Tesis sobre el tema "Africans and Foreigners"

Xenophobia is a fear or contempt of that which is foreign or unknown, especially of strangers or foreign people. It comes from the Greek words ξένος (xenos), meaning "foreigner," "stranger," and φόβος (phobos), meaning "fear." The term is typically used to describe a fear or dislike of foreigners or of people significantly different from oneself.1 On 11 May 2008 foreigners, mainly black people who lived in poor areas were attacked by South African citizens in South Africa; the attacks started in Alexandra, Johannesburg and spread to other areas in the country.2 Due to the occurrence 62 people were officially confirmed dead; 342 foreigners‟ shops were looted and 213 burnt down.3 Forty one foreigners were killed during the incident; such kinds of xenophobic attacks against foreigners had taken place in the country before, having reached their peak in May 2008.4 Further, „at least 670 people were wounded, and over 100 000 displaced.‟
Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2011.
A dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Law University of Pretoria, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Masters of Law (LLM in Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa). Prepared under the supervision of Dr. Henry Onoria of the Faculty of Law, University of Makerere. 2010.
http://www.chr.up.ac.za/
Centre for Human Rights
LLM

Magister Artium (Development Studies) - MA(DVS)
This thesis is an exploratory study of how African international students at the University of the Western Cape (UWC) in South Africa experience xenophobic attitudes and behaviours, and how they make sense of it. In post-apartheid South Africa, the xenophobia phenomenon has become an intensely debated issue. While numerous researchers have attempted to investigate the forms of xenophobia and the underlying reasons of aggressive behaviour towards foreign migrants in South Africa, very few studies have been done thus far on xenophobia at South African Higher learning institutions. In this research I am interested in finding out whether international students particularly African international students at UWC, encounter xenophobia on campus and outside the academic environment. An Ethnographic study was conducted on and off the UWC campus, which involved participant observation, in-depth one on one interviews, focus group and diaries which were kept by key informants to record their daily experiences. The research participants were ten UWC African international students, who stay on and off campus, from different levels and field of study. The strategy to analyse the data was framed on basis of inductive approach. Moreover, informal discussions were used as a source of data to this study and I also made use of my own experiences as of one of African international students at UWC. The findings pinpoint that xenophobic experiences of African international students inside and outside the university include exclusion, discrimination, verbal abuse, blames and harassments, as well as stereotypes. The findings also show that xenophobic violence is experienced off campus. Although the violence experience was reported by one student out of the research participants, this issue is still pertinent enough to be considered. The central argument of the thesis is that while no violence against foreign African students has been reported from UWC, this does not mean that there would be no instances of xenophobia there. Instead, this research shows that because at higher learning institutions we find mostly people of the social middle classes, xenophobia is expressed in subtle ways through negative attitudes and behaviours towards foreign students.

Thesis (MTech (Business Administration in Project Management))--Cape Peninsula University of Cape Town, 2018.
The demand for project management specialists grows worldwide. Traditionally, certain industries have been more project-oriented than others. However, nowadays, organisations in both private and public sector have embraced Project Management as the ideal means of managing projects with the hopes of ensuring the intended benefit delivery. Project management is a skill that is in high demand in South Africa. Project managers play a vital role in the economic growth of a developing country. This has resulted in organisations investing considerable resources to ensure that they build the capacity needed to effectively manage projects. South Africa is a diverse country in terms of age, culture, education, gender, race and religion amongst a group of people living or working together. Globalization has increased diversity within the workplace which is challenging and worsened knowing the country’s history. The attributes required to be a successful project manager include excellent interpersonal, communication skills, project management skills, adept problem solving and the ability to work well under pressure, whilst being highly adaptable and logical thinker. Confidence, strong negotiating skills and being able to motivate a team in order to achieve the goals is necessary; a project manager is a leader and a skilled delegator. Managers have diverse team to manage which speaks to the need for people of the different social dispositions to be able to co-exist. In the workplace, there is generally an organisational culture that speaks largely to how things are done. The culture observed by the outside world is largely because of the coming together of all the different people, with different origins, different tastes and different objectives. In this study, a construct was developed to identify the perceptions of the subordinates about the environment they work in and to identify the exact differences – things or behaviours that are perceived to be alien to their expectations.

