Bibliografías temáticas / Anti-conscription

Literatura académica sobre el tema "Anti-conscription"

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Publicado: 26 de julio de 2024

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Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Anti-conscription"

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Galiani, Sebastian, Martín A. Rossi y Ernesto Schargrodsky. "Conscription and Crime: Evidence from the Argentine Draft Lottery". American Economic Journal: Applied Economics 3, n.º 2 (1 de abril de 2011): 119–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/app.3.2.119.

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We estimate the causal effect of mandatory participation in military service on individuals' subsequent involvement in criminal activities. To identify this causal effect, we exploit the random assignment of young men to conscription in Argentina through a draft lottery. Using a dataset that includes draft eligibility, participation in military service, and criminal records, we find that conscription increases the likelihood of developing a criminal record. The effects are significant not only for cohorts that provided military service during wartime, but also for those that served during peacetime. Our results do not support the introduction of conscription for anti-crime purposes. JEL (H56, K42, O17)
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Damousi, Joy. "Socialist Women and Gendered Space: The Anti-Conscription and Anti-War Campaigns of 1914-1918". Labour History, n.º 60 (1991): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27509044.

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Kuzmin, S. A. y L. K. Grigorieva. "Organization of anti-epidemic measures when conscripting citizens for military service during the pandemic of the novel coronavirus infection COVID-19". Spravočnik vrača obŝej praktiki (Journal of Family Medicine), n.º 2 (31 de enero de 2023): 6–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/med-10-2302-01.

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The COVID-19 pandemic has been officially declared an international emergency by the World Health Organization. During this period of time, the state task of conscripting citizens for military service was carried out in our country. When performing this task, anti-epidemic measures were taken. Medical examination of conscripts was carried out at all stages of their route, starting from the military conscription office of the municipality to the assembly point of the military conscription office of the region. All conscripts had their body temperature measured, and they were provided with personal protective equipment — masks and gloves, which were changed every two hours. A PCR test was carried out in the municipalities, and a laboratory blood test in order to detect IgG/IgM SARS-CoV-2 antibodies was carried out at the assembly point of the region. The taken measures contributed to the successful completion of the task of preventing the introduction of the novel coronavirus infection COVID-19 into the troops and the mass spread of the disease.
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Destenay, Emmanuel. "The impact of political unrest in Ireland on Irish soldiers in the British army, 1914–18: a re-evaluation". Irish Historical Studies 42, n.º 161 (mayo de 2018): 50–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ihs.2018.2.

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AbstractIn order better to understand the impact of political unrest in Ireland on Irish troops fighting in the First World War, it is necessary to acknowledge that the role of the 1916 Rising has been significantly overestimated, while the influence of the 1914 home rule crisis and the repercussions of the anti-conscription movement have been underestimated. The 1914 home rule crisis significantly impacted on the Germans’ view of the Irish and conditioned the treatment of Irish P.O.W.s from December 1914 onwards. In addition, the post-1916 Rising executions and the conscription crisis had a severe impact on Irish front-line units, while also sapping the morale of other British combatants. The 1916 Rising might have been dismissed as a military operation conceived by a handful of republicans, with little support from the wider population, but the conscription crisis brought about widespread defiance towards British rule throughout the whole of nationalist Ireland. In line with British public opinion, British front-line officers and men strongly resented Ireland’s refusal to support the war effort at such a crucial moment. The consequence was the widespread targeting and stigmatisation of their Irish comrades-in-arms. Some British officers and men resorted to a form of psychological pressure, aimed at the public shaming of Irish troops. This article draws on new primary sources available at The National Archives in London, Dublin City Archives and University of Leeds Library to argue that the 1916 Rising was not the only political event in Ireland to have repercussions for Irish battalions fighting in the First World War.
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Morgan, K. "Militarism and Anti-Militarism: Socialists, Communists and Conscription in France and Britain 1900-1940". Past & Present 202, n.º 1 (1 de febrero de 2009): 207–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pastj/gtn020.

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Irving, Nick. "Anti-conscription protest, liberal individualism and the limits of national myths in the global 1960s". History Australia 14, n.º 2 (3 de abril de 2017): 187–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14490854.2017.1319740.

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Van der Kloot, William. "Mirrors and smoke: A. V. Hill, his Brigands, and the science of anti-aircraft gunnery in World War I". Notes and Records of the Royal Society 65, n.º 4 (20 de julio de 2011): 393–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsnr.2010.0090.

