Tesis sobre el tema "Angels and saints"

Universidade Castelo Branco
A presente dissertação objetiva a comparação proposta no Prelúdio do romance Middlemarch por sua autora George Eliot entre a protagonista da obra, Dorothea Brooke, e a figura histórica Teresa dÁvila. A partir de tal estudo, busca-se compreender de que modo a situação específica da mulher na Era Vitoriana é articulada no romance de modo a espelhar a crise ontológica e epistemológica do próprio ser humano diante das transformações consolidadas com o Iluminismo e as revoluções liberais do século XVIII que culminariam na morte de Deus. Dorothea mostra-se uma cristã tão fervorosa quanto a Teresa quinhentista, mas faltam-lhe certezas e a resolução para concretizar as reformas sociais que defende, pois ela encarna o mito de feminilidade oitocentista batizado de Anjo do Lar ideal de sujeição feminina à ordem falocêntrica cujas funções são a proteção e difusão da moralidade burguesa e a substituição de elementos cristãos no universo do sagrado a uma sociedade cada vez mais materialista e insegura de valores absolutos. As aflições de Dorothea representam as aflições da mulher vitoriana, mas o momento crítico desta mulher reflete, em Middlemarch, uma crise muito maior do Ocidente, que teve início com a Era da Razão
The present dissertations purpose is the comparison proposed by George Eliot in the Prelude of the novel Middlemarch between its protagonist, Dorothea Brooke, and the historical character Teresa of Avila. Such study endeavors to understand in which way the specific situation of the Victorian woman is articulated within the novel as to mirror the ontological and epistemological crisis of the human being itself during the transformations consolidated by the Enlightenment and the liberal revolutions of the eighteenth century which culminated in the death of God. Dorothea is as ardent a Christian as the fifteenth century Teresa, but she lacks the certainties and the resolution to concretize the social reforms she defends, because she incarnates the nineteenth century myth of womanhood known as the Angel in the House an ideal of feminine subjection to the phalocentric order whose functions are the protection and diffusion of the bourgeois morality and the replacement of Christian elements within the imaginary universe of the sacred to a society progressively more materialistic and insecure of absolute values. The afflictions of Dorothea represent the afflictions of the Victorian woman, but the critical moment of this woman reflects, in Middlemarch, a much greater crisis in the Western thought, which began with the Age of Reason

Le but de cette etude est de presenter l'encadrement (milieu) historique, litteraire, culturel, religieux et spirituel de ste angele merici (m. 1540, brescia, italie) et de ses ecrits. Il semble, en effet, que l'on n'ait pas encore presente ses ecrits a la lumiere des recherches les plus recentes concernant l'epoque de la renaissance, avec ses humanistes chretiens et ses courants neoplatoniciens (influence des oeuvres de marsile ficin, etc. ). Une explication des ecrits d'angele ayant pour sujet les figures (images metaphores symboles) employes par la sainte et replaces dans le contexte de son epoque aussi n'existe pas. Ces recherches ainsi voudraient essayer de combler ces lacunes. Les figures de la fondatrice devraient ressortir alors avec leur sene primitif, sujet d'une importance capitale de notre temps. Une etude des sources nous revele que les ecrits d'angele devraient etre interpretes selon "le sens litteral, le sens moral, le sens allegorique, le sens anagogique. " ses images metaphores symboles les plus importants (l'echelle de la lumiere, le tresor la noblesse interieurs, le miroir, et la maternite spirituelle derivant du mariage mystique) ont pour leurs sources non seulement l'exegese biblique de son epoche, mais aussi les oeuvres de scot et de bonaventure (l'exemplarisme) et leurs sources (l'areopagite, hugues et richard de st-victor, lombard); la patristique grecque; ficin (vestigia, formulae; "les deux venus"). Angele demeurait au milieu d'une reforme pre-tridentine (italie du nord) ou figuraient des eveques tels que pole, sadolet, giberti de verone, qui echangeaient des lettres amicales et erudites parmi eux-memes et avec erasme et le cercle de more. Giberti surtout s'est charge de la publication des oeuvres de la patristique grecque, ayant specifiquement en vue une reforme de l'eglise et un retour aux sources, a l' evangile et a l'eglise primitive. Angele, en demeurant dans ce diocese de verone, province de "venise," a connu bien ses courants spirituels ainsi que le courant de l' evangelisme parmi les laics (italie du nord). Les lettres de cozzano, secretaire d'angele, temoignent au fait qu'elle a connu les usages de l'eglise primitive, refletes meme par les symboles employes dans les ceremonies de consecration des membres de la compagnie de ste ursule, fondee par angele (1535) : femmes consacrees, vivant au milieu du monde, dans la tradition des vierges de l'eglise primitive
The aim of this study is to situate st. Angela merici (d. 1540, brescia, italy) in the midst of the historical, literary, cultural, religious and spiritual currents of her time in order better to understand her writings. It seems that in previous studies on angela this background has not been given in the light of recent research on the italian renaissance, nor have neoplatonic influences stemming from ficino's work been duly recognized. A literary explication of the major figures (images metaphors symbols) used by angela also has not been done before this study, but is important for determining the foundress's original, pristine meanings. From sources, it is shown that angela's writings are to be interpreted on the literal, moral, allegorical, anagogical levels of meaning. Her major images symbols (i. E. , ladder of light, interior treasure nobility, the mirror, and spiritual maternity as a result of mystical espousals) derive not only from biblical exegesis but also from scotus and bonaventure (exemplarism) with their sources (areopagite, victorines, lombard), from greek patristics, and from ficino (vestigia, formulae; "the two venuses. "). Angela saw a pre-tridentine reform in n. Italy, involving bishops such as pole, sadoleto, giberti of verona, who corresponded with erasmus and more's circle. Giberti especially advanced the publication of greek patristics, with church reform as an explicit return to sources, the gospel and the primitive church. Living in this verona diocese, province of venice, angela was close to these currents, and to "lay evangelism" in n. Italy. As her secretary cozzano's letters also show,angela knew of the practices of the primitive church, as reflected even in symbols in hymns used for profession-ceremonies of the company of st. Ursula, her foundation (1535) of consecrated laywomen in the midst of the world, continuing the tradition of the virgins of the primitive church

Dans le catholicisme, le lien établi entre le protecteur angélique et une collectivité ou un individu rappelle la relation de patronage, propre au culte des saints. Bien adapté au discours clérical de la Contre-Réforme, en particulier au discours jésuitique sur les " Fins Dernières ", l'ange gardien présente l'avantage d'orienter la piété des fidèles vers les cultes centraux du catholicisme. En marge de la liturgie des saints anges, se situe également une production syncrétique qui reprend certains éléments de la conception catholique moderne de l'ange tutélaire et du saint, mais s'inspire aussi des spéculations théologiques des premiers siècles sur les anges, des doctrines kabbalistiques de la Renaissance, de l'occultisme du XIXe siècle et de l'astrologie zodiacale moderne. Loin d'une lecture sémiotique et théologique, cette exploration anthropologique analyse ainsi les différentes formes de dévotion à l'ange gardien, depuis l'ange gardien anonyme du catholicisme jusqu'aux 72 anges de l'ésotérisme contemporain assignés à l'humanité entière, en passant par l'idée du proche décédé identifié comme l'ange particulier d'un individu
In Catholicism, the link between the protective angel and a collectivity or an individual recalls the relationship of patronage within the cult of the saints. Well-adapted to the clerical discourse of the Counter-Reformation, particularly to the Jesuit discourse on the "Final Judgment", the guardian angel has the advantage of orienting the piety of the faithful towards the central cults of Catholicism. On the borderline of the liturgy of the holy angels, one also finds a syncretic production which includes certain elements of the modern catholic conception of the guardian angel and the saint, but this is inspired also by theoretical speculations on the saints in the first centuries, on the kabbalic doctrines of the Renaissance, 19th century occultism, and modern zodiacal astrology. Far from a semiotic or theological reading, this anthropological exploration therefore analyses the different forms of devotion to the guardian angel, from the anonymous catholic guardian angel to the 72 angels in contemporary esotericism assigned to the whole of humanity, in considering also the idea of the death of close kin identified with the particular angel of the individual

