited from a competition law standpoint. Instead, Anti-Unfair Competition Law provides a more appropriate framework. As for civil law, the question of whether the algorithmic price discrimination qualifies as a civil tort still requires discussion; nevertheless, it satisfies all the constitutive elements of fraud in Chinese civil law.
Tesis sobre el tema "ANTI-DISCRIMINATION MEASURES"
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Bello, B. G. "LOOKING AT THE EU ANTI-DISCRIMINATION MEASURES TOWARDS THE ROMA PEOPLE THROUGH THE GLASS OF INTERSECTIONALITY: A COMPARATIVE STUDY". Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/168210.
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This Ph.D. thesis consists in a qualitative impact evaluation of the EU anti- discrimination measures from the point of view of 60 Roma young respondents aged between 18 and 30 years and living in Germany and in Italy. The inquiry explores how the EU anti-discrimination measures work at the “shop floor” of the Roma participants, as well as whether and how the these measures foster the Roma young people’s social inclusion. The methodological background of the research is rooted in the Transformative Paradigm, which relies on a democratic and pluralistic conception of evaluation. Additionally, the critical theoretical background of intersectionality, an offspring of the Critical Race Theory, demands to place those more “invisible” within “visible minorities” at the centre of the evaluation, in order to let the evaluation itself become a tool for respondents’ emancipation. The thesis consists of eight chapters and is articulated in two parts, framed by Chapter I, which is the introductory Chapter, and Chapter VIII, which delineates the conclusions on the whole research work. Part One, consisting of Chapters II and Chapter III, provides with theoretical background information on the methodology adopted for accomplishing this research and with a detailed description of the object of the evaluation, i.e. the EU anti-discrimination measures generated by the art. 13 EC (Art. 19 TFEU). Part Two delves into the empirical research and reports the fieldwork. More in detail, Chapter 4 refines the methodology, details the sampling procedure, the hypothesis, the aims and objectives of this evaluation, the first steps on the field, and the decisions taken on how to present the data analysis and the data interpretation. Chapter 5 and Chapter 6 give a detailed Country-specific account of the evaluation of the EU anti-discrimination measures accomplished with Roma young men and women, respectively, in Germany and in Italy. Each Chapter presents the data collected on the field and explores how they shed light on the substantive object of the evaluation in the Country scenario. Part II ends with a comparative reflections on the findings collected in the two Countries (Chapter VII). Lastly, Chapter 8 delineates the general conclusions on the whole research.
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Reymond, Damien. "Action antidumping et droit de la concurrence dans l’Union européenne". Thesis, Paris 2, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA020034/document.
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Le droit de l’Union européenne appréhende les comportements d’entreprises en matière de prix par des règles antitrust et par une législation contre le dumping. Ces deux réglementations diffèrent à de nombreux égards. Elles poursuivent des objectifs différents : défense des intérêts de certains concurrents européens versus promotion de la libre concurrence au bénéfice des consommateurs. Cependant, toutes deux contribuent à protéger la loyauté de la concurrence (i.e. promotion d’une certaine homogéniété des conditions de concurrence). Elles appréhendent des pratiques tarifaires différentes : les marchés concernés sont définis différemment (produit concerné exporté depuis un pays tiers et produit similaire fabriqué par l’industrie de l’Union versus marché de produit et marché géographique en cause) et les caractéristiques des entreprises concernées sont également différentes (aucune forme d’accord entre entreprises ou de pouvoir de marché minimum requis par la législation antidumping) ; le dumping discriminatoire n’équivaut à aucun prix discriminatoire anticoncurrentiel, et le dumping à perte n’est pas l’équivalent du prix prédateur ni de tout autre prix bas anticoncurrentiel. Nonobstant leurs différences, les deux réglementations doivent coexister paisiblement. Pourtant, les opportunités de biais protectionnistes dans la détermination du dumping préjudiciable sont toujours nombreuses dans la législation antidumping et la pratique de la Commission. En outre, la mise en oeuvre de la législation antidumping peut être néfaste pour la concurrence dans le marché intérieur via l’incidence des procédures et des mesures antidumping et les effets anticoncurrentiels de certains comportements d’entreprises dans le cadre des procédures antidumping ou environnant ces dernières. De telles incidences nocives pour la concurrence sont déjà réduites par des dispositions telles que la règle du droit moindre et la clause d’intérêt public (intérêt de l’Union), mais pourraient et devraient l’être davantageEuropean Union law addresses pricing practices of undertakings through antitrust provisions and an anti-dumping legislation. These two sets of regulations differ in many respects. They pursue different aims: protection of the interest of some European competitors versus promotion of free competition for the benefit o f consumers. However, they both hept to ensure fair competition (i.e. promotion of alevel playing field). They address different pricing practices: the markets concerned are differently defined (concerned product exported from one third country andsimilar product produced by the Union industry versus relevant product and geographic markets) and the characteristics of the undertakings concerned are also different (no sort of agreement between undertakings and no minimum market power required in anti-dumping law); price discrimination dumping in not equivalent to any anti-competitive price discrimination and below cost dumping is not equivalent to predatory pricing or to any other low anti-competitive price. Not with standing their differences, both sets of regulations have to coexist peacefully. Yet, opportunities of protectionist biases in the determination of injurious dumping are still numerous in the anti-dumping legislation and Commission’s practice. Moreover, the enforcementof the anti-dumping legislation may negatively affect competition in the internal market through the impact of the anti-dumping proceedings and measures and the anti-competitive effects of some undertakings’ behaviors within the ambit of, or surrounding the anti-dumping proceedings. Such harmful effects on competition of the anti-dumping action are already reduced by provisions such as the lesser duty rule and the public interest clause (Union interest), but could and should be further reduced