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In 1916 Captain A. V. Hill was transferred from the infantry to the Ministry of Munitions to work on anti-aircraft gunnery. He determined the three-dimensional coordinates of flying objects by placing two mirrors far apart. The mirrors were viewed from a fixed distance above them and observers simultaneously marked the position of the object. He gathered brilliant men, most too old or too young for conscription, who became known as Hill's Brigands. They determined the coordinates of the explosions of shots fired with different fuse settings and fitted them with the ballistic equations to construct accurate gunnery tables. They solved the puzzle of erratic fuse timing at high altitudes. They developed apparatus to locate aircraft by sound. Travelling groups of Brigands worked with anti-aircraft gunners, which Hill regarded as the dawn of operations research. Hill was as adept at leading scientists as he was at doing science.
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Butler, Nicholas. "1968: Victorian anti-war movement gets an injection". Before/Now: Journal of the collaborative Research Centre in Australian History (CRCAH) 1, n.º 1 (3 de mayo de 2019): 11–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.35843/beforenow.173265.

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When the 'baby-boomers' had reached university age, their understandings, habits and behaviours often collided with the political discourse of their parents' generation. By 1968, the Monash University Labor Club, fresh from its campaign to raise money for the National Liberation Front of South Vietnam (NLF), had discarded the mantle of Labor reformism and set itself on a path of a radical communist activism that scorned the efforts of the Communist Party (CPA) to contain its enthusiasm. In concert with similarly leaning student clubs at the other two Victorian universities it turned its attention to the protest movement outside the university, against conscription and the Vietnam Wm: That brought the inevitable clash with the older established anti war movement led by a loose blend of ALP, CPA, church groups and unions. This process led, in Scalmer's classification of protest actions, to the mode of political demonstrations leaping radically from 'staging' to 'disruption.'
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Kapuściak, Bartosz. "Walka kontrwywiadu wojskowego z Kościołem katolickim. Alumni w „ludowym” Wojsku Polskim w świetle dokumentów Wojskowej Służby Wewnętrznej". Przegląd Historyczno-Wojskowy 21, n.º 4 (2020): 84–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.32089/wbh.phw.2020.4(274).0003.

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In 1959, following the introduction of the law on universal military service, seminarians were conscripted into the Polish „People’s” Army as part of compulsory service, initially dispersing them into numerous units. This was a form of repression which, according to the communist authorities, was supposed to curb the „unruly” behavior of individual church hierarchs. In the following years, there were changes in the way clerical students were dispersed in the army – they started to be grouped into three subunits, which allowed for better communist indoctrination led by the Main Political Directorate of the Polish Army, but above all for the counterintelligence „protection” of the seminarians organized by the Internal Military Service (IMS). Initially, military counterintelligence did not do well with recruiting seminarians as agents. With time, as the cooperation with Department IV of the Ministry of Interior (civil anti-church department) was developing, the IMS authorities managed to improve their operational work in the battalions where future clergymen served. Despite the partial resignation of clerical students from their studies and recruitment amongst them by IMS, thanks to the efforts of the Catholic Church a large number of young seminarians were saved, and their conscription into the army only strengthened the Church by verifying future priests through their military service at the very beginning. Eventually, year 1980 put an end to the conscription of seminarians into the Armed Forces of the People’s Republic of Poland. One of the numerous actions of the communist authorities against the Catholic Church proved to be ineffective.
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Capelos, Tereza, Ellen Nield y Mikko Salmela. "Narratives of Success and Failure in Ressentiment: Assuming Victimhood and Transmuting Frustration among Young Korean Men". Social Sciences 12, n.º 5 (24 de abril de 2023): 259. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci12050259.

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In this article, we examine toxic masculinity, anti-feminist, anti-globalisation, and anti-military conscription positions in the narratives of what constitutes success and failure among young South Korean men during the COVID-19 pandemic. Misogynistic accounts attributed to the globalised effects of neoliberalism and its evolution through South Korean meritocratic competition, compounded by the social isolation of the pandemic, remain a puzzle psychologically, despite their toxic emotionality. We use the analytical framework of ressentiment to consolidate references to moral victimhood, indignation, a sense of destiny, powerlessness, and transvaluation, as components of a single emotional mechanism responsible for misogynistic accounts. In an empirical plausibility probe, we analyse qualitative surveys with young South Korean men and examine the content of the far-right social sharing site Ilbe (일베) which hosts conversations of young men about success and self-improvement. Our findings show envy, shame, and inefficacious anger transvaluated into to moral victimhood, misogynistic hatred, vindictiveness against women and feminists, and anti-globalisation stances. We discuss how the content of these narratives of success and failure in ressentiment relates to the electoral win of the right-wing People Power party in March 2022 which capitalised on anti-feminist grievances. We also consider the socio-political consequences of ressentiment narratives in the highly gendered and polarised South Korean society and expand the study of ressentiment outside the context of Western democracies where it has been most extensively elaborated.
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Tesis sobre el tema "Anti-conscription"

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Zere, Abraham T. "Narration in Gebreyesus Hailu's The Conscript". Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1407920806.