The aim of this study is twofold: to identify the theological purpose underlying the depiction of angels at certain key points in the history of their use, and to explore how far that deeper theological rationale can be re-appropriated for our own day. This study first traces the progression of the angelic motif in the Hebrew Scriptures. By examining numerous pericopes in the Pentateuch, major prophets and Daniel, I demonstrate that the metamorphosis of higher-order beings like the angel of the Lord, cherubim and seraphim, is directly related to the writers' desire to enhance God's transcendence. Next, I evaluate pseudo-Denys' hierarchical angelology, which prominent theologians like Luther and Calvin condemned as little more than a Neoplatonic scheme for accessing God through angels. I propose that not only has pseudo-Denys' Neoplatonism been overstated, but that his angelology is particularly noteworthy for the way it accentuates Christ's eucharistic immanence to the Church. Then I maintain that because assessments of Aquinas' angelology are often based upon the Summa Theologiae, his views are wrongly portrayed as overtly philosophical, rather than biblical and exegetical. In his lesser-known biblical commentaries, however, Aquinas pushes the semantic range of the word ‘angel' to include aspects of the physical world, which unveils an imaginative, Christocentric, and scriptural dimension of his angelology that is rarely acknowledged. The conclusion considers how contemporary figures and movements relate to these three angelologies. Barth emphasises the transcendent God but unlike Hebrew Scripture, weakens connections between God and angels. New Ageism affirms the immanent angel but unlike pseudo-Denys, does so at the expense of Christology and ecclesiology. Contemporary ecological discourse generally lacks Aquinas' appreciation for an imaginative, supernatural approach to the world. Finally, I ground the angels' relationship to transcendence, immanence and imagination in an experiential, eucharistic context.

Les vitraux du chœur de la cathédrale d’Angers ont été déplacés à plusieurs reprises. Ces déplacements ont fait l'objet d'une étude approfondie, ainsi que les différentes restaurations survenues depuis leur création. L'iconographie des vitraux provenant du chœur de l'édifice angevin a pu être reconstituée en partie : les sujets de quatorze verrières sur seize sont désormais connus. Les thèmes illustrés mettaient l'accent sur les relations entre le pouvoir spirituel et le pouvoir temporel et surtout glorifiaient l'épiscopat au travers des vies de plusieurs saints évêques. Les vitraux consacrés à saint Julien du Mans et à saint Maurille avaient été composés selon un modèle commun et ces deux vies se référaient à celle de saint Martin qui figurait à l'origine dans deux verrières. Un cycle axe sur la vie du christ avait aussi été développé parmi les vitraux de la cathédrale. Enfin, la vierge était aussi particulièrement glorifiée puisqu'elle figurait en majesté dans une verrière du chœur et intervenait dans l'histoire de Théophile qui avait aussi été représentée. Le style de ces vitraux permet de les dater des années 1230-1235. Trois groupes d'artistes peuvent être facilement distingués : le " groupe de saint Éloi ", le " groupe de saint Laurent " et le " groupe du transept ". Parmi eux, plusieurs fortes personnalités se remarquent, en particulier celles du " maitre de saint Thomas Becket " et celle du " maitre principal de saint Julien ". La vitrerie du chœur de la cathédrale d’Angers présente des liens avec des vitraux de Coutances, Tours, Vivoin, Le Mans, les Essards, Charentilly, Montreuil-sur-Loir et Bourges. Ces vitraux témoignent de l'importance d’Angers dans la peinture sur verre de la première moitié du XIIIème siècle dans l'ouest de la France.

This thesis examines the Templo Santa Muerte in Los Angeles, a small, loosely organized spiritual group dedicated to the veneration of La Santa Muerte, or the Holy Death. Although originating in the urban barrios (neighborhoods) of Mexico City, Santa Muerte is now venerated in the southwestern United States as well, primarily among working-class Mexican Americans. Although Santa Muerte has been condemned by the Catholic clergy and vilified in mass media and popular culture for its ties to crime and gang violence, my fieldwork at the Templo Santa Muerte demonstrates that not all devotees of Santa Muerte can be characterized in this way. For Templo members, Santa Muerte is foremost a supernatural instrument whose appeal is in large part derived from her singular commitment to satisfying their corporeal needs and material wishes. While this quality is also attributed to many Catholic saints, Santa Muerte is believed to operate independently of Church orthodoxy and is viewed to be more powerful because of this. The Templo Santa Muerte, on the other hand, incorporates some features of formal Catholic liturgy while simultaneously organizing its services around the individual petitions of its members. In doing so, the Templo’s founders maintain an effective balance between liturgical features familiar to their mostly Catholic members and the fundamentally instrumental relationship they have with Santa Muerte. I argue that this balance is central to the appeal of the Templo and to the logic of its founders, who took advantage of the tolerant and diverse cultural atmosphere of Los Angeles to establish a spiritual enterprise that is truly the first of its kind. My methodology and theoretical approach acknowledges this, favoring an ethnographic examination grounded in respondent testimonies, direct observations, and relevant ethnohistorical interpretations of the symbolism and ritual behavior associated with Santa Muerte. At its most general, my analysis of the cult and Templo of Santa Muerte is framed around three separate but mutually interactive and informative dimensions: the instrumental and social manifestations of the cult and Templo, respectively, and the structuring influence that Catholic soteriology and cultural materialism exerts over both.

Les peintures murales exécutées sur le pourtour de l'abside de la cathédrale d’Angers ont été découvertes en 1980 et n'ont, depuis, fait l'objet d'aucune publication scientifique. Elles présentent plusieurs aspects qui sont ici étudiés pour la première fois. Leur iconographie retrace, en plus de vingt scènes, la vie d'un saint évêque local, Maurille dont nous n'avions jusque-là que des représentations ponctuelles. Leur style est aussi original car il représente un courant de la peinture monumentale gothique dont on n'a conservé que de très rares exemples et d'ampleur bien moindre. Enfin, leur mode d'exécution est exceptionnel puisque cette peinture murale fait appel à des pigments riches et variés, à des liants à base d'huile et de résine peu communs au XIIIe siècle. L'analyse de ces principales données, jointes à l’examen des conditions historiques et religieuses de la naissance de ce cycle peint, nous conduisent à proposer, pour cette œuvre non datée, une exécution voisine des années 1255-1260 et à la situer dans son contexte artistique
The wall-painting that embrace the apse of the cathedral of angers were discovered in 1980 and have not yet been the object of a scientific publication. They are studied here for the first time from several points of view. Their iconography in a series of twenty scenes, traces the life of a local bishop-saint, Maurille, for whom we have had only single representations up until now. Their style is also original because it represents a current of gothic monumental painting for which only a few isolated and much less expensive examples have been preserved. Moreover, their mode of execution is exceptional, as these paintings are constructed with rich and varied pigments and with a binding medium containing oil and resin, both unusual in the thirteenth century. The results of our analyses of these main elements, combined with a study of the historical and religious conditions surrounding the genesis of the cycle, tend to converge, for this otherwise undated work, on the years 1255-1260

La notion de la spiritualité chez les chrétiens est un terme qui désigne la vie intérieur et divine par laquelle l'âme humaine engage sa vie personnelle en relation avec le divin (dieu). Or, selon l'esprit thomiste, l ' âme humaine est le principe de la vie (humaine) et la forme substantielle. Par conséquent , la vie spirituelle humaine authentique, pour lui, doit se former selon le développement naturel de l'être humain, physique (ontologique), éthique (morale) et spirituelle. Le caractère d'une vie spirituelle conçue dans l'ordre de la réalité humaine est appelé la spiritualité réaliste. Notre recherche s'engage donc : d'abord, dans une analyse de la structure ontologique de l'être humain, une réflexion sur les rapports de l'essence et de l'existence, de la matière (corps) et de la forme (l'âme), des puissances et des actes, en particulier, ce que c'est l'âme humaine, sa nature, ses propriété, et ses fonctions dans l'être humain. Puis, elle mène une réflexion sur la notion de l 'image de dieu qui est le moment fondamental de la vie spirituelle, son sens général comme affinité de l'être fini et de l'être absolu, sa porté spécifique comme source de dépassement et de la destinée de la vie humaine. Ensuite, elle feutre synthèse pour établir la relation entre la vie spécifique humaine (éthique ou morale} et la vie proprement spirituelle (religieuse ou mystique) qui implique l'analyse des notions de la loi (naturelle et éternelle, humaine et divine), du sens du bien, et du mal à la dimension métaphysique et psychologique, et la réflexion sur la puissance de grâce et du mystère de l'être humain. Enfin, elle propose une vision angélique comme un exemplairisme de la nouvelle forme de la vie humaine ou comme une forme de vie spirituelle réaliste qu'on peut appeler un humanisme intégral du thomisme: une nouvelle perspective sur l 'humanité d'avenir par un regard métaphysico-réaliste.

