Artículos de revistas: "Académie Royale de Médecine (France)"

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Risse, Jacques y Marc Gentilini. "Séance commune Académie d’Agriculture de France, Académie nationale de médecine". Bulletin de l'Académie Nationale de Médecine 192, n.º 4 (abril de 2008): 691–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0001-4079(19)32775-x.

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Pilet, Charles. "Réunion franco-marocaine Académie du Royaume du Maroc—Académie nationale de médecine". Bulletin de l'Académie Nationale de Médecine 193, n.º 7 (octubre de 2009): 1671–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0001-4079(19)32454-9.

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Martin, Jean-Pierre y Anita McConnell. "Joining the observatories of Paris and Greenwich". Notes and Records of the Royal Society 62, n.º 4 (21 de octubre de 2008): 355–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsnr.2008.0029.

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In the closing years of the eighteenth century, France and Britain enjoyed a period of external peace that their scientific communities put to good use by finding an objective common to the leading academic institutions: the Académie royale des sciences in France, and the Royal Society in England. This was not an entirely new concept; the novelty was that the objective would be brought about by teams from each side working outside their own borders. It was part of both nations' long-running search for a means of establishing longitudes on land and at sea. The specific objective, however, was confined to establishing the accurate difference in longitude between the meridian of Greenwich Observatory and that of the Observatoire de Paris. Previous astronomical measurements, derived from the times of certain eclipses or transits as recorded at each observatory, were acknowledged to be inaccurate.

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Fauque, Danielle M. E. "An Englishman abroad: Charles Blagden's visit to Paris in 1783". Notes and Records of the Royal Society 62, n.º 4 (13 de octubre de 2008): 373–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsnr.2008.0041.

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Summary Once the preliminaries of peace had been signed in January 1783, after the war of American independence, exchanges between British and French men of science resumed their normal course. On a visit to Paris in 1783, the francophile Charles Blagden (with the encouragement of Joseph Banks) made a number of contacts that fostered relations between the Royal Society and the Académie royale des sciences. In the course of this and several subsequent visits to France, Blagden became especially intimate with the chemist Claude-Louis Berthollet. His correspondence, now in the Royal Society, is a rich source for our understanding of some of the leading scientific debates of the day, in particular concerning the nature of water, which forms the main subject of this article.

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Tésio, Stéphanie. "Climat et médecine à Québec au milieu du 18e siècle". Scientia Canadensis 31, n.º 1-2 (23 de enero de 2009): 155–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/019759ar.

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Résumé Successeur de Michel Sarrazin, Jean-François Gaultier, médecin normand, arrive à Québec, en 1742, avec la charge de médecin du roi. Sa correspondance avec l’Académie royale des Sciences de Paris copmrend une description minutieuse d’observations météorologiques, botaniques, agricoles et médicales, de même que de brèves notes sur les maladies régnantes (fièvres, maladies pulmonaires, maladies dysentériques), de cette ville de Nouvelle-France. Aussi, il est important de comprendre qu’il appartient au mouvement européen de la médecine météorologique, une approche conçue initialement par Hippocrate puis développée par Sydenham en Angleterre dans la seconde moitié du 17e siècle, dont l’objectif est d’établir une corrélation étroite entre la météorologie et la maladie. A la lumière de l’historiographie actuelle, Gaultier est le premier médecin à en témoigner officiellement dans les colonies françaises.

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SIMON, JONATHAN. "Retrospectives: History of science in France". British Journal for the History of Science 52, n.º 4 (27 de noviembre de 2019): 689–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007087419000645.