This paper provides an analysis of xenophobic violence in South Africa. By examining the root of the term 'xenophobia' it is possible to show how the term has evolved to mean something entirely different in the present day. De Doorns, a small farming town in the Western Cape of South Africa is used as a case study, showing how the xenophobic violence that occurred there in November 2009 arose and manifested. Through informal interviews, analyses of available local and regional statistical data a picture of the xenophobia in De Doorns emerges and is then examined in terms of the current theories on xenophobia. The resulting finding provide some new insight into xenophobia in South Africa and how it is evolving. Past assumptions that locate the root of xenophobic sentiment leading to xenophobic action in a 'hatred' of foreigners may be mistaken as xenophobia can (and does) occur in areas with low levels of prejudice towards foreigners. It does so because dissatisfaction with the government sometimes results in a new form of protest that is, to all appearances, xenophobia, but is not necessarily motivated by xenophobic intent. Rather an underlying xenophobic sentiment that exists throughout the nation has opened the door for poor South Africans to target foreign Africans a tool of protest in order to gain government attention. The whole concept of 'xenophobia' has evolved far beyond its roots to refer to actions that are taken against foreigners for the simple reason that they are foreign. As attacks on foreigners occur with increasing frequency in South Africa it is ever more important to gain a deep understanding of each individual outbreak in order to create a holistic and informed picture of South African xenophobia. This research suggests that some of the basic questions underlying research into xenophobia to be questioned.

This study was conducted to identify and analyse Mail and Guardian Online moderation outputs which contradicted the platform‟s own stated policy on hate speech and other forms of problematic speech. The moderation outputs considered were a battery of readers‟ comments that were posted in response to Thought Leader blogs on xenophobia published between May and June, 2008. This was the same period a series of xenophobic attacks was taking place in some parts of South Africa, leaving an estimated 62 people dead, more than 30,000 displaced, and countless victims injured and robbed of their property. The attacks were a catalytic moment that enabled a whole range of discursive positions to be articulated, defended, contested and given form in the media. They also made visible the potential tensions between free speech on the one hand, and hate and other problematic speech on the other. Using qualitative methods of thematic content analysis, document review, individual interviews, and an eclectic approach of framing analysis and rhetorical argumentation, this study found instances of divergence between the M&G policy and practice on User Generated Content. It found that some moderator-approved content advocated hate, hatred, hostility, incitement to violence and/or harm, and unfair discrimination against foreign residents, contrary to the M&G policy which is informed by the constitutional provisions in both section 16 of the Bill of Rights and section 10 of the Equality Act. Based on examples in the readers‟ comments of how „the foreigner‟ was made to signify unemployment, poverty, disease, unfair competition, and all manner of deprivation, and bearing in mind how such individuals have also become a site for the violent convergence of different unresolved tensions in the country, the study‟s findings argue that the M&G – a progressive paper dealing with a potentially xenophobic readership (at least a portion of it) – should have implemented its policy on acceptable speech more effectively. The study also argues that the unjustifiable reference to foreigners as makwerekwere, illegals, illegal aliens, parasites, invaders and border jumpers, among other terms, assigned them a diminished place – that of unwanted foreigner – thereby reproducing the order of discourse that utilises nationality as a space for the expurgation of the „other‟. The study argues that the use of bogus (inflated) immigration statistics and repeated reference to the foreigners‟ supposedly parasitic relationship to the country‟s resources also unfairly constructed them as the „threatening other‟ and potentially justified action against them.