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This dissertation has as object the studying of Saint Dica`s case, occurred in Lagoa Village, nowadays Lagolândia, district of Pirenópolis, in Goiás State, in the second decade of 20th century. Analyzed by others researchers was interpreted as being a social movement of messianic kind, common, at the beginning of the Republic, as Muckers, Canudos, Contestado, Juazeiro had happened. The main objective of the refered work is try to explain this kind of movement as being created by archetype of Terra Sem Mal, present in the Brazilian imaginary, that showed up in political, economic social crises situations. The principal hypothesis was settled with: if it is possible to understand profoundly these social movements named milenaristas, as being myths that belong to the humanity imaginary. The studies of Jung are usuful as basis to the discussion about archetypes, the ones of Sergio Buarque de Holanda are based in the vision of the paradise of colonizing that stood in the imaginary of the Brazilian people. The sense of this utopia of paradise was interpreted by the symbolic study of Eliade and complemented with the Eternal Return of the same phenomenologist. To the history part of the chosen subject the author exploited the dissertation of professor Lauro Vasconcelos, the first academic informative about Saint Dica and also with the dissertation of professor Eleonora Zicari. Newspapers, magazines, movie documentaries and field researches, complemented the data collectio Hermeneuticas being the search of sense of the social actor behavior served to reveal Saint Dica movement. The most important conclusion of this dissertation is that, albeit the political, economic and social crises, and even the ones psychologics may contribute to the rising of these movements, however, there is, independent of these external conditions, in the human imaginary, an appeal to the Paradise. In the imaginary of the Brazilian people this archetype has a cultural historical support, since the arrival of the Portuguese going through the republic messianic movement, and this appeal, as Eliade says, acts in a circular way, that is, goes and comes back, it is a Myth that always returns, specially in Saint Dica case, still present, in Lagolândia, in spite of her leader had died in 1970, thirty years ago.
Esta dissertação tem como objeto de estudo o caso de Santa Dica, acontecido no povoado de Lagoa, hoje Lagolândia, distrito de Pirenópolis, no Estado de Goiás, na década de 1920. Analisado por outros estudiosos foi interpretado como sendo um movimento social de tipo messiânico, comum, no início da república, pois os Mucker, Canudos, Contestado, Juazeiro tinham acontecido. O objetivo principal do trabalho é tentar explicar este tipo de movimento como sendo gerado pelos arquétipos da Terra sem Mal, presentes no imaginário brasileiro, que em situações de crise, tanto política, quanto econômica e social se manifestam. A hipótese principal ficou sendo: se é possível compreender de modo mais profundo estes movimentos sociais ditos milenaristas, como sendo mitos que pertencem ao imaginário da humanidade. Os estudos de Jung servem para fundamentar a reflexão sobre arquétipos, os de Sérgio Buarque de Holanda fundamentam a visão de paraíso dos colonizadores que ficou implantada no imaginário brasileiro. O sentido desta utopia do paraíso foi interpretado com o estudo simbólico de Eliade e completado pela teoria do Eterno Retorno do mesmo fenomenólogo romeno. Para a parte histórica do tema escolhido a autora trabalhou com a dissertação do professor Lauro de Vasconcelos, o primeiro informe acadêmico sobre Santa Dica, e com a dissertação da professora Eleonora Zicari. Jornais, revistas, documentários de cinema e observação de campo, complementaram a coleta de dados. A hermenêutica, como sendo a busca de sentido do comportamento do ator social serviu para desvelar o movimento de Santa Dica. Ficou como conclusão mais importante da dissertação é que muito embora, as crises sociais, econômicas, políticas e até mesmo, crises psicológicas possam contribuir com o nascimento destes movimentos, contudo existe, independente destas condições externas, no imaginário do homem um apelo para o Paraíso, no imaginário do brasileiro este arquétipo tem suporte histórico cultural, desde a chegada dos portugueses passando pelos movimentos messiânicos da república, e este apelo, como diz Eliade, age de forma circular, isto é, vai e vem, é um Mito que sempre retorna, e no caso de Santa Dica, ainda presente, em Lagolândia, apesar da líder ter morrido em 1970, há 35 anos atrás.

Les peintures murales de la chapelle basse de la collégiale de Saint-Bonnet-le-Château présentent un riche programme iconographique, supposant la succession de commanditaires distincts au début du XVe s. La première phase fut dévotionnelle ; la seconde affecta le décor de la voûte, à l’initiative d’Anne Dauphine, et proposa avec les Anges musiciens une iconographie élaborée, inspirée mais adaptée de l’exemple du Mans, en hommage à son époux défunt, Louis II, duc de Bourbon. Le talent de l’artiste, Louis Vobis, fut de lier les parties les unes aux autres. L’étude iconographie et stylistique définit les modèles et l’esthétique du maître passé par Avignon et Paris, informé des expériences des enlumineurs du duc de Berry et de l’art savoyard
The murals paintings of the lower chapel in Saint-Bonnet-le-Château’s collegiate church present a rich iconographic program, assuming a succession of distinct sponsors at the beginning of the 15th century. The first phase was religious devotion from the wealthy bourgeoisie; the second one affected the decoration of the vault in Anne Dauphine’s initiative, and represented the Musician Angels, an elaborate iconography, inspired by the example of Le Mans, in the memory of the duchess’s late husband, Louis II duke of Bourbon. The talent of the artist, Louis Vobis, was to link the different artistic styles. The iconographic and stylistic study defines the models and the aesthetics of the master who had his training in Avignon and Paris. In Avignon he was influenced by the Italian style and in Paris studied under Duke of Berry in the miniaturist style. He had influenced by the Savoyard art too

La recherche concerne le rapport atypique de l'homme dit hystérique à la jouissance phallique. Nous distinguons ledit rapport de la perversion et de la psychose. La problématique relève de l'embarras de Lacan lorsque, dans " Encore ", il assimile ses " Ecrits " aux jaculations mystiques. Il confond alors ce que nous distinguons ci-dessus. Nous approchons l'être de la signifiance dans l'expérience mystique de Jean de la Croix, la pensée de l'être dans " lalangue " chez Lacan et l'incursion d'Angélus Silésius dans la mystique. Nous admettons que l'hystérie masculine prenne origine dans l'hystérie d'angoisse, et que, dans certains cas pathologiques, l'hystérie d'angoisse puisse se mélanger, dans n'importe quelle mesure, avec l'hystérie de convention. Nous corrélons ces idées aux rapprochement et à la différence que Freud attribue à la religion du père et à la religion du fils dans " Totem et tabou "
The author treats the atypical concern of the so called hysterical man to the phallic enjoyment as distinguished from both perversion and psychosis. The problem approached regards Lacan. In Seminar "Encore", he fails to distinguish what the author separates above. Indeed, Lacan assimilated his Ecrits with mystical chant. The author approaches the Being of significance in the mystical experience of Juan de la Cruz, the Thought about the Being in Lacan's conception of "lalangue" and Angelus Silesius' incursion into mystics. It is supposed that male hysteria originates from anxiety hysteria and also that, in pathological circumstances, symptom grows to a deep blending of anxiety hysteria with conversion hysteria. These two situations are related to what Freud called religion of the father and religion of the son in "Totem and tattoo"