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Although maybe not the most fashionable area of study today, French science has a secure place in the classical canon of the history of science. Like the Scientific Revolution and Italian science at the beginning of the seventeenth century, French science, particularly eighteenth-century and early nineteenth-century French science, remains a safe, albeit conservative, bet in terms of history-of-science teaching and research. The classic trope of the passage of the flame of European science from Italy to Britain and France in the seventeenth and then eighteenth centuries is well established in overviews of the field. Specializing in research in this area is not, therefore, unreasonable as a career choice if you are aiming for a history-of-science position in Europe or even in the US. The Académie (royale) des sciences, with its state-sponsored model of collective research, provides a striking counterpoint to the amateur, more individualistic functioning of London's Royal Society – a foretaste of modernity in the institutionalization of science. Clearly naive, such a representation of French science serves as a good initial framework on which to hang half a century of critical historical research. If proof of the continued interest for eighteenth-century French science is needed, we can cite the Web-based project around Diderot and d'Alembert's Encyclopédie currently in progress under the auspices of the French Academy of Sciences. The large number of publications in the history of French science (in English as well as French) make it unreasonable to pick out one or two for special attention here. But what about history of science in France and the academic community that practises this discipline today? Here, I offer a very personal view and analysis of this community, trying to underline contrasts with the history of science in the UK and the US.

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Daniels, Barry. "Scene Design at the Court of Louis XIV: The Work of the Vigarani Family and Jean Berain. By Frederick Paul Tollini. Studies in Theatre Arts 22. Lewiston, New York: Edwin Mellen Press, 2003; pp. 137; 34 illustrations; 6 color plates. $109.95 cloth." Theatre Survey 45, n.º 2 (noviembre de 2004): 314–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0040557404380269.

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Gaspare Vigarani, the Italian architect and set designer, was hired in 1659 to build a new theatre in the Tuileries Palace for the festivities celebrating Louis XIV's marriage in 1660. This theatre, the ill-fated albeit magnificent Salle des Machines, was not completed in time for the wedding celebration. It opened in February 1662 with a production of Cavalli's opera Ercole amante. His sons Carlo and Ludovico had assisted Vigarani in creating the scenery and machinery for this production. In 1663, Carlo was invited back to France to supervise royal entertainments, a function he exercised until 1680. In 1673, he joined the composer Lully at the newly created Académie royale de musique, where he designed scenery until 1680. Jean Berain, who was named to the post of “dessinateur de la chambre et du cabinet du Roi” in 1674, had assisted Vigarani early in his career and designed costumes for Lully's operas. He succeeded Vigarani as set designer at the Opera in 1680, a post he would hold until 1710.

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Lasfargues, Gérard. "Séance commune Académie nationale de médecine (France) Academia Nacional de Medicina (Brésil) Jeudi 14 mai 2009 à Rio de Janiero". Bulletin de l'Académie Nationale de Médecine 193, n.º 5 (mayo de 2009): 1209–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0001-4079(19)32513-0.

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Capron, Loïc. "Un miroir du mépris : Guy Patin contre Théophraste Renaudot (1638-1648)". Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Litteraria Romanica, n.º 15 (30 de diciembre de 2020): 123–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1505-9065.15.09.

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De 1638 à 1648, tout a opposé les deux médecins parisiens Théophraste Renaudot (1586-1653) et Guy Patin (1601-1672) : empirisme contre dogmatisme, paracelsisme contre galénisme, arrivisme politique contre mépris de la cour royale, Université de Montpellier contre Faculté de médecine de Paris… Sans doute attisé par leur ancienne camaraderie, leur duel a produit un foisonnement de libelles, auxquels s’ajoutèrent procès et pieds de nez dans un déchaînement réciproque de haine et de dédain. En 1643, après la mort de Richelieu et de Louis XIII, Patin pouvait impunément injurier son ennemi désarmé ; en disgrâce à la cour, Renaudot dut s’avouer vaincu. À la fin du XIXe siècle s’engagea une joute posthume entre les deux ennemis : Patin pour ses Lettres caustiques (rééditées en 1846) et Renaudot pour son invention du journalisme en France (La Gazette créée en 1631). L’opinion plaça le journaliste sur un piédestal et le fit jouir d’une immense célébrité en attachant son nom à celui d’un prix littéraire (1926).

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Torres Lepecki, André. "Critical Gestures: Writings on Dance and Culture. By Ann Daly. Middletown, CT: Wesleyan University Press, 2002; pp. 320. $19.95 paper." Theatre Survey 45, n.º 1 (mayo de 2004): 137–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0040557404310082.