Magister Artium - MA
This mini-thesis is a discourse analysis of the representations of black ‘foreigners’ in the media with reference to xenophobia. In this specific context, the study investigates and analyses the textual representations of black ‘foreigners’ in the Daily Sun, a South African tabloid newspaper during the period February 2008 till December 2008. For the theoretical and systematic framework, the study essentially combined critical discourse analysis (Van Dijk, 1993, Wodak, 2012) and the notion moral panics to explain the language used and subsequent impact of the media in shaping xenophobic attitudes (Goode and Ben-Yehuda, 1994). This investigation into the representations of black foreigners examines the media coverage of black African immigrant stories that appeared in the Daily Sun in the designated time period. A total of one hundred and twenty-four (124) news articles were selected from the files reserved at the South African National Archives in Cape Town. These data are extracts of news articles from the Daily Sun newspaper collected during the progress of the study. The main focus of this investigation is on how the Daily Sun portrayed and depicted black foreigners and the violence perpetuated again them. This study found that, on the one hand the Daily Sun, portrayed black foreigners as victims and on the other hand as aggressors or abusers of the social and legal system in South Africa. This ambiguity reflects the relationship between black foreigners and black local citizens. Black foreigners themselves are a diverse group and the Daily Sun depicts these nationalities in different, often stereotypical ways. This study contributes to our understanding of black African immigration to South Africa as well as the responses of local citizens to this process. By focusing on how representations of African immigrants are constructed in this specific South African tabloid newspaper, we are given insight into the xenophobic attitudes of many ordinary South Africans.

During the latest armed conflict in the Central African Republic (CAR) from 2013 to the present, narratives emerged regarding who was an autochthon and who was not, pitting “true Central Africans” against “foreigners”, Christians against Muslims. This new cycle of violence is embedded in a long history of political violence in the CAR. Still, the claim of one group being more autochthon than another has not been a prominent feature of previous conflicts, neither has fighting in the past formed so clearly along religious identities. Being a Son of the Soil, an autochthon, evokes an image that denies CAR’s history of migration of social groups and reify fixity, and such conflicts have also been present in other parts of Africa, as well as in Europe and Asia. To date, most literature seeking to understand autochthony-related armed conflict has been dominated by elite-centric analysis that highlight the mobilization of autochthony as a strategy to retain power in cases of political liberalization or democratization (Cameroon, Kenya or Côte d’Ivoire). When not elite-centric, analyses of autochthony-related conflict have emphasized land, access to land issues or crudely predatory logics of vigilante groups on the local level (Côte d’Ivoire or the DRC). In CAR, neither political liberalization, nor land issues alone were prominent, but autochthony was a strategy as witnessed in other African cases of autochthony-related armed conflicts. In that sense, this research asks how and why is autochthony being mobilized in the CAR politics before and after the 2013 coup? The dissertation argues that elites and ordinary citizens discursively mobilize autochthony as an identity capital across various scales. They do it to access non-land related resources, claim hierarchy, and discriminate against the other. The mobilization of autochthony is tied to longer legitimacy-seeking strategies of the elite, and autochthony is a symbolic myth that can be mobilized at various levels. The dissertation’s main theoretical contribution is to challenge the tendency to consider elites and supporters as belonging and subscribing to different discursive realm. This study has considered that autochthony links leaders and their followers in a type of pre-given conception that no longer needs explanation. This contributes to considering elites and their supporters as tied by the same discursive realm, but the concrete meaning of the discourse is different across multiple levels. To make the argument, the dissertation uses a qualitative multi-method approach predominantly centered on discourse analysis, fieldwork, interviews, and newspapers archival research. My research shows that understanding autochthony violence requires a simultaneous analysis of how autochthony is given meaning at different levels by various actors in everyday practices from the macro to the micro. Instrumentalizing autochthony lies at the interplay of all these levels. In this work, autochthony is vague enough to connect leaders to followers and, at the same time, precise enough for listeners to make sense of the term by connecting it to their daily experience of it. The long-term existence of the autochthony discourse allows it to change and morph at times of heightened crisis. It does not emerge overnight, but it has a longer genealogy that must be understood in context. That is, it is not simply because Bozizé targeted Muslim-foreigners in his speeches that people mobilized against them. Top-down manipulation might have resonated with followers but understanding of autochthony also operated independently of the top-down manipulation. That the conflict manifested around sectarian lines fits within an autochthony framework because autochthony is an empty identity marker whose content can be filled in many ways – most frequently with reference to ethnicity, religion, language, myths of origin, or some combination of such markers.