Libros sobre el tema "ANTI-DISCRIMINATION MEASURES"
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Association of State and Territorial Health Officials (U.S.). Guide to public health practice: AIDS confidentiality and anti-discrimination principles. Washington, D.C. (1220 L St., N.W., Washington 20005): Public Health Foundation, 1988.
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Gröschl, Stefan. Diversity quotas, diverse perspectives: The case of gender. Burlington, VT: Gower Pub., 2011.
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Anti-discrimination measures. London: Law Society, 1995.
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Lenhardt, Amanda, Ella Page, Moizza Binat Sarwar y Andrew Shepherd. Anti-discrimination measures in education: A comparative policy analysis. UNU-WIDER, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.35188/unu-wider/2017/302-8.
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Taking Stock of Regional Democratic Trends in Asia and the Pacific Before and During the COVID-19 Pandemic. International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.31752/idea.2020.70.
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This GSoD In Focus Special Brief provides an overview of the state of democracy in Asia and the Pacific at the end of 2019, prior to the outbreak of the pandemic, and assesses some of the preliminary impacts that the pandemic has had on democracy in the region in 2020. Key fact and findings include: • Prior to the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic, countries across Asia and the Pacific faced a range of democratic challenges. Chief among these were continuing political fragility, violent conflict, recurrent military interference in the political sphere, enduring hybridity, deepening autocratization, creeping ethnonationalism, advancing populist leadership, democratic backsliding, shrinking civic space, the spread of disinformation, and weakened checks and balances. The crisis conditions engendered by the pandemic risk further entrenching and/or intensifying the negative democratic trends observable in the region prior to the COVID-19 outbreak. • Across the region, governments have been using the conditions created by the pandemic to expand executive power and restrict individual rights. Aspects of democratic practice that have been significantly impacted by anti-pandemic measures include the exercise of fundamental rights (notably freedom of assembly and free speech). Some countries have also seen deepened religious polarization and discrimination. Women, vulnerable groups, and ethnic and religious minorities have been disproportionately affected by the pandemic and discriminated against in the enforcement of lockdowns. There have been disruptions of electoral processes, increased state surveillance in some countries, and increased influence of the military. This is particularly concerning in new, fragile or backsliding democracies, which risk further eroding their already fragile democratic bases. • As in other regions, however, the pandemic has also led to a range of innovations and changes in the way democratic actors, such as parliaments, political parties, electoral commissions, civil society organizations and courts, conduct their work. In a number of countries, for example, government ministries, electoral commissions, legislators, health officials and civil society have developed innovative new online tools for keeping the public informed about national efforts to combat the pandemic. And some legislatures are figuring out new ways to hold government to account in the absence of real-time parliamentary meetings. • The consideration of political regime type in debates around ways of containing the pandemic also assumes particular relevance in Asia and the Pacific, a region that houses high-performing democracies, such as New Zealand and the Republic of Korea (South Korea), a mid-range performer (Taiwan), and also non-democratic regimes, such as China, Singapore and Viet Nam—all of which have, as of December 2020, among the lowest per capita deaths from COVID-19 in the world. While these countries have all so far managed to contain the virus with fewer fatalities than in the rest of the world, the authoritarian regimes have done so at a high human rights cost, whereas the democracies have done so while adhering to democratic principles, proving that the pandemic can effectively be fought through democratic means and does not necessarily require a trade off between public health and democracy. • The massive disruption induced by the pandemic can be an unparalleled opportunity for democratic learning, change and renovation in the region. Strengthening democratic institutions and processes across the region needs to go hand in hand with curbing the pandemic. Rebuilding societies and economic structures in its aftermath will likewise require strong, sustainable and healthy democracies, capable of tackling the gargantuan challenges ahead. The review of the state of democracy during the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020 uses qualitative analysis and data of events and trends in the region collected through International IDEA’s Global Monitor of COVID-19’s Impact on Democracy and Human Rights, an initiative co-funded by the European Union.