Parallèlement à sa vaste production musicale, Franz Liszt (1811-1886) a laissé un certain nombre d'écrits qui permettent de mieux pénétrer sa pensée. La thèse propose d'étudier dans sa musique religieuse, composée principalement entre 1885 et 1886, deux idées qu'il a développées dans des articles au cours des années 1830 : la palingénésie (liée à la régénération) et l'extase. Interroger ces deux points revient à poser la question de la permanence et de l'application de données théoriques et esthétiques : Liszt met-il en pratique après 1855 ce qu'il écrit dans les années 1830 ? . Au seuil de la discussion de ces deux constantes, en partie fondée sur des sources rares et nouvelles, une approche méthodologique et épistémologique des lectures et des écrits de Liszt permet d'éclairer la façon dont le compositeur s'est imprégné de concepts dont on retrouve la trace dans ses œuvres. Jusqu'à présent, les études musicologiques ont presque exclusivement utilisé le terme de "réforme" pour aborder la musique religieuse de Liszt. Cependant, c'est un mot qu'il a très peu, voire jamais employé dans ce contexte. En revanche, en 1835, dans l'avant-dernier article "De la situation des artistes, et de leur condition dans la société", il évoque la "régénération de la musique religieuse". Il s'appuie notamment sur le concept de palingénésie ("renaissance") qui irrigue alors le milieu intellectuel et artistique, particulièrement par le biais des écrits de Ballanche et d'Ortigue. Ce concept, a joué un rôle fondamental dans ses positions esthétiques et dans son langage musical. Étudier la musique religieuse de Liszt sous l'angle de la "régénération" et non de la "réforme" permet donc de soulever de nouvelles perspectives et de mieux cerner le comportement historiciste de Liszt. Selon l'expression de Bülow, la "Missa solennis " de Liszt (1855) avait donné naissance à la "Zukunfts-Kirchenmusik", tournée vers l'avenir. Mais sa musique religieuse plonge également ses racines dans le chant grégorien et dans la musique de la Renaissance : la palingénésie explicite chez Liszt la dialectique entre passé et avenir. Elle explique aussi pourquoi son rapport aux traditions est, à l'inverse par exemple des cécitiens, progressiste et non conservateur. Par le réinvestissement des traditions romaines, Liszt confère à sa musique religieuse une profonde identité catholique. En 1839, Liszt écrit avec la treizième "Lettre d'un bachelier ès-musique" ("La Sainte Cécile de Raphaël") une véritable critique d'art. Il livre alors une lecture originale du tableau, dans lequel il voit une puissante allégorie : sainte Cécile représente "le symbole de la musique à son plus haut degré de puissance" et les quatre personnages qui l'entourent "résument les éléments essentiels de la musique et les effets divers qu'elle produit sur le cœur de l'homme". Mais surtout, il précise que sainte Cécile est en extase alors que les anges de la partie supérieure du tableau chantent "l'éternel "hozannah" [qui] retentit dans l'immensité". Le Hosanna se retrouve ainsi lié aux anges et à l'expression d'une extase contemplative. Contrairement à ce qu'écrivent habituellement les compositeurs, Liszt réserve aux hosannas un traitement particulier, puisqu'à l'instar du tableau de Raphaël, ils sont presque systématiquement doux et éthérés. Comme le montrent leur analyse et leur genèse, les Hosannas et les choeurs d'anges de Liszt expriment la même atmosphère contemplative et mystique que la "Sainte Cécile", rendue par des successions d'harmonies kaléidoscopiques, non fonctionnelles, que le compositeur appelait des "Liszt'sche Progression[s]" et que nous résumons par l'expression "champ transfiguratoire" En 1863, Baudelaire défiait quiconque de "diviser"Liszt. Notre but est enfin de rappeler la diversité de la carrière et de l'œuvre de celui qui ne fut pas seulement "le roi des pianistes". Son identité doit être rendue dans sa variété et, pour reprendre l'expression du poète, dans ses "méandres capricieux"
Among his huge production, Franz Liszt (1811-1886) left a considerable number of writings which allow us to understand his thought. The present dissertation aims at studying in his religious music – composed essentially between 1855 and 1886 – two ideas he developed in different articles during the 1830s: palingenesis (linked to regeneration) and ecstasy. Discussing these two issues means at first asking the question of permanence and the application of theoretical and aesthetical ideas: did Liszt put into practice after 1855 what he wrote in the 1830s? On the threshold of the discussion of these two subjects, partly based on rare and new sources, a methodological and epistemological approach of Liszt’s readings and writings helps us to understand the way the composer was absorbed by the concepts which we can follow through his works. To the present, studies of Liszt’s religious music almost exclusively used the word “reform” and its direct translations. Yet, it is a word the composer seldom used, if ever, in this context. However, in 1835, in the penultimate article of De la situation des artistes, et de leur condition dans la société, he mentioned the « régénération » of religious music. He thus shows himself influenced by the concept of palingenesis, which Liszt primarily accessed through the writings by Ballanche and d’Ortigue, overran intellectual and artistic concerns. This concept, which can be traced throughout his career, played an essential role in his aesthetic views and his musical language. Thus, studying Liszt’s religious music from the “regeneration” point of view as opposed to that of “reform” widens our perspectives on his historicist profile. According to Bülow, Liszt’s Missa solennis (1855) gave birth to the forward-looking “Zukunfts-Kirchenmusik.” However, Liszt’s religious music was firmly rooted in the past – both in the Gregorian Chant repertoire and the music of the Renaissance. With Liszt’s music, it is this very palingenesis that explains why his compositional conception is not conservative but progressive and well explains his opposition to the Cecilian movement. By reinvesting in Roman traditions, Liszt imbues his religious music with a deep catholic identity. In 1839, with the thirteenth “Lettre d’un bachelier ès-musique”, Liszt wrote substantive art criticism. Notably, he fashioned an original reading of Raphael’s powerfully allegorical Saint Cecilia: here the subject represents “a symbol of music at the height of its power” and the four characters surrounding her – (left to right) Saints Paul, John, Augustine and Mary Magdalene – not only embody music’s elements, but also the various effects on human’s soul. Moreover, Liszt pointed out that St Cecilia stands in ecstasy while the angels above her sing “their eternal hosanna”. The hosanna is therefore linked with angels and with expression of contemplative rapture. It is not surprising then that Liszt composed his hosannas in a singular manner, since, as in Raphael’s depiction, they are invariably mild and ethereal. As both studies of the works’ genesis and insightful analyses show, Liszt’s hosannas and angels’ choruses express the same contemplative and mystical atmosphere as Raphael’s Saint Cecilia – an atmosphere created by a succession of kaleidoscopic, non-functional harmonies which the composer himself labelled as “Liszt’sche progression”. In 1863, Baudelaire prophetically challenged anyone to “separate” and “divide” Liszt’s artistic profile. Thus we have to be mindful of Liszt’s versatility, and we cannot consider him only as “le roi des pianistes”, but as a creator characterized, again in Baudelaire’s words, by its “méandres capricieux”