Que l’on appréhende le droit uniforme sous l’angle du droit international privé ou que l’on mesure les incidences de la vision communautaire du droit uniforme sur l’évolution du droit international privé des Etats membres, les interactions entre droit uniforme africain et droit international privé peuvent se résumer aux constats suivants. La simple uniformisation du droit entre des Etats se révèle insuffisante à éliminer ou à résorber les conflits de lois et au-delà l’ensemble des difficultés suscitées par l’élément d’extranéité à savoir les conflits de juridictions, la condition des étrangers … Les raisons en sont notamment que l’unification du droit (règles de fond et règles de procédure) n’a jamais pu être totale, des points irréductibles pouvant se révéler insurmontables au stade de la conception des règles uniformes mais aussi l’uniformisation pouvant s’altérer par la suite, lors de son application, du fait de divers facteurs. Les législateurs supranationaux ont donc dû accompagner, le plus souvent, les règles uniformes de fond de règles uniformes de droit international privé de sorte qu’on conclut, en droit uniforme africain, à l’émergence d’un droit international privé d’origine communautaire. Secrété par un droit, lui-même spécifique, se situant à l’intersection du droit international et du droit interne, du droit public et du droit privé, le droit international privé issu du droit uniforme africain sera lui aussi nécessairement spécifique dans sa conception, dans ses méthodes, outils ou instruments même s’il fait preuve à certains égards d’un certain classicisme. Son avènement a bouleversé les assises du droit international privé interne des Etats membres et au delà celles de la discipline du droit international privé elle-même. Toutefois, ce droit international privé, encore en gestation, reste lacunaire dans ses outils et instruments et doit prendre nécessairement appui sur celui des Etats membres comme une nécessité vitale
Either uniform law is seen from the point of view of the private international law or either one assesses the impact of the communal vision of uniform law on the evolution of private international law of member states, the interactions between African uniform law and private international law can all be summed up as follows. A mere unification of laws between some states is not enough to eliminate or solve conflicts of laws and all the difficulties brought about by foreign origin element, such as jurisdiction disputes, foreigners legal status,… The reasons of this situation are that the unification of law (content and procedure rules) has never been total because some indomitable points may prove to be insurmountable at the level of the drafting of uniform rules, but also because the unification of laws can deteriorate further on during its implementation due to various factors. Therefore, the supranational lawmakers have often had to back up the uniform content rules with the uniform rules of private international laws. This leads, in the African uniform law to the emergence of a private international law with a communal origin. The private international law deriving from African uniform law will also be specific in its conception, its methods, its tools or instrument, even if to some extent, it shows some classicism. This is because the private international law deriving from the African uniform law has been fathered by a law which is specific in itself because it stands between international and home law, between public and private law. Its advent has upset the basics of the international home law of member states but also the basics of the private international law itself. However, this private international law which is still in its gestation period still has some weaknesses in its instruments and rules and must necessarily lean on that of member states as it is a vital necessity

The aim of this study is to confirm whether illegal immigration to South Africa is being regarded as a threat to national security and to analyse the implications thereof. The dissertation presents three assumptions to be explored and tested, namely:

• Illegal immigration poses a growing threat to South Africa’s national security. The latter is due to an increase in the number of illegal immigrants entering the country as well as their seemingly increasing involvement in especially violent crime.
• The South African government does not adequately acknowledge the threat potential of illegal immigration with regard to the country’s national security status and as such adequate measures are not being taken to curb the influx of illegal immigrants.
• Violent attacks on foreigners in South Africa have been seen as xenophobia, however, specific factors exist that contributed to these attacks.