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Western theatrical dance emerges in the late Renaissance as an increasingly autonomous art form. However, as theatrical dance strove toward the ideal of its own aesthetic self-sufficiency, toward an autonomy that would eventually confer it its place as a truly modern art form, dance developed a paradoxically intimate, intricate, and convoluted relationship with its other—writing. The historical persistence of a continuous dialoguing between dancing and writing indicates how dance's aspirations for aesthetic autonomy were precisely that: an impossible (modern) wishing. Historically, the role and function of writing in regards to dance has been one of partnering. This partnering has oscillated among three foundational modes of writings on dance: the archival (writing as the guarantor of dance's historical survival, as seen already in the late 1500s, in Arbeau's Orcheseography), the choreographic (writing as mode of composing dances directly on paper, as seen in the exams for the Académie Royale in late seventeenth-century France), and the writing of criticism. Of these three modes, criticism—understood as writing aimed at explaining or translating to an audience the opacity of dance's appearing—won't emerge in its incipient form until the late eighteenth century. This mode is today the most prominent role writing takes in relation to dance, in which the function of the critic is simultaneously to preserve and explain the dances she witnesses.

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Barthélemy, Ernest Joseph, Christopher A. Sarkiss, James Lee y Raj K. Shrivastava. "The historical origin of the term “meningioma” and the rise of nationalistic neurosurgery". Journal of Neurosurgery 125, n.º 5 (noviembre de 2016): 1283–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.3171/2015.10.jns15877.

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The historical origin of the meningioma nomenclature unravels interesting social and political aspects about the development of neurosurgery in the late 19th century. The meningioma terminology itself was the subject of nationalistic pride and coincided with the advancement in the rise of medicine in Continental Europe as a professional social enterprise. Progress in naming and understanding these types of tumor was most evident in the nations that successively assumed global leadership in medicine and biomedical science throughout the 19th and 20th centuries, that is, France, Germany, and the United States. In this vignette, the authors delineate the uniqueness of the term “meningioma” as it developed within the historical framework of Continental European concepts of tumor genesis, disease states, and neurosurgery as an emerging discipline culminating in Cushing's Meningiomas text. During the intellectual apogee of the French Enlightenment, Antoine Louis published the first known scientific treatise on meningiomas. Like his father, Jean-Baptiste Louis, Antoine Louis was a renowned military surgeon whose accomplishments were honored with an admission to the Académie royale de chirurgie in 1749. His treatise, Sur les tumeurs fongueuses de la duremère, appeared in 1774. Following this era, growing economic depression affecting a frustrated bourgeoisie triggered a tumultuous revolutionary period that destroyed France's Ancien Régime and abolished its university and medical systems. The resulting anarchy was eventually quelled through legislation aiming to satisfy Napoleon's need for qualified military professionals, including physicians and surgeons. These laws laid the foundations for the subsequent flourishing of French medicine throughout the mid-19th century. Subsequent changes to the meningioma nomenclature were authored by intellectual giants of this postrevolutionary period, for example, by the Limogesborn pathologist Jean Cruveilhier known for the term “tumeurs cancéreuses de la duremère,” and the work of histopathologists, such as Hermann Lebert, who were influenced by Pasteur's germ theory and by Bernard's experimental medicine. The final development of the meningioma nomenclature corresponded to the rise of American neurosurgery as a formal academic discipline. This historical period of growth is chronicled in Cushing's text Meningiomas, and it set the scientific stage for the modern developments in meningioma research and surgery that are conducted and employed today.

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Brugère-Picoux, Jeanne y Jean-Luc Angot. "Covid-19 et «une seule santé» : aspects médicaux, vétérinaires et environnementaux. Séance Bi-académique de l'Académie nationale de Médecine et de l'Académie Vétérinaire de France. 3 décembre 2020". Bulletin de l'Académie vétérinaire de France 174 (2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/bavf.2021.70945.

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"Chaire des Docteurs Christophe et Rodolphe Mérieux / Académie nationale de médecine / Académie des sciences / Institut de France". Bulletin de l'Académie Nationale de Médecine 197, n.º 2 (febrero de 2013): 539. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0001-4079(19)31609-7.

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Hickey, Daniel. "The Volumes of the Royal Medical Society of France, 1776–1793: a Window into Innovation, Patronage and Experimentation". Fontanus 13 (1 de enero de 2013). http://dx.doi.org/10.26443/fo.v13i.249.