Le XIe siècle constitue pour les abbayes bénédictines ligériennes une période faste marquée par le développement d’importants réseaux de prieurés qui leur permettent de rayonner dans tout l’Ouest français. Dans ce contexte, la Bretagne constitue pour les abbayes angevines et tourangelles la principale région d’implantation hors de leur territoire d’origine. Entre 980 et 1150, elles y fondent une soixantaine de prieurés. Les relations familiales, politiques et religieuses qui lient depuis longtemps les comtés de Nantes, de Rennes et de Vannes aux principautés voisines de la Loire moyenne expliquent en partie la réussite de cette implantation. Soutenus par les évêques et par l’aristocratie châtelaine, les moines deviennent au XIe siècle les principaux bénéficiaires des donations d’églises. Ils jouent un rôle majeur dans l’affirmation du pouvoir seigneurial et contribuent à inscrire le projet grégorien au coeur de la société féodale, en imposant par leur présence un mode de vie perçu comme un modèle de perfection religieuse. Mais au XIIe siècle, la concurrence de nouvelles communautés religieuses, les conflits avec l’aristocratie et l’affirmation du pouvoir épiscopal entraînent une redéfinition des relations entre les prieurés et leur entourage, sans pour autant engendrer une crise du monachisme bénédictin
The eleventh century Benedictine abbeys of the Val de Loire develop important networks priories that allow them to radiate throughout the French West. In this context, Brittany is for Anjou and Touraine abbeys the main settlement area outside their territory of origin. Between 980 and 1150, they founded about sixty priories. Family, political and religious relationships long linked counties of Nantes, Rennes and Vannes to the neighbouring principalities of the Loire Valley, partly explain the success of this implementation. Supported by the bishops and by the chatelaine aristocracy, monks in the eleventh century become the main beneficiaries of churches donations, they play a major role in the assertion of baronial power, and contribute to impose the Gregorian project in feudal society by their presence and their lifestyle perceived as a religious model of perfection. In the twelfth century, competition from new religious communities, conflict with the aristocracy and the affirmation of the episcopal power leads to a redefinition of relations between the priories and their entourage, without generating a crisis of Benedictine monasticism

Qui évoque la magie, c'est-à-dire l'ensemble des pratiques qui visent à perturber l'ordre naturel des choses à bien ou à mal, ne peut manquer de faire référence au praticien. Les sources byzantines issues des rangs chrétiens, normatifs, s'opposent par principe au mage, être démoniaque. Elles ne lui donnent pas la parole et elles ont mis en place ce que l'on pourrait appeler « la figure magique », c'est-à-dire une représentation du praticien. Les incarnations de cette figure sont diverses, bien que les traits en soient constants. De même, l'utilisation des figures varie aussi bien d'une source à l'autre que d'un contexte à un autre. La période qui s'étend du VIIIe à la fin du XIe siècle recèle beaucoup de ces figures, surtout pendant l'iconoclasme. Les activités du mage sont variées, issues de la vision des origines angéliques de la magie elle-même. Ses savoirs sont un don, transmissible voire contaminant. Les figures magiques sont aussi celles du pouvoir compromis et souillé. La remise en ordre du monde bouleversé par le mage passe par l'intervention d'une autre figure atypique, le saint. Se convertir ou mourir, telles sont les deux issues possibles pour la figure magique, forcément vaincue
Magic, that is practices whose aim is to disturb the natural order and the balance of the world in a good or evil purpose, refers unquestionably to the magician himself. Born into a Christian environment, the-Byzantine sources from the VIIIth till the end of the XIth century clash, on the principle, with the practitioner, seen as a diabolical being. The sources have set up what can be called a "magical figure", a representation of who practices magic. The incarnations of this figure are different, even if the general features are constantly the same. The way they are used is various from one source to another and from one context to another as weil. The Iconoclasm is particularly riddled with magical figures. The large range of activities attributed to the magician cornes from the vision of the angelical origins of magic. The magical knowledge is a gift the magician receives and passes on to others, contaminating them. The figures of that time are also those of an imperial compromised, polluted power. The saint is another particular figure putting in order aIl the magical and diabolical disorders. Converting or death are the exits for the magician, inevitably defeated

The mosaic novel - with its independent 'story-tiles' linking together to form a complete narrative - has the potential to act as a reflection on the periodic resurfacing of unconscious memories in the conscious lives of fictional characters. This project is an exploration of the mosaic text as a fictional analogue of involuntary memory. These concepts are investigated as they appear in traditional fairy tales and engaged with in this thesis's creative component, Sourdough and Other Stories (approximately 80,000 words), a mosaic novel comprising sixteen interconnected 'story-tiles'. Traditional fairy tales are non-reflective and conducive to forgetting (i.e. anti-memory); fairy tale characters are frequently portrayed as psychologically two-dimensional, in that there is no examination of the mental and emotional distress caused when children are stolen/ abandoned/ lost and when adults are exiled. Sourdough and Other Stories is a creative examination of, and attempted to remedy, this lack of psychological depth. This creative work is at once something more than a short story collection, and something that is not a traditional novel, but instead a culmination of two modes of writing. It employs the fairy tale form to explore James' 'thorns in the spirit' (1898, p.199) in fiction; the anxiety caused by separation from familial and community groups. The exegesis, A Story Told in Parts - Sourdough and Other Stories is a critical essay (approximately 20,000 words in length), a companion piece to the mosaic novel, which analyses how my research question proceeded from my creative work, and considers the theoretical underpinnings of the creative work and how it enacts the research question: 'Can a writer use the structural possibilities of the mosaic text to create a fictional work that is an analogue of an involuntary memory?' The cumulative effect of the creative and exegetical works should be that of a dialogue between the two components - each text informing the other and providing alternate but complementary lenses with which to view the research question.

Dans le "Livre du Courtisan" (Venise, 1528), Baldassare Castiglione (1478-1529) évoque « une certaine "sprezzatura", qui cache l'art et qui montre que ce que l'on a fait et dit est venu sans peine et presque sans y penser », d'où « dérive surtout la grâce », tant « chacun sait la difficulté des choses rares et bien faites, si bien que la facilité en elles engendre une grande admiration » (I, XXVI, trad. Pons). Nous en proposons d'abord une analyse conceptuelle en contexte, qui nous mène à en élaborer les termes structurants : grâce et beauté, nature et travail. Puis, par un examen généalogique, nous entreprenons une traduction de la grâce théologico-anthropologique (augustinienne) en termes esthétiques, témoignant d'une profonde cohérence du système de la "sprezzatura" ; nous confrontons alors Castiglione au « naturel » antique (Horace, Cicéron, Pline l'Ancien) et à la formation de la Doctrine Classique (Boileau, Rapin, Bouhours, Gracián). Dans une enquête ensuite contextuelle, nous exposons le système de la Cour, découvrons un certain nombre de penseurs contemporains de la Beauté et de la Grâce (Ficin, Alberti, Bembo, Diacceto, Varchi, Firenzuola, Della Casa, Romei, Sardi, Accetto) et confrontons enfin la "sprezzatura" à l'univers de la "Maniera" (spécialement chez Bronzino et Giambologna). Nous concluons par quelques éléments de discussion de la "Distinction" telle que l'a conceptualisée Bourdieu.La "sprezzatura" n'est pas une simple pensée classique de l'"ars est celare artem", et ne réduit pas plus la grâce au simple lustre de la beauté ; elle constitue au contraire une dramatique de l'imminence, et fait reposer son effet sur des usages esthétiques de l'imagination qui capitalisent sur l'imaginaire chrétien de la grâce. Dès lors, la "mediocritas" que revendique Castiglione n'est pas réductible à ce qu'en laisserait penser l'amalgame avec Della Casa et Accetto : elle est un juste milieu et un point d'équilibre entre le simplement naturel et le ridicule affecté (propre à une certaine tentation du sublime). Véritablement, la "sprezzatura" « s'avance à la frontière de la générosité » (Baltasar Gracián, "El Héroe", XIII, trad. Pelegrín).Diverses Annexes sont jointes, en particulier : une enquête sur les racines du concept d'« Ange » chez Ficin et Diacceto ; une revue de différentes cours de la Renaissance italienne et de leurs valeurs tant esthétiques que culturelles
In his 'Book of the Courtier' (Venice, 1528), Baldassare Castiglione (1478-1529) touches on 'a certain Recklessness ('sprezzatura'), to cover art withall, and seem whatsoever [the Courtier] does and says to do it without pain, and (as it were) not minding it', of which 'grace is much derived', 'for in rare matters and well brought to pass every man knows the hardness of them, so that a readiness therein makes great wonder' (I, XXVI, modern-spelling Hoby translation). Our study begins with a contextual analysis of 'sprezzatura''s main concepts : grace versus beauty, nature and artlessness versus labour. From a genealogical point of view, we then offer a fresh aesthetical translation of Augustine's theological (and anthropological) concept of grace, which turns out to strongly support 'sprezzatura''s conceptual frame ; we thereupon investigate Castiglione's relationship to the 'classical' value of artlessness, as found both among Ancients (Horace, Cicero, the Elder Pliny) and Moderns (Boileau, Rapin, Bouhours, Gracián). Setting back the focus on context, we then expound the inner workings of the Court, become acquainted with a number of contemporary theorists of Beauty and Grace (Ficino, Alberti, Bembo, Diacceto, Varchi, Firenzuola, Della Casa, Romei, Sardi, Accetto), and set 'sprezzatura' within the realm of 'Maniera' (especially Bronzino and Giambologna). Conclusions are eventually drawn while discussing Bourdieu's concept of 'Distinction'.We hold that 'sprezzatura' should not be reduced to the classical scheme of 'ars est celare artem', neither does it shrink grace to the mere lustre of beauty ; much to the contrary, it accounts for the very drama of imminence, thus making an aesthetical use of imagination inspired by the Christian understanding of grace. Neither should the 'mediocritas' claimed by Castiglione be reduced to its lesser self, inspired by the likes of Della Casa and Accetto : it strives for a perfect balance and a virtuoso equilibrium between the merely natural and the ridicule of 'affettazione' (which may be linked to the pursuit of the sublime). Truly, 'sprezzatura' 'reaches to the edge of generosity' (Baltasar Gracián, 'El Héroe', XIII, personal translation).Various Appendices are attached, especially : an enquiry into the roots of the concept of 'Angel' wielded by Ficino and Diacceto ; a review of various courts of the Italian Renaissance outlining their main aesthetical and cultural values