Capítulos de libros sobre el tema "ANTI-DISCRIMINATION MEASURES"
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Wetzel, Janice Wood. "Anti-Discrimination and Pro-Equality Measures". En The World of Women, 19–30. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-22366-4_2.
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Wrench, John. "Employers and anti-Discrimination Measures in Europe: Good Practice and Bad Faith". En Migrants, Ethnic Minorities and the Labour Market, 229–51. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-27615-8_13.
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Davinić, Marko, Eleonor Kristoffersson y Tanasije Marinković. "Gender Equality Aspects of Public Law". En Gender-Competent Legal Education, 305–40. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-14360-1_9.
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AbstractThis chapter portrays the initial appearance of modern public law in late eighteen-century Europe as homocentric, and its gradual profiling, in the centuries to follow, across the globe, as gender-balanced. It also addresses the reforming force of the international instruments in achieving gender-balanced public law on a national level, as well as the inherent limits of those instruments due to the inevitable pluralism of public law approaches to gender equality in areas of reasonable disagreement. Furthermore, authors will analyse structural, institutional, and cultural factors that play a part in the underrepresentation of women at all worldwide governmental levels. However, they emphasise that electing more women in state institutions is only the first step. What is necessary is to ensure that women have a tangible impact on public policies. Thus, they conclude that empowering women is a multi-layered process that is much more complex than choosing an equal number of women in state institutions. Public law aspects on gender-based violence as well as anti-discrimination measures are also included in this chapter.
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Hargreaves, Alec G. "10. Half-Measures: Anti-discrimination Policy in France". En Race in France, 227–45. Berghahn Books, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9781782381792-012.
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Müller, Wolfgang, Nicholas Khan y Tibor Scharf. "Introduction". En Ec and WTO Anti-Dumping Law, 1–40. Oxford University PressOxford, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199565313.003.0001.
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Abstract Dumping as ‘price discrimination between national markets’ (Viner) is a phenomenon of international trade which has been the subject of legislation providing for counter-measures since the beginning of the twentieth century. The introduction of anti-dumping legislation resulted from the experience of a number of countries that their industries had suffered damage from foreign competition often selling at prices below cost of production. Dumping was considered a trade practice which left domestic producers defenceless and which could, ultimately, lead to the disappearance of domestic production of the merchandise concerned altogether. It was, therefore, qualified as being ‘unfair’ and actionable.
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Beck, Hermann. "Legal and Economic Discrimination". En Before the Holocaust, 237–72. Oxford University PressOxford, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192865076.003.0009.
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Abstract This chapter concentrates on the legal and economic discrimination of German Jews in 1933. It begins with local and regional ordinances against German Jews throughout March 1933 which, in an effort to standardize anti-Jewish legal measures across the Reich and reclaim the authority of the central government, led to the antisemitic legislation of April 1933. The four components of this legislation—the Law on the Restoration of a Professional Civil Service, the Law on Admission to Legal Practice (both of 7 April 1933), the Decree on the Admission of Physicians to the National Health Insurance Service (of 22 April 1933), and the Law Against the Overcrowding of German Schools and Universities (of 25 April 1933)—as well as their consequences and impact, are briefly discussed here. Legislative measures, however, were only the tip of the iceberg. The Reich government had emphasized that the April laws would pertain solely to the public realm and that the “Aryan clause” would play no role in the private sector of the economy. Since the public sector dovetailed in many ways with the private economy, such as when various levels of government awarded contracts to companies in private industry and commerce, the “Aryan clause” was effectively introduced into large parts of the non-public sector as well—orders and contracts became dependent on whether the firms in question were “free of Jewish influence.” The chapter explores this economic discrimination in all of its ramifications in the private sector of the economy.