The study is conducted and contextualised in terms of the theory of national security, more specifically as it applies to developing countries. It aims to analyse the security implications of illegal immigration for South Africa, with specific reference to the involvement of foreigners in crime in South Africa and also focus on the political implications, more especially the role of foreigners in fomenting political violence. The study accepts the notion that the phenomenon is multi-dimensional and that it cannot be divorced from its socio-economic implications. Reference is therefore made to the political, social, economic and crime dimensions. The dissertation also focuses on the official and public views on illegal immigration and analyse measures adopted by the South African government to address the issue. The study predominantly focuses on the period 1994 to 2008 in an effort to demonstrate the extent of the increase in the number of illegal immigrants to South Africa following the advent of the new dispensation. It further attempts to ascertain whether this increase could be linked to the rise in incidences of violent crime in South Africa during the period in question. AFRIKAANS : Die doel van die studie is om te bepaal of onwettige immigrasie na Suid Afrika toenemend beskou word as ‘n bedreiging vir nasionale veiligheid en, tweedens, om die implikasies daarvan te analiseer. Die studie stel drie aannames voor vir toetsing en verdere bespreking, naamlik:

• Onwettige immigrasie bedreig Suid Afrika se nasionale veiligheid toenemend. Laasgenoemde stelling is gebaseer op die toename in die getal onwettige immigrante wat Suid Afrika binnekom, sowel as aan die betrokkenheid van onwettige immigrante in misdaad (veral geweldadige misdade) in Suid Afrika.
• Die Suid Afrikaanse regering beskou die potensiële bedreiging van onwettige immigrasie vir nasionale veiligheid nie met die nodige erns nie en gevolglik word die nodige maatrëels nie ingestel om die toenemende instroming van omwettige immigrante na Suid Afrika te bekamp nie.
• Geweld teenoor vreemdelinge in Suid Afrika word alom gesien as xenofobies van aard, alhoewel spesifieke faktore teenwoordig is wat bydra tot sulke aanvalle.

Die studie is gebaseer op die teoretiese beginsels van nasionale veiligheid en meer spesifiek soos dit van toepassing is op ontwikkelende lande. Die studie poog om die veiligheidsimplikasies van onwettige immigrasie na Suid Afrika te analiseer, met spesifieke verwysing na die betrokkenheid van onwettige immigrante by misdaad in Suid Afrika. Daar word ook gefokus op die politieke gevolge, insluitend die opvatting dat vreemdelinge betrokke is by, of bydra tot politieke spanning in sekere gemeenskappe. Die studie aanvaar die beginsel dat onwettige immigrasie multi-dimensioneel is en dat dit onlosmaaklik verbonde is aan die sosio-ekonomiese impak daarvan. Gevolglik word verwys na die politieke, sosiale, ekonomiese en misdaad impak van onwettige immigrasie. Die studie fokus verder ook op die amptelike en nie-amptelike standpunte oor onwettige immigrasie en analiseer die maatrëels deur die Suid Afrikaanse regering ingestel ten einde die vraagstuk aan te spreek. Die studie fokus oorwegend op die periode 1994 tot 2008 ten einde die toename in die getal omwettige immigrante wat die land sedert 1994 binnegekom het, aan te dui. Verder poog die studie om vas te stel of daar ‘n verband bestaan tussen die toename in onwettige immigrante en ‘n toename in geweldadige misdaad in Suid Afrika in die periode onder bespreking. Copyright
Dissertation (MSS)--University of Pretoria, 2009.
Political Sciences
unrestricted