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Joo, Hyo Sung. "South Korean Men and the Military: The Influence of Conscription on the Political Behavior of South Korean Males". Scholarship @ Claremont, 2015. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1048.

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This thesis evaluates the effects of compulsory military service in South Korea on the political behavior of men from a public policy standpoint. I take an institutional point of view on conscription, in that conscription forces the military to accept individuals with minimal screening. Given the distinct set of values embodied by the military, I hypothesize that the military would need a powerful, comprehensive, and fast program of indoctrination to re-socialize civilians into military uniform, trustable enough to be entrusted with a gun or a confidential document. Based on the existence of such a program and related academic literature, I go on to look at how a military attitude has political implications, especially for the security-environment of the Korean peninsula. Given the ideological nature of the inter-Korean conflict, the South Korean military was biased against the liberals, as liberals were most likely to generate policies supporting conciliatory and cooperative measures towards North Korea, like the removal of U.S. forces from South Korea and the repeal of the National Security Laws that outlaw discussion of communism. For an empirical evaluation, I pose the hypothesis that this political bias would manifest itself in the male public via the military’s indoctrinative program. With data from the Korean General Social Survey, the Public Opinion and Foreign Policy, and the South Korean General Election Panel Study, I have found that males respond acutely to specific security issues in favor or against according to the military’s point of view. However, the evidence for an overall bias on political parties generally was inconclusive. The uncertainty was mainly rooted in the fact that liberal parties have strategically avoided speaking out on specific policy issues during election.
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McEachern, Douglas. "Writing the sixties: stardust and golden". Thesis, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/112472.

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Vol. 1 [Creative work]: Stardust and golden -- v. 2 [Exegesis]: Writing the sixties
The creative work, Stardust and Golden, a phrase taken from Joni Mitchell’s 1969 hit Woodstock, is a novel set in Adelaide in the late 1960s. The story is told by Mark David who, in 2009, recalls this time after an unexpected encounter with an elderly Elizabeth Ryder, the mother of his closest friend from the 1960s. The novel is centred on the lives of two young men balloted for conscription in 1968. Although opposed to the Vietnam War and conscription they are not attracted to the idea of going into hiding as draft resisters or the prospect of two years in jail. They want another solution. Their lives are shaped by a network of social relations centred on a shared student household, a student commune, in North Adelaide, where the residents are involved in 1960s style political and social agitations as well as the insistent pursuit of pleasure, lots of music, some drugs, some alcohol and sex and varying degrees of generational conflicts with parents. Their 1960s do not turn out as they had hoped. Of the two central characters one dies in India having run from the draft and the other is too ill to be inducted. He too, more or less, leaves the country and has a career as a consultant in the oil industry. The second part, the exegesis, focusses on the creative practice and research involved in writing Stardust and Golden. Here the focus is on how authors re-imagine the Sixties as an age of militant opposition to the Vietnam War and conscription and the rise of a counter culture of challenge to convention and authority. The phrase ‘Writing the Sixties’ also captures the essentially fictional construction of the era. Hence the exegesis starts with the novels of the Sixties, tracing different ways in which novels written either at the time or close to it compare with the research and writing strategies of those who seek, from a later vantage point, to re-imagine the Sixties. In this chapter a broad range of novels are used to document the anatomy of a Sixties novel. This forms the basis for an in-depth consideration of the writing strategies John Updike (Rabbit Redux and The Witches of Eastwick) and Philip Roth (American Pastoral) use to create a sense of the Sixties in these novels and how they build their characterisation of the times. The exegesis concludes with an account of the creative practice involved in imagining and realising the novel, with a focus on how research, of both the era and the events themselves and of literary forms and writing strategies, provides the scaffolding for reimagining and creatively re-building the sense of era for Stardust and Golden.
Thesis (Ph.D.) -- University of Adelaide, School of Humanities, 2016
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Phillips, Merran Willis. "The End Conscription Campaign, 1983-1988: a study of white extra-parliamentary opposition to apartheid". Thesis, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/590.

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Davis, Glen Anthony. "The relationship between the established and new left groupings in the anit-Vietnam War movement in Victoria, 1967-1972". Thesis, 2001. https://vuir.vu.edu.au/36042/.