Medieval rhetoric, as a field and as a subject, has largely been under-developed and under-emphasized within medieval and rhetorical studies for several reasons: the disconnect between Germanic, Anglo-Saxon society and the Greco-Roman tradition that defined rhetoric as an art; the problems associated with translating the Old and Middle English vernacular in light of rhetorical and, thereby, Greco-Latin precepts; and the complexities of the medieval period itself with the lack of surviving manuscripts, often indistinct and inconsistent political and legal structure, and widespread interspersion and interpolation of Christian doctrine. However, it was Christianity and its governance of medieval culture that preserved classical rhetoric within the medieval period through reliance upon a classic epideictic platform, which, in turn, became the foundation for early medieval rhetoric. The role of epideictic rhetoric itself is often undervalued within the rhetorical tradition because it appears too basic or less essential than the judicial or deliberative branches for in-depth study and analysis. Closer inspection of this branch reveals that epideictic rhetoric contains fundamental elements of human communication with the focus upon praise and blame and upon appropriate thought and behavior. In analyzing the medieval world’s heritage and knowledge of the Greco-Roman tradition, epideictic rhetoric’s role within the writings and lives of Greek and Roman philosophers, and the popular Christian writings of the medieval period – such as Alfred’s translation of Boethius’ Consolation of Philosophy, Alfred’s translation of Gregory the Great’s Pastoral Care, Ælfric’s Lives of Saints, Ælfric’s Catholic Homilies, Wulfstan’s Sermo Lupi ad Anglos, and the anonymously written Vercelli and Blickling homiles – an early medieval rhetoric begins to be revealed. This Old English rhetoric rests upon a blended epideictic structure based largely upon the encomium and vituperation formats of the ancient progymnasmata, with some additions from the chreia and commonplace exercises, to form a unique rhetoric of the soul that aimed to convert words into moral thought and action within the lives of every individual. Unlike its classical predecessors, medieval rhetoric did not argue, refute, or prove; it did not rely solely on either praise or blame; and it did not cultivate words merely for intellectual, educative, or political purposes. Instead, early medieval rhetoric placed the power of words in the hands of all humanity, inspiring every individual to greater discernment of character and reality, greater spirituality, greater morality, and greater pragmatism in daily life.