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Joseph, Lelliott. "Saving Clause". En UN Convention against Transnational Organized Crime. Oxford University Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/law/9780192847522.003.0058.
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This chapter evaluates Article 14 of the Trafficking in Persons Protocol. Although Article 14 acts as a general saving clause, which regulates the relationship between the Protocol and all other international law, it places special emphasis on the rules of international humanitarian, human rights, and refugee law. It calls particular attention to the fundamental principles of non-refoulement and non-discrimination. In light of the Protocol’s insubstantial victim protection provisions, this aspect of Article 14 is key to ensuring the human rights of trafficked persons, who commonly experience significant harm caused by their trafficking as well as States’ anti-trafficking and broader migration control efforts. Together, the two paragraphs of Article 14 remind States that they must not use measures that discriminate against or otherwise adversely affect the rights of individuals, including their access to international protection.
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Riccò, Rossella. "Utilizing a New Human Relations Framework to Leverage Workforce Diversity". En Handbook of Research on Workforce Diversity in a Global Society, 440–62. IGI Global, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-4666-1812-1.ch026.
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In a global society, leveraging people’s diversities is one of the major challenges faced by organizations of any size in developed countries. Factors such as demographic changes, international and national anti-discrimination measures, globalization, service-economy shifts, stakeholder pressures on organizational commitment to corporate social responsibility, and technological advances are heightening the international attention paid to the increase in people’s diversities, thereby fostering discussion on their management in organizations. Since the end of the 1980s, professionals and academics have been debating how to devise efficient, effective, and equitable ways to manage workforce diversity in organizations; however, they have produced neither a shared definition of diversity management nor a general accepted assessment on the outcomes that diversity management can deliver for organizations and persons. The aim of this chapter is to expand the understanding of diversity management by systematizing it on the basis of McGregor’s new human relations framework.
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Léime, Áine Ní y Wendy Loretto. "Gender perspectives on extended working life policies". En Gender, Ageing and Extended Working Life. Policy Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781447325116.003.0003.
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This chapter documents international policy developments and provides a gender critique of retirement, employment and pension policies in Australia, Ireland, Germany, Portugal, Sweden, the UK, and the US. It assesses the degree to which the individual country's extended working life policies have adopted the agenda (increasing pension age and introducing flexible working) set out by the OECD and the EU. Policies include raising state pension age, changes in the duration of pension contribution requirements, the move from defined benefits to defined contribution pensions, policies on caring for vulnerable members of the population, policies enabling flexible working and anti-age discrimination measures. An expanded framework is used to assess the degree to which gender and other intersecting issues such as health, caring, class, type of occupation and/or membership of minority communities have (or have not) been taken into account in designing and implementing policies extending working life.
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Hinnershitz, Stephanie. "Conclusion". En A Different Shade of Justice. University of North Carolina Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469633695.003.0008.
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In November 2008, Floridians who went to the polls to cast their ballots for the next president of the United States also had the chance to reverse eighty years of institutionalized discrimination against Asian Americans in their state. Asian American rights groups in Florida and nationwide distributed pamphlets, sent emails, and spoke to media outlets to build support for a ballot initiative that proposed removing the “aliens ineligible for citizenship” clause from the state constitution. There was hope that Florida could go the way of states like Kansas and New Mexico and formally remove the lingering anti-Asian language. Although the U.S. Supreme Court rendered legislative measures to prevent aliens ineligible for citizenship from owning land unconstitutional in 1952, the connection between the continued presence of this outdated language in the constitution and the legacy of anti-Asian sentiment was clear—this would be a symbolic victory that would signal a purge of de jure if not de facto prejudice and racism aimed at Asian Americans. Because Florida’s anti-alien legislation was enshrined in the constitution, 60 percent of voters would have to approve the initiative in order to remove the discriminatory language from the first amendment and insert neutral language specifying property rights for all. Surely, in the twenty-first century, Floridians would recognize the outdated and discriminatory portion of their constitution and vote to move the law of their land beyond the limits of the past....