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This thesis examines the relationship between the various left groupings that constituted the opposition to the war in Vietnam in the late 1960s and early 1970s. The focus is on how the newer radical groups of this period interacted with and influenced the established Left and peace movement. The work concentrates on opposition to the war within the Australian State of Victoria, drawing upon interviews with participants as well as written material from primary and secondary sources.
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Libros sobre el tema "Anti-conscription"

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Masculinities Militarisation And The End Conscription Campaign War Resistance In Apartheid South Africa. Manchester University Press, 2012.

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Capítulos de libros sobre el tema "Anti-conscription"

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Jordan, Deborah. "Gender, Colonialism, and the Anti-conscription Campaigns". En Australian Women's Justice, 183–202. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003384298-14.

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Kenefick, William. "War Resisters and Anti-conscription". En Red Scotland!, 132–55. Edinburgh University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9780748625178.003.0006.

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"6. War Resisters and Anti-conscription". En Red Scotland!, 132–58. Edinburgh University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9780748630820-010.

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Ferguson, Kathy E. "The anarchist anti-conscription movement in the USA". En Anarchism, 1914-18. Manchester University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781784993412.003.0010.

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This paper explores the activities of The No-Conscription League in the U.S. in order to analyse the conceptual logic and the political strategy of the movement. The grounds of the anarchists’ opposition were not based on pacifism, but on the right to choose what to fight for. Contrary to contemporary images of anarchists as isolated extremists, the anarchists forged an effective coalition with socialists and other progressives. The connected their opposition to militarism and to capitalism with their support for birth control, because all three issues have to do with freedom to control one’s own body. They questioned conscription from the theoretical position of internationalism, as well as appealing to the rights of Americans to protect their liberties. They also critiqued the militarization of American society as a greater danger than those the war was intended to fight.
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Ferguson, Kathy E. "The anarchist anti-conscription movement in the USA". En Anarchism, 1914–18. Manchester University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7765/9781526115768.00018.

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Harries-Jenkins, Gwyn. "Britain: From Individual Conscience to Social Movement". En The New Conscientious Objection, 67–79. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195079548.003.0005.

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Abstract Britain has relied upon a volunteer army more often than upon compulsory military training and service, but in its experiences with conscription—particularly during the two world wars and the first dozen years of the Cold War—it witnessed a progressive liberalization of conscientious objection. Britain’s experience also had a significant influence upon conscription and conscientious objection in the United States. In essence, conscientious objection is the articulation by an individual of a set of highly internalized attitudes in response to a particular stimulus. Expressions of conscience theoretically can reflect a wide range of stimuli: environmental pollution, gender inequalities, racism, penal policy, and so on. The term “conscientious objection,” however, is more limited in its scope. Conceptually it can be identified with a continuum of war resistance, the characteristics of which can be equated, in the words of one scholar, “with anti-militarist and anti-conscriptionist movements in peace time, with pacifist conscientious objection, with nationalist and socialist resistance and ethical and religious withdrawal from a given state and indeed with revolutionary opposition.”
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Swift, David. "‘Middle-class peace men?’ – Labour and the Anti-War Agitation". En For Class and Country. Liverpool University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5949/liverpool/9781786940025.003.0003.

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This chapter examines opposition to the war from the Left. It will first discuss the conscription issue of 1915-1916, the periodic strikes that threatened to cripple industries during the war, and the soldiers’ strikes and mutinies after the Armistice, the anti-war movement and centres of supposed resistance to the patriotism of the war years, and finally the Leeds and Stockholm conferences of 1917, which seemed to herald a break from the government line and a demand for an early peace settlement.
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"6 “Awakening from Conscription”: Ex-Catholicism as Anti-Nostalgic Moralized Authenticity". En Unholy Catholic Ireland, 189–221. Stanford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9781503633148-009.

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"Conscription and the “Omnicompetent State”: The Second World War and Anti-Catholicism". En Not Quite Us, 111–54. McGill-Queen's University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9780773557550-007.

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Warshauer, Matthew. "Connecticut Copperhead Constitutionalism". En Contested Loyalty, 53–81. Fordham University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5422/fordham/9780823279753.003.0003.

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Matthew Warshauer examines the Democratic Peace Movement in Connecticut to explain partisan perspectives on national loyalty. Warshauer argues that the state’s anti-war Democrats consistently stressed the importance of the Constitution, rather than the Declaration of Independence, as the litmus test of loyal citizenship. This ideology of Constitutionalism, emphasizing the power of the states and the limits of federal authority, was the core component of their vocal opposition to emancipation, conscription, and other wartime Republican measures. In studying their ideology, Warshauer also speaks to other important themes, including the development of the anti-war movement outside of the Midwest, the debate over alleged Democratic secret societies, Republican rhetoric of Democratic treason, and the vital political connections between the home front and battlefield.
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