Nell’ottobre del 1921 a Milano nacque la Scuola Superiore di Arte Cristiana Beato Angelico. Responsabili dell’iniziativa: don Giuseppe Polvara, l’architetto Angelo Banfi, il pittore Vanni Rossi, affiancati dallo scultore Franco Lombardi, dai sacerdoti Adriano e Domenico Bernareggi, dall’ingegner Giovanni Dedè, dal professor Giovanni Mamone e dall’avvocato Carlo Antonio Vianello. Gli allievi del primo anno scolastico furono nove, due dei quali (gli architetti don Giacomo Bettoli e Fortunato De Angeli) destinati a restare per lunghi anni nella Scuola come docenti: così avvenne anche col pittore Ernesto Bergagna, iscrittosi l’anno seguente. A partire da quell’avvenimento il contesto italiano dell’arte sacra poté contare su un elemento di indiscutibile novità, destinato nel giro di pochi anni a una rapida, diffusa e pervicace affermazione nella Penisola. La fondazione della Scuola Beato Angelico mise un punto fermo nell’annoso dibattito sul generale declino dell’arte sacra che andava in scena da lungo tempo in Italia così come nei principali Paesi europei. La formula ideata da don Polvara metteva a sistema le proprie esperienze personali, artistiche e professionali con la conoscenza del contesto internazionale, di alcuni modelli esemplari e il confronto con gruppi e singole figure (artisti, critici, uomini di Chiesa) animate dal comune desiderio di contribuire alla rinascita dell’arte sacra. A cento anni dalla sua nascita – e a settanta dalla scomparsa del suo fondatore – la Scuola Beato Angelico (coi laboratori di Architettura, Cesello, Ricamo, Pittura e Restauro) prosegue tuttora nel compito di servire la Chiesa attraverso la realizzazione di arredi e paramenti sacri contraddistinti da una particolare cura dell’aspetto artistico e liturgico, oggetto di ripetute attestazioni di merito e riconoscimenti in ambito ecclesiastico. Ciò che invece finora manca all’appello è un organico tentativo di ricostruzione delle vicende storiche che hanno segnato la genesi e gli sviluppi di questa singolare realtà artistica e religiosa. Scopo di questa tesi è quindi la restituzione di un profilo il più possibile dettagliato e ragionato della storia della Scuola Beato Angelico, tale da riportare questa vicenda al centro di una situazione storica e di un contesto culturale complesso, attraverso una prospettiva di lavoro originale condotta sul filo delle puntualizzazioni e delle riscoperte. Stante il carattere “pionieristico” di questa ricerca, la vastità dei materiali e delle fonti a disposizione e la conseguente necessità di assegnare un taglio cronologico riconoscibile al lavoro si è optato per circoscrivere l’indagine ai decenni compresi tra il 1921 e il 1950, ovvero tra la fondazione della Beato Angelico e la scomparsa di Giuseppe Polvara. Come si vedrà, il termine iniziale viene in un certo senso anticipato dall’esigenza di tratteggiare al meglio gli antefatti e il contesto da cui trae origine la Scuola (tra la fine del XIX e i primi decenni del XX secolo). L’anno assunto a conclusione della ricerca, invece, è parso una scelta quasi obbligata, coincidente col primo avvicendamento alla direzione della Beato Angelico oltre che dalla volontà di escludere dal discorso quanto andò avviandosi negli anni Cinquanta e Sessanta, ossia una nuova e diversa stagione nel campo dell’arte sacra (destinata, tra l’altro, a passare attraverso lo snodo rappresentato dal Concilio Vaticano II e dall’azione di S. Paolo VI), peraltro assai indagata dagli studi storico-artistici. Ciò che ha reso possibile la stesura di questa tesi è il fatto che essa si appoggi, in buona parte, su materiali archivistici inediti o, quantomeno, mai esaminati prima d’ora in modo strutturato. L’accesso ai materiali d’archivio più storicizzati e la loro consultazione (grazie alla disponibilità dimostrata dalla direzione della Scuola Beato Angelico) hanno condizionato in modo determinante la trattazione degli argomenti, la ricostruzione dei quali , in alcuni casi, è sostenuta esclusivamente dai documenti rinvenuti. La nascita della Scuola Beato Angelico non fu un accadimento isolato nel panorama della produzione artistica europea del tempo né un episodio estraneo a quanto, contemporaneamente, si andava dibattendo nel mondo ecclesiastico. La Scuola di Polvara nacque in un’epoca contrassegnata da grande fermento ecclesiale: si pensi agli Ateliers d’Art Sacré fondati da Maurice Denis e George Desvallières a Parigi nel 1919, solo due anni prima della Scuola milanese, i cui aderenti – tutti laici – professavano una religiosità intensa e devota. Ma, soprattutto, il modello determinante e più conosciuto da Polvara fu la Scuola di Beuron (Beuroner Kunstschule), nata nell’omonima abazia benedettina tedesca nell’ultimo quarto del XIX secolo a opera di padre Desiderius Lenz e sul cui esempio ben presto sorsero atelier specializzati nella produzione di arte sacra (arredi e paramenti a uso liturgico) in molte comunità benedettine dell’Europa centrale. L’affinità di Polvara con la spiritualità benedettina è un elemento-chiave della Scuola da lui fondata: dalla regola dell’ora et labora derivò infatti il concetto (analogo) di “preghiera rappresentata” (orando labora). L’organizzazione stessa della Scuola, impostata come in un’ideale bottega medievale dove maestri, apprendisti e allievi collaborano e convivono, riprende lo stile di vita monastico dei cenobi benedettini. Proprio al fine di conservare il più possibile il carattere della bottega medievale, il numero degli allievi ammessi alla Scuola non fu mai troppo elevato, così da mantenere un adeguato ed efficace rapporto numerico tra i discepoli e i maestri. Ancora, da Beuron la Beato Angelico trasse la particolare e inconfondibile forma grafica della lettera “e”, riconoscibile nelle numerose e lunghe epigrafi presenti in tante sue opere. Ultimo elemento in comune tra la Scuola milanese e quella tedesca – ma che si può imputare alla più generale fascinazione per l’epoca medievale – è l’unità di intenti che deve animare tutte le maestranze impegnate a creare un’opera collettiva e anonima ad maiorem Dei gloriam, dove il contributo del singolo autore rimane volutamente nascosto in favore del nome della Scuola. Ciò che differenzia, tuttora, la Scuola da analoghi centri di produzione di arte sacra è il fatto che essa poggi le fondamenta su una congregazione religiosa, la Famiglia Beato Angelico, un’idea a lungo coltivata da Polvara e approvata ufficialmente dall’autorità diocesana fra gli anni Trenta e Quaranta. Dalla comune vocazione alla creazione artistica sacra (“missione sacerdotale” dell’artista) discendono la pratica della vita comunitaria, la partecipazione ai sacramenti e ai diversi momenti quotidiani di preghiera da parte di maestri sacerdoti, confratelli e consorelle artisti, apprendisti, allievi e allieve. L’indirizzo spirituale tracciato dal fondatore per la sua Famiglia agisce ancora oggi a garanzia di una strenua fedeltà nella continuità di un progetto artistico e liturgico unico, messo in pratica da una comunità di uomini e donne legate fra loro dai canonici voti di povertà, castità e obbedienza ma soprattutto da un comune e più alto intento. Appunto per assicurare una prospettiva di sopravvivenza e futuro sviluppo della sua creatura, Polvara ebbe sempre chiara la necessità di mantenere unito l’aspetto della formazione (e quindi la didattica nei confronti degli allievi, adolescenti e giovani) con quello della produzione (spettante all’opera di collaborazione fra maestri, apprendisti e allievi). Dal punto di vista operativo le discipline artistiche, praticate nei vari laboratori in cui si articola la Scuola, concorrono, senza alcuna eccezione e nella citata forma anonima e collettiva, a creare un prodotto artistico organico e unitario, una “opera d’arte totale” che deve rispondere all’indirizzo dato dal maestro architetto (lo stesso Polvara), cui spettano devozione, rispetto e obbedienza. Alla progettazione architettonica viene dunque assegnata grande importanza e ciò comporta che le opere meglio rappresentative della Scuola Beato Angelico siano quegli edifici sacri interamente realizzati con l’intervento dei suoi laboratori per tutte o quasi le decorazioni, gli arredi, le suppellettili e i paramenti (come le chiese milanesi di S. Maria Beltrade, S. Vito al Giambellino, SS. MM. Nabore e Felice, o la chiesa di S. Eusebio ad Agrate Brianza e la cappella dell’Istituto religioso delle figlie di S. Eusebio a Vercelli). Quanto ai linguaggi espressivi impiegati dalla Scuola (il cosiddetto “stile”) si evidenziano la preferenza per il moderno razionalismo architettonico – un tema di stringente attualità, cui Polvara non mancò di dare il suo personale contributo teorico e pratico – e quella per il divisionismo in pittura, debitrice dell’antica ammirazione per l’opera di Gaetano Previati. Dall’interazione di queste due forme si origina un riconoscibile linguaggio, moderno e spirituale al tempo stesso, verificabile negli edifici come nelle singole opere, frutto di una profonda sensibilità che combina il ponderato recupero di alcune forme del passato (ad esempio l’iconografia paleocristiana reimpiegata nei motivi decorativi dei paramenti o nella foggia di alcuni manufatti, dal calice al tabernacolo, alla pianeta-casula) con lo slancio per uno stile moderno e funzionale adeguato ai tempi ma rispettoso della tradizione.
In October 1921, the Beato Angelico Higher School of Christian Art was born in Milan. Responsible for the initiative: Don Giuseppe Polvara, the architect Angelo Banfi, the painter Vanni Rossi, flanked by the sculptor Franco Lombardi, by the priests Adriano and Domenico Bernareggi, by the engineer Giovanni Dedè, by professor Giovanni Mamone and by the lawyer Carlo Antonio Vianello . There were nine pupils in the first school year, two of whom (the architects Don Giacomo Bettoli and Fortunato De Angeli) destined to remain in the School for many years as teachers: this also happened with the painter Ernesto Bergagna, who enrolled the following year. Starting from that event, the Italian context of sacred art was able to count on an element of indisputable novelty, destined within a few years to a rapid, widespread and stubborn affirmation in the Peninsula. The foundation of the Beato Angelico School put a stop to the age-old debate on the general decline of sacred art that had been staged for a long time in Italy as well as in major European countries. The formula conceived by Don Polvara put his personal, artistic and professional experiences into a system with the knowledge of the international context, some exemplary models and the comparison with groups and individual figures (artists, critics, men of the Church) animated by the common desire to contribute to the rebirth of sacred art. One hundred years after its birth - and seventy after the death of its founder - the Beato Angelico School (with the workshops of Architecture, Cesello, Embroidery, Painting and Restoration) still continues in the task of serving the Church through the creation of distinctive sacred furnishings and vestments. from a particular care of the artistic and liturgical aspect, object of repeated attestations of merit and acknowledgments in the ecclesiastical sphere. What is missing from the appeal so far is an organic attempt to reconstruct the historical events that marked the genesis and developments of this singular artistic and religious reality. The purpose of this thesis is therefore the return of a profile as detailed and reasoned as possible of the history of the Beato Angelico School, such as to bring this story back to the center of a historical situation and a complex cultural context, through an original work perspective conducted on thread of clarifications and rediscoveries. Given the "pioneering" nature of this research, the vastness of the materials and sources available and the consequent need to assign a recognizable chronological cut to the work, it was decided to limit the survey to the decades between 1921 and 1950, or between the foundation of Beato Angelico and the death of Giuseppe Polvara. As will be seen, the initial term is in a certain sense anticipated by the need to better outline the background and context from which the School originates (between the end of the 19th and the first decades of the 20th century). The year assumed at the end of the research, on the other hand, seemed an almost obligatory choice, coinciding with the first change in the direction of Beato Angelico as well as the desire to exclude from the discussion what started in the 1950s and 1960s, that is a new and different season in the field of sacred art (destined, among other things, to pass through the junction represented by the Second Vatican Council and by the action of St. Paul VI), which is however much investigated by historical-artistic studies. What made the drafting of this thesis possible is the fact that it relies, in large part, on unpublished archival materials or, at least, never examined before in a structured way. Access to the most historicized archive materials and their consultation (thanks to the availability shown by the direction of the Beato Angelico School) have decisively conditioned the discussion of the topics, the reconstruction of which, in some cases, is supported exclusively by documents found. The birth of the Beato Angelico School was not an isolated event in the panorama of European artistic production of the time nor an episode unrelated to what was being debated in the ecclesiastical world at the same time. The Polvara School was born in an era marked by great ecclesial ferment: think of the Ateliers d'Art Sacré founded by Maurice Denis and George Desvallières in Paris in 1919, only two years before the Milanese School, whose adherents - all lay people - they professed an intense and devoted religiosity. But, above all, the decisive and best known model by Polvara was the Beuron School (Beuroner Kunstschule), born in the homonymous German Benedictine abbey in the last quarter of the nineteenth century by father Desiderius Lenz and on whose example workshops specialized in the production of sacred art (furnishings and vestments for liturgical use) in many Benedictine communities in central Europe. Polvara's affinity with Benedictine spirituality is a key element of the School he founded: in fact, the (analogous) concept of "represented prayer" (orando labora) derived from the rule of the ora et labora. The very organization of the School, set up as in an ideal medieval workshop where teachers, apprentices and pupils collaborate and coexist, takes up the monastic lifestyle of the Benedictine monasteries. Precisely in order to preserve the character of the medieval workshop as much as possible, the number of students admitted to the School was never too high, so as to maintain an adequate and effective numerical ratio between disciples and masters. Again, from Beuron Fra Angelico drew the particular and unmistakable graphic form of the letter "e", recognizable in the numerous and long epigraphs present in many of his works. The last element in common between the Milanese and the German schools - but which can be attributed to the more general fascination for the medieval era - is the unity of purpose that must animate all the workers involved in creating a collective and anonymous work ad maiorem. Dei gloriam, where the contribution of the single author remains deliberately hidden in favor of the name of the School. What still differentiates the School from similar centers of production of sacred art is the fact that it rests its foundations on a religious congregation, the Beato Angelico Family, an idea long cultivated by Polvara and officially approved by the diocesan authority between the thirties and forties. From the common vocation to sacred artistic creation (the artist's "priestly mission") descend the practice of community life, the participation in the sacraments and the various daily moments of prayer by master priests, brothers and sisters artists, apprentices, pupils and pupils . The spiritual direction traced by the founder for his family still acts today as a guarantee of a strenuous fidelity in the continuity of a unique artistic and liturgical project, put into practice by a community of men and women linked together by the canonical vows of poverty, chastity. and obedience but above all from a common and higher intent. Precisely to ensure a prospect of survival and future development of his creature, Polvara always had a clear need to keep the training aspect (and therefore the teaching for students, adolescents and young people) united with that of production (due to the work of collaboration between teachers, apprentices and students). From an operational point of view, the artistic disciplines, practiced in the various laboratories in which the School is divided, contribute, without any exception and in the aforementioned anonymous and collective form, to create an organic and unitary artistic product, a "total work of art" which must respond to the address given by the master architect (Polvara himself), to whom devotion, respect and obedience are due. The architectural design is therefore assigned great importance and this means that the best representative works of the Beato Angelico School are those sacred buildings entirely made with the intervention of its laboratories for all or almost all the decorations, furnishings, furnishings and Milanese churches of S. Maria Beltrade, S. Vito al Giambellino, S. MM. Nabore and Felice, or the church of S. Eusebio in Agrate Brianza and the chapel of the religious institute of the daughters of S. Eusebio in Vercelli). As for the expressive languages used by the School (the so-called "style"), the preference for modern architectural rationalism is highlighted - a topic of stringent topicality, to which Polvara did not fail to give his personal theoretical and practical contribution - and that for Divisionism in painting, indebted to the ancient admiration for the work of Gaetano Previati. The interaction of these two forms gives rise to a recognizable language, modern and spiritual at the same time, verifiable in the buildings as in the individual works, the result of a profound sensitivity that combines the thoughtful recovery of some forms of the past (for example early Christian iconography reused in the decorative motifs of the vestments or in the shape of some artifacts, from the chalice to the tabernacle, to the chasuble-chasuble) with the impetus for a modern and functional style appropriate to the times but respectful of tradition.