A research report submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the award of degree of Master of Art in Social Development in the The Department of Social Work, School of Human and Community Development, Faculty of Humanities, University of the Witwatersrand, 2020
Violent attacks on foreign nationals are a worldwide phenomenon that is also evident in South Africa. The negative consequences of these attacks can be felt from individual, family, community/societal and national perspectives. Most of the attacks that have been perpetrated in South Africa have been associated with young people (Tella, 2016; King, 2013). Hence, the primary aim of the study was to explore the views of young South Africans living at a vocational centre in Hillbrow, Johannesburg. The study adopted a qualitative approach and it was also exploratory in nature. Narrative, research design was applied. The study conducted semi-structured interviews with fifteen participants and two key informants who were selected through purposive sampling. Thematic analysis was used to analyse data. The violent attacks on non-nationals have overwhelming effects and consequences on human rights and the general well-being of non-South Africans. The study is significant in adding to our understanding of the issue, and emboldening there thinking of refugee policies around human rights education and integration. The study provides information that could facilitate the integration of foreign nationals into South Africa and the development of a harmonious relationship between foreign nationals and South Africans. The main findings were, that young people understood violent attacks on foreign nationals to be expressions of anger and frustration and as a corrective measure. Furthermore, the reasons for ill-treatment of foreigners was linked with poor service delivery, criminal activities, competition for limited resources and perceived increase of foreign nationals. Finally, the findings of the study revealed that the integration of foreign nationals was not welcomed and hostility towards foreign nationals was evident
CK2021

This thesis examined how the perceptions of South Africans of Indian descent as foreign, by fellow South African citizens, have changed or the extent to which they have remained the same from the time of the first arrival of indentured labourers from India in 1860 to the present. In so doing the study also revealed how those classified as ‘Indian’ in South Africa have constructed their identities in relation to, and because of, differing social, political and economic contexts. In order to achieve the aims of this research, the study was periodised based on the key political transitions over the last 150 years. As a result, the constructions and perceptions of ‘Indians’ by others were explored from the period of indenture under colonialism (1860-1910), through to the formation of Union (1910-1948), into apartheid (1948-1994) and ultimately through to democracy (1994-present). The data collection methods included documentary sources, oral histories, and semi-structured interviews. The main documentary sources collected included articles from The Mercury and Ilanga newspapers, spanning 150 years but taken from the key periods as discussed above. In addition it was deemed equally important to conduct in-depth interviews with South African families of Indian descent. The trajectories of five such families, and of the individuals within these family units, were explored, covering the period from the arrival of the first immigrant from India to South Africa, to the present day. The findings reveal that the perceptions of ‘Indians’ as foreign have endured more than it has altered in the psyche of fellow South Africans through each of the political dispensations and because the dominant racial discourse has persisted throughout the various periods albeit through varying mechanisms and diverse narratives justifying it at different times. Although democracy brought with it hope for a more inclusive South Africa with the African National Congress-dominated parliament adopting a constitution based on shared citizenship, the basis of the policies that followed however represent the antithesis of inclusion by entrenching existing notions of difference through the perpetuation of ‘race’ categories that were previously reproduced and legitimised by the repealed apartheid-era Population Registration Act. Blatant xenophobic discourse against South Africans of Indian descent are indeed still apparent, with the latest expressions centering around notions of autochthony which imply that ‘Indians’ are not indigenes of South Africa and hence should have no claim to its resources.
Ph.D. University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban 2014.

