Literatura académica sobre el tema "Agrarian backwardness"

<strong>English</strong><br />From the agrarian politic history view, the eastern region of Indonesia has a relatively strong competition potential in the global arena. However, since the past five decades, the capacity of socio-economic-politic-culture of the eastern region of Indonesia was degraded to the lowest level. The political planning concern of the central government in the agrarian resource development management is the obstacle point to allow serious implication on social gap and backwardness. The agrarian politic set back in the western part of Indonesia has a heavy influence on the community’s socio-economic livelihood who are depending on local agrarian resources. The prominent ability of several local kings of kingdoms in the eastern Indonesia to perform agricultural trade at a global level during the period of 15-18 centuries has no longer existed. In the future, a strong political support is required to reform agrarian development planning for the eastern region of Indonesia. The plan should cover: First, the vision and direction to establish a strong, self-support, high competitive, fair, and sustainable industrial community based on the existing agrarian resource management. Second, to produce high value of agrarian products, manage by integrated organizations, use high technology and innovation, apply sharing system on collective assets, and select appropriate business adjusted to the existing local agro-ecosystems. Third, strengthen infrastructure networks, support financial institutions, and apply law enforcement in accordance with good governance in a decentralized government administration. Fourth, to establish the community’s rights to express their political opinion and aspiration, to involve in organization (economic, society, and politic), and support on local wisdom. Fifth, to perform policies that integrates agrarian management, safety and defense, and the empowerment of civil society in the eastern part of Indonesia.<br /><br /><br /><strong>Indonesian</strong><br />Dilihat dari sejarah politik agraria, kawasan timur Indonesia mempunyai potensi daya kompetisi relatif kuat dalam “pertarungan” global. Hanya saja, sejak lima dekade terakhir secara sosio-ekonomi-politik-budaya kawasan timur Indonesia berbalik menjadi sangat memprihatinkan. Kepedulian politik perencanaan pemerintah pusat dalam pengembangan pengelolaan sumber daya agraria setempat tampaknya menjadi titik lemah yang berimplikasi serius terhadap munculnya keterbelakangan dan kesenjangan sosial. Kemunduran politik agraria yang terjadi di kawasan barat Indonesia berimbas sangat berat terhadap tingkat kehidupan sosial-ekonomi masyarakat berbasis pengelolaan sumber daya agraria setempat. Kehebatan kemajuan perdagangan produk agraris yang dikendalikan secara politik di tingkat global oleh beberapa kerajaan di kawasan timur Indonesia pada rentang abad 15-18 saat ini sudah hampir tidak tersisa lagi. Pada masa mendatang perlu dukungan politik yang kuat untuk merumuskan kembali perencanaan pembangunan agraria di kawasan timur Indonesia. Substansi perencanaan mencakup: Pertama, visi dan arah yang mengutamakan terbentuknya masyarakat industrial berbasis pengelolaan sumber daya agraria yang kuat, mandiri, berdaya saing tinggi, adil, dan berkelanjutan. Kedua, dihasilkannya produk agraria bernilai tambah tinggi, dikelola dengan organisasi yang utuh (tidak tersekat-sekat), sarat dengan muatan iptek tinggi, penguasaan aset secara kolektif dengan sharing system yang lebih adil, serta pilihan usaha yang sesuai dengan kekayaan agroekosistem setempat. Ketiga, dilakukan penguatan terhadap jaringan infrastruktur, kelembagaan modal finansial, penegakan hukum, serta good governance dalam penyelenggaraan pemerintahan yang desentralistik. Keempat, penguatan hak-hak warga dalam berpendapat dan beraspirasi secara politik, berorganisasi (ekonomi, kemasyarakatan, dan politik), serta pemberdayaan aspek kearifan lokal. Kelima, kebijakan politik yang mengintegrasikan pengelolaan agraria, pertahanan dan keamanan, serta penguatan civil society di kawasan timur Indonesia.