The study investigates the spirituality of the Congregation of the Companions of Saint Angela Merici a Catholic women religious community. This religious Congregation was founded in 1954 in the diocese of Johannesburg, to serve the needs of the indigenous people. The person who founded this Congregation was Bishop William Patrick Whelan aMI, with the encouragement and support of Father Jean Verot aMI. At first the Catholic Church was a settler Church taking care of the needs of the settlers. It is only later that the Catholic Church became a missionary Church, outreaching to indigenous people. It is in the 1950's when the Congregation of the Companions of Saint Angela was founded , during the apartheid time. The history and the spirituality of the Congregation of the Companions of Saint Angela Merici are looked at. The first members of the Congregation of the Companions of Saint Angela Merici were trained and guided by the Ursulines, of the Roman Union in Munsieville, Krugersdorp. Some of the elements of the spirituality of this women 's religious Congregation that are explored are mutual love, hospitality, prayer life and education. The Sisters of the religious Congregation looked to Saint Angela Merici, their foundress and model , an Italian Saint who lived in the sixteenth century , and learned from her spirituality. The Sisters living In the twentieth century look at how relevant Saint Angela Merici's spirituality is to them, and how they as black women, in townships, can live this spirituality. Interviews were conducted to get some information about the religious Congregation of the Companions of Saint Angela Merici. A questionnaire was send to two Sisters who belong to this religious Congregation of the Companions of Saint Angela Merici but only Sister Mary Modise CSA responded positively to being interviewed. Father Thomas O'Dea, a Missionary Oblate of Mary Immaculate gave some direct information that he remembered regarding this particular Congregation of the Companions of Saint Angela Merici. A final conclusion to be drawn from this study is that the Congregation of the Companions of Saint Angela Merici is faced with the challenge to inculturate some of the elements of this spirituality and re-Iook at their charism at some General Chapters. Lastly, some of the challenges that face the present Congregation of Sisters of the Companions of Saint Angela Merici are formation and a way of practically living the charism and their prayer life.
Thesis (M.Th.)-University of Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2003.

碩士
國立臺北教育大學
音樂學系碩士班
97
This thesis is focused on the research and interpretation of Virgil Thomson’s “Five Songs from William Blake” and three arias of operas – “Once in a while” from Four Saints in Three Acts; “What is it” from The Mother of Us All; “Angel More” from The Mother of Us All. It is divided into five chapters as follows. Chapter 1: introduction, it includes the motivations, purposes, methods and songs that this research covers. Chapter 2: Thomson’s life and his music styles. Chapter 3: the research and interpretation of Virgil Thomson’s “Five Songs from William Blake”. The first part is to introduce William Blake - the poet, and the second part is the research and interpretation of the “Five Songs”. Chapter 4: the research and interpretation of three arias of operas. The first part is to introduce Gertrude Stein - the poet, and the second part is the research and interpretation of “Once in a while”, “What is it” and “Angel More”. Chapter 5: conclusion. The writer hopes via this research paper, more people will be interested in Thomson’s vocal music.

ANNOTATION: The work The Mirror of Reality in the Imagery of Dreams of the 19th and 20th Centuries - Creative Individuality versus the Chaos of the Time is based on the assumption that dreams are inseparably linked to the concept of existence in human life (Michel Foucault). The study touches on the ways in which dreams are depicted in visual culture that does not coincide with chronologically organized historical events, but is an expression of a free alliance between artists in the European space and centuries of common experience. These works are generally socially critical, exposed to unimaginable pressure from public censorship. The artist must pretend it is only an innocent game, a crazy idea, a whim. At the same time, these paintings are not an expression of boundless imagination, but they are subject to the firm rules of spatial construction of the painting. This is due to the traditional delimitation of dark depths - the underworld of Virgil's Saturn myth of pre-Roman culture, alternating with the vertically felt open heavens as variants of the original Plato's The Myth of Er, which in the 20th century paintings is replaced by the idea of an open landscape with illumination on the low horizon. The work deals with the work of Albrecht Dürer, his copperplate Melancholia I (1514) and his so-called...