Blaming those who are different from us because of skin colour, nationality and language when things do not go right during the process of reconstruction is common among those who are faced with such a task. This assertion is confirmed by our examination and evaluation of xenophobia in post-apartheid South Africa and post-exilic Israel. In South Africa socio-economic and political reasons are cited for the rejection of African immigrants by some South Africans. The Jews in the post exilic period understood their religious, social and economic problems to be caused by others. What is more disturbing is that the Jews understood their xenophobia to be demanded or legitimised by God. These reasons for them necessitated hatred, isolation, stigmatisation and sometimes negative actions against foreigners. When we compare xenophobia in both post-apartheid South Africa and post-exilic Israel in this study, we find that factors such as identity, notion of superiority, negative perception of those who are different and use of power, play a major role in the exacerbation of xenophobia. In evaluating both situations, using the African principle of Ubuntu and Christian moral values, we are able to demonstrate that xenophobia as found in both situations is morally wrong since it is inhuman, selfish, racist/ethnocentric, discriminatory and often violent. Ubuntu and Christian values and principles such as human dignity, human rights, reciprocity, love, compassion, forgiveness, hospitality and community were sacrificed by South Africans and Jews in their dealings with foreigners in their respective situations. It is argued here that among other things in the case of South Africa, the reduction of inflammatory statements by government representatives and the media, education of the unemployed, the youth and workers; and the meeting of spiritual, material, humanitarian and moral needs by the Church, will help sensitise South Africans to the plight of African immigrants and migrants and will further deepen the ubuntu and Christian values.
Religious Studies and Arabic
D.Th.(Theological Ethics)

ABSTRACT This paper explores policy changes of the African National Congress toward African foreigners in South Africa. There are five phases of interaction that coincide with major South African events: the Freedom Charter, the banning of the ANC, life in exile, the negotiations table and majority party in government. The ANC’s relationship with African foreigners moves from rhetorical support, to physical reliance, to indebtedness, regional development and finally a return to the rhetorical. These interactions are then juxtaposed against legislation and offered as cause for a change in policy. This discussion is explored through a narrative structure and analysis of documents penned by the party. Included in the paper are two minor themes – an exploration of identity and what the ANC believed constitutes being South African, as well as an explanation for growing xenophobia.

The shifting of asymmetric power balances in South Africa e.g. the acceleration of apartheid disintegration in the 1980s that brought to power the first black majority government in 1994 precipitated an unprecedented rise of antiforeigner attitudes and practices. Since then, spurts of aggression and violence against foreign nationals have occurred regularly. The latest outbreak in May 2008, whose images shocked many people around the world with reminiscences of ethnic cleansing, was not an isolated abnormality but a characteristic phenomenon of post-apartheid figurational trends. While xenophobia is a worldwide phenomenon, South African antiforeigner attitudes have specific cultural and historical contingencies. While all non-citizens are generally viewed negatively, African foreign nationals are more likely than other foreigners to be victims of aggressive antiforeigner attitudes and practices. This dissertation explores as a sociological problem the construction and mobilization of the figure of Makwerekwere, that is, the African foreigner through established-outsider nationalistic discourse and practices in post-apartheid South Africa. The study is based on a number of methods of investigation carried out during ten months of fieldwork between October 2006 and August 2007: Focus-group and individualized interviews; participant observation; analysis of nationalistic antiforeigner narratives from media; analysis of data from other scholars, research organizations, and human rights organizations. Figurational sociology, particularly the theory of the established and the outsiders, is the informative analytical orientation of the study. The study is organized around three sets of analysis: (1) the construction and mobilization of the figure of Makwerekwere by citizens (state agents and civil society agents); (2) the construction and mobilization of the figure of Makwerekwere as it is understood and experienced by those who are arrogated this figure and its characteristics; (3) and the concomitant structural atmosphere of the life-worlds and social spaces populated by those who are assigned the figure of Makwerekwere. These figurational dynamics suggest that although apartheid has been largely dismantled, it has left its imprints on South Africas social habitus. Thus the conclusion of the study situates post-apartheid antiforeigner sentiments and practices, particularly the anti-African orientation of the ideology of Makwerekwere, in the shadows of apartheid.