AbstractAnthropology, the relativizing countercurrent to Enlightenment notions of civilization and progress, has long challenged notions of backwardness. By contrast, Marxist-Leninist regimes had no doubts about the world-historical backwardness of the largely agrarian societies in which they came to power, which they sought to transform through rapid industrialization. According to some indicators, this socialist civilizing mission was rather successful. Yet memories are mixed, and complicated by the reappearance of typical features of backwardness in the postsocialist era. This article explores changing political economies and the spatiotemporal imaginaries of elites and villagers in Hungary. Historical and theoretical insight is drawn from Ferenc Erdei (1910–1971), a left-leaning populist whose analysis of rural Hungary has more general relevance. Case materials are presented from a region of the Great Plain that in the longue durée exemplifies the “development of underdevelopment” on the margins of Western capitalism. Civilizational transformations were instigated from the east in the socialist decades, but their vehicle was a collectivist ideology that remained alien. The politics and economics of time now render villagers susceptible to populist imaginaries entirely different from those of Erdei.

Agriculture plays an important role in solving the socio-economic and food problems of our country, as well as in employment. Recent economic crises and the backwardness of the oil sector have also had a negative impact on the Azerbaijani economy. Therefore, our country has recently been paying attention to the development of the non-oil sector. In modern times, labor-intensive areas of agriculture are being developed in our country. There is great potential for agricultural development in Azerbaijan. Since the years of independence, gross agricultural output has increased. Key words: Labor-intensive agriculture, agriculture, animal husbandry, Agrarian-Industrial Complexes, agro-parks

The article examines the essence of foreign economic activity of enterprises, the features and prospects of its implementation in the field of agrarian and industrial complex. Based on the conducted analysis, it is proved that agrarian export of Ukraine plays a significant role in the formation of the budget and GDP of the country, since its share in 2018 was 14.2% of GDP and 33.4% of the total national exports of goods. The dynamics of export-import operations of the agrarian sector is explored and it is found that it demonstrates a positive trend in contrast to the general foreign trade balance of Ukraine. The analysis of the agrarian exports structure in 2010-2019 confirms the growth of the share of the majority of agrarian products types sold abroad. However, Ukrainian exports are mainly oriented towards raw materials, which, among other reasons, is associated with technological backwardness and the limited ability of domestic agricultural producers to purchase modern equipment and technologies due to theirs low solvency. The commodity orientation of Ukrainian exports makes the competitive position of Ukraine in foreign markets vulnerable, since the demand for commodities is unstable and is characterized by significant price volatility. The geographical structure of foreign trade in agrarian products and the possibilities of its further diversification are investigated. The majority of Ukrainian products in Europe are purchased in Poland, Italy and Germany. Significant connoisseurs of Ukrainian products are also Turkey, China, India, Egypt. Ukrainian exports should be expanded to Asian and Eastern countries. The key problems that put the brakes on the development of the foreign economic activity of the enterprises of agrarian and industrial complex and hinder the competitiveness increase of domestic agrarian products in the international market are identified. A number of measures are proposed to promote the further development of the foreign economic activity of the enterprises of agrarian and industrial complex, including the development of appropriate strategies taking into account global market trends, harmonization and compliance with the quality and safety standards of agrarian products, improving the innovative component, strengthening state support (including financial) of the export-oriented agrarian enterprises, improving the investment climate, and more.

The opening of Spain to international political relations in the 1950s and the economic growth that began at end of that decade was linked to the agricultural sector and aid from the United States. American tender was needed to break the technological bottleneck, modernise Spanish agriculture and end the secular backwardness of a key sector for economic development. The aim of this article is to analyse the transcendental importance of US aid in Spanish agrarian development, through the INC colonization policy, machinery import programmes and knowledge transfer. This study is based on the INC documentary collection in the Central Archive of the Agriculture and Food Area of the Ministry of Agriculture, Food and Environment. In the introduction, we describe the situation of the Spanish agrarian sector in the 1950s, followed by an analysis of US aid to Spain in Section 2. In the third and fourth sections, we explain the application of the McCarran Amendment and Public Law 480 in the INC, and in the fifth section we look at the overall effects and impacts of US aid in Spanish agricultural development. The article ends with some conclusions that demonstrate the importance of this aid.

The article is devoted to the problems of overcoming the technical and technological backwardness of the agrarian sector of the region. In modern conditions, the state is faced with the task of ensuring the effective management of the entire national economy, while the agro-industrial complex is one of the most important life-supporting areas. Food supply and well-being of the population depend on the state of the agro-industrial complex. At the same time, the agricultural complex retains the position of a less prepared industry for the transition to an innovative path of development and solving the issue of import substitution under sanctions. On the example of the Republic of Sakha (Yakutia), the article reflects negative trends that impede the development of the industry. The need to form an innovation process in the agro-industrial complex and its transition to a new economic strategy is defined as a primary task.

Abstract Background: In Montenegro, there is a growing awareness of the necessity to further develop sustainable forms of tourism and foster economic development of mostly agrarian northern rural areas. However, this is of the utmost importance not only for sustaining local economy, but also for creating more balanced framework for territorial development. Objectives: Paper aims to set a framework for studying the role of innovations and entrepreneurship in developing sustainable agro-tourism in Montenegro through identifying main resources, obstacles, challenges and potentials of the process. Methods/Approach: The analysis is based on both review of the secondary sources and the fieldwork conducted between June and October 2015 in rural areas of Kuci and Durmitor, as well as the number of interviews with farmers and tourism professionals from the country. Results: The results highlighted the low levels of both entrepreneurial culture and hospitality awareness amongst local population, lack of investments, infrastructural backwardness and insufficient government support as the main obstacles to developing successful and sustainable agro-tourism ventures. Conclusions: Public bodies should create a comprehensive strategy for sustainable tourism development, which should focus on providing incentives, training and support to the farmers eager to diversify their agro-activities through entrepreneurial actions.

The need to rebuild civil society was a prominent theme in dissident writings in East-Central Europe in late socialism, but the revival of this concept deserves close scrutiny and local contextualization. This article identifies two currents in Hungarian debates, one focused on addressing problems of backwardness by opening up paths of material embourgeoisement and the other on abstract liberal notions of associational freedom. It then outlines successive transformations of economic and social life in a small Hungarian town where no industry existed prior to socialism and the dominant political forces were populist in the sense of ‘peasantism’. The agrarian and industrial transformations of the socialist decades were undone in the 1990s. In the 2010s, under governments led by Viktor Orbán, it is argued that norms of civility have been threatened by postpeasant illiberalism. If civil society was the gauntlet laid down to social theorists by East-Central Europe in 1989, the challenge posed by this region nowadays is the theorization of incivility and a new brand of populism. It is suggested that these political processes are driven by the collapse of socialist embourgeoisement and the emergence of a new national bourgeoisie under peripheral capitalism, and that some of the moral responsibility for these developments lies with the unwavering intellectual enthusiasts of abstract liberalism.