The actual research focuses on foreign migrants dwelling in the Point area of Durban. This work is aiming at determining whether migration policies negatively impact on foreigners in South Africa; assessing the positive contribution made by foreigners on both the formal and the informal economy of South Africa; and recommending progressive policy and corrective measures of resolving foreign influx in South Africa. The qualitative approach adopted in this study facilitates the examination of the respondents' experiences as migrants in the Point Area. The findings of this study show that fear of foreigners has reached a new level in South Africa and with the transition to democracy; South Africa has become a destination for a number of documented and undocumented immigrants and migrants who, looking for a better life, have found instead, a country in which xenophobia is rife. As a democratic country, South Africa finds its self facing a dilemma: on one hand it promotes democracy, human rights and African integration, on the other; it faces an increase in xenophobia. Within this context, this study evaluates the extent to which the ANC government's im/migration policy and the implementation thereof contribute to xenophobia. Migration systems theory is used to develop a theoretical framework for the analysis. This study also discusses the context of immigration in South Africa on three angles; the international, the regional and the national angle.
Thesis (M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2007.

Drawing on seventeen group interviews with African foreign nationals living in Pietermaritzburg, this thesis explores how a minority group talks about their experiences of threat and prejudice within the South African context. The main aim of this thesis is to provide a contextualised study of foreigners’ understanding and experiences of threat, by studying how threat operates in a disempowered minority group’s narratives and exploring the social identity work or outcomes that are so achieved. Since threat may constitute an important dimension of the intergroup relations between foreigners and citizens, attention is paid to how threat is employed in foreigners’ narratives of intergroup relations with South African citizens. The exploration of these constructions is important as this signifies a move away from understanding and studying threat in a purely quantitative way. This has meant that the rhetorical, action-oriented function of threat in narrative has been emphasised over the reduction of threat to a psychological state amenable to quantitative measurement. The study of participants’ constructions reveal how threat is put together in narrative and demonstrates that constructions of threat may fulfil an important function in informing foreigners’ constructions about what they can do as a disempowered minority group living in South Africa. Hence, this thesis argues for an alternate, more indepth, way of understanding and studying intergroup relations, threat and the social identity of a minority group in a specific social context. The study uses terms from Stephan and Stephan’s (2000) Integrated Threat Theory to orient this piece of work in this field, but differs from traditional studies that have employed the theory as it focuses on discursive construction and the implications for social identity. The findings are also linked to the various options available to minorities, as highlighted by Tajfel and Turner (1979). The study allows for the voices of a marginalised group to be heard and also shows how threat can be discursively worked up in narrative and how the social positions and strategies adopted by foreigners both constrain and are discursively constrained by narrated constructions and theories of threat and intergroup life.
Thesis (M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2010.

A shortcoming in the literature is the lack of information and research into how refugee children from Africa experience life in South Africa and what their degree of exposure to xenophobia is, from South Africans. This motivated the researcher to investigate the extent of xenophobia towards refugee children living in Shelters in Cape Town. A survey of refugee children was done by means of a questionnaire that assessed the forms of xenophobia and who it was that discriminated against refugee children because of their foreignness. The results of the study showed that refugee children do experience xenophobia, in various forms from different sectors of South African society. Although some of it is violent in nature, it is mostly prejudice and xenophobic comments that the children are exposed to. This research provided a baseline for more extensive research into this phenomenon.
Social Work
M.A. Diac.(Play Therapy)

Xenophobia is a notoriously difficult concept to explore, especially within the complex South African environment. This exploration has two elements: the theoretical and the practical. The theoretical element focuses mainly on the theories of xenophobia in South Africa, as well as the theoretical response of the Church to the problem. The practical element is a qualitative empirical exploration using small scale focus group interviews to gain insight into the relationship between xenophobia and religion, with special reference to young Christians of The Methodist Church of Southern Africa. The findings seem to suggest that “being religious” does not prevent xenophobic attitudes and emotions and that there is potential to have xenophobic reactions in people who “perceive” themselves to be religious living in an environment of economic and social hardships. Religious involvement combined with economic and social factors may promote xenophobic reactions. In an indirect way(s) religion may be one of the “causes” of xenophobia.
Practical Theology
M Th. (Practical Theology)