At the turn of the century agrarian parties emerged in large parts of Europe. The parties had one thing in common: they stood up for the social, economic, cultural, and political interests of the agrarian society. The Swedish agrarian parties - 1 Bondeförbundet ' and 'Jordbrukarnas Riksförbund1 - were formed between 1913 and 1915.In this study the agrarian parties are not considered to be class parties. Instead, they are described as traditional parties, defending the old agrarian community against expansive industrialization. Their potential voters belonged to various social strata in the agrarian community, and their political programme, often characterized by a markedly negative view of modern society and by cultural protectionism, is summarized here under the term agrarianism. Agrarianism seen as a political theory and an applicable ideology had features in common with Conservatism as well as with Fascism and Socialism. Liberal values, however, were kept in the background.A modernization perspective is adopted in order to demonstrate that the agrarian parties were in fact traditional parties. It is assumed that regional variation in the electoral support of the agrarian parties reflects the modernization process, and, consequently, that the parties were weaker in industrial areas and stronger in socially and economically backward areas.The empirical studies show that the Agrarian parties stand out as traditional parties rather than class parties. Their voter support was stronger in areas where the historical and economic development was characterized by stagnation and conservatism, as well as in areas where social mobilization advanced slowly. In more industrialized and modernized areas conditions were quite the opposite. A study of Swedish interwar agrarianism with special regard to regional variations in party strength proves the agrarian parties to be the inheritors of a way of life formed by centuries of agrarian traditions.
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The success of the Bolshevik Revolution confirmed that economic backwardness was not necessarily an obstacle for socialism, as it triggered the radicalization of leftist movements in the region. Yet this also led to polarization of the left on questions of Soviet-Russian developments and possible cooperation with non-socialist parties, as well as agrarian and national questions. While in many countries social democracy entered the political mainstream in the 1920s, its position was undermined by the rise of right-wing authoritarianism. In turn, the Great Depression made the communist position more plausible, but the Stalinization of communist parties and the imposition of socialist realism alienated most intellectual supporters. Eventually, some radical leftists turned against the communist movement attacking its dogmatism and the Stalinist show trials. At the same time, the rise of Nazism forced leftist groups to seek a common ground, first in the form of “Popular Front” ideology, and, during the war, in the form of armed partisan movements.

Chapter one traces Brazilian sugarcane, and the agricultural sector generally, across the first half of the twentieth century. This includes registering outside influences, particularly from the United States. The chapter argues that many farmers, observers, and policymakers shared two somewhat contradictory views of Brazilian agriculture. The conviction of an agrarian destiny was as widespread as the fear of agricultural backwardness. These two discourses shaped debates across the twentieth century and found their way into intense struggles over how the country should develop economically and what balance it should strike between agriculture and industry. As with other crops, sugarcane’s fate was debated along these lines. The discourses also set the terms of discussion about regional differences, competition, and inequality.

This chapter analyzes the contradictory regional class and caste politics of large-scale land investments in Maharashtra, India, focusing on the conversion of peri-urban agricultural land into urban real estate. The chapter uses the case of the Khed special economic zones (SEZ) to explore these contradictions and unexpected twists in Maharashtra's land commodification tale. Whereas dominant agrarian castes long-invested in commodity agricultural production and with the deepest ties to urban capital vociferously protested land acquisition for the formation of a special economic zone, Adivasi “tribals” along with Dalit groups historically dependent on “waste” lands embraced forced land acquisition. It shows how historic narratives of waste that twin expectations about poor land quality to presumptions of wasteland occupants' social backwardness were leveraged by lower-class and -caste groups to portray land expropriation as a means of pursuing a place in the urban economy. Ultimately, the chapter highlights how fictions of waste that previously excluded the most socially subordinated groups from crop capitalism became an instrument of urban inclusion.

Abstract One of the difficulties faced by the historian of early modern Europe is to describe accurately a society and economy in which backwardness persisted yet where there were important trends towards what might be called modernity, perhaps even capitalism. Precise terminology is not easy to find: for example, are the terms ‘pre-industrial’ and ‘proto-industrial’ useful concepts when applied to this period? Recently, some French socio-economic historians, instead of emphasizing change, have substituted the idea of so-called ‘immobile history’, or ‘history that stands still’.’ They argue that during a long period of what was primarily agrarian history (variously described as 1320–1720, 1450–1720 or 1400–1800), society was imprisoned in its basic economic underdevelopment. This in turn is a revision of the more optimistic viewpoint of the French economic historian Simiand, expressed over fifty years ago, that the sixteenth century was a period of economic expansion (phase A), while the seventeenth century was one of recession (phase B). Such views may contain substantial truths but they are open to three objections. Firstly, the expansion of Simiand’s phase A did not occur evenly in all sectors of the economy: agriculture did not prosper throughout Europe in the sixteenth century. Secondly, some economies expanded during Simiand’s phase B: the prosperity of the Dutch Republic occurred at a time of general recession. Thirdly, the transition from phase A to phase B did not occur uniformly in Europe at any one fixed date nor was it to be found in all areas of economic activity at the same time. This is particularly true of price levels.