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In 1776, Doctors Vicq d’Azyr and Joseph de Lassone founded the Royal Medical Society of France and that same year the new Society began publishing an annual volume of news of medical interest, obituaries on the deaths of outstanding doctors and surgeons, articles on new medicine and drugs, on new operations as well as reflecting on the causes of different diseases and illnesses. Between 1776 and 1793, ten of these volumes were published under the title Histoire de la Société Royale de Médecine: histoire et mémoires. The Osler Library of the History of Medicine possesses four of them. Breaking with the tradition of Galen and with the diagnoses based on bookish knowledge, the members of this group favoured experimentation, the dissection of corpses and the close observation of the symptoms of the sick and the dying. This article looks at two aspects of their work: first it examines the goals and the structures of the Society that published the volumes and second, it analyses the organization and the types of articles published in the annual volumes.ResuméLes médecins Vicq d’Azyr et Joseph de Lassone ont fondé la Société royale de médecine en 1776 et aussitôt la nouvelle société a commencé à organiser la publication annuelle d’un volume de nouvelles d’intérêt médicales. Il devrait comporter les avis de décès des médecins et chirurgiens de renom, les articles sur des médicaments et drogues qui venaient d’être mis sur le marché, les interventions particulièrement innovatrices et les réflexions sur les causes de différentes maladies et épidémies. Entre 1776 et 1793, dix de ces volumes sont apparus sous le titre, Histoire de la Société Royale de Médecine: histoire et mémoires. La bibliothèque Osler de l’histoire de médecine détient quatre de ces volumes. Les articles des membres de ce groupe rompent avec la tradition de Galien et avec les diagnostics fondés sur les connaissances livresques. Ils favorisent l’expérimentation, la dissection des cadavres et l’observation des symptômes présentés par les maladies et les mourantes. Cet article étudie deux aspects de ces travaux: d’abord, il décrit les buts et les structures de la Société elle-même et second, il analyse l’organisation et les types d’articles publiés dans les volumes annuels.

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OPDENAKKER, G. y A. VAN STEIRTEGHEM. "Het Hippocrates Geneeskunde Programma voor buitenlandse opleidingen". Tijdschrift voor Geneeskunde, 28 de enero de 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.47671/tvg.77.20.102.

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Elke gezondheidswerker vandaag is enthousiast over en respecteert theoretische en praktische educatie en hoe die samen met wetenschappelijk onderzoek voortdurend bijdragen tot vooruitgang in preventie, behandeling en eventueel genezing van ziekten. De Commissie Internationalisering van de Koninklijke Academie voor Geneeskunde van België (KAGB) en haar zusterorganisatie Académie Royale de Médecine de Belgique (ARMB) hebben een reeks praktische aanbevelingen geformuleerd ter bevordering van opleidingen van zorgverleners door middel van internationale uitwisselingen. Dat programma, ter beschikking gesteld in beide landstalen, is internationaal toegankelijk en ook in het Engels raadpleegbaar via het internet. Het is bruikbaar en toepasbaar voor betrokkenen in alle disciplines in de biomedische sector en functioneert onder de naam “Hippocrates Medicine Program” of “Hippocrates Geneeskunde Programma”. De aanbevelingen hebben als doel om internationale opleidingen en trainingen te stimuleren en om de status van onderzoekers in opleiding en zelfs specialisten alsook biomedisch academische stafleden aan universiteiten en opleidingsziekenhuizen te verbeteren tijdens stages in het buitenland.

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Heffernan, Michael. "The scale of two cities: the geographies of Paris and London in the 1720s". Notes and Records: the Royal Society Journal of the History of Science, 13 de marzo de 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsnr.2023.0073.

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This essay considers an early eighteenth-century quarrel about the geographical dimensions of Paris and London. The dispute involved representatives of the Académie Royale des Sciences in Paris and the Royal Society in London. The three participants—Guillaume Delisle (1675–1726), Jean-Jacques Dortous de Mairan (1678–1771) and Peter Davall (?–1763)—were French, the first two resident in Paris, the third an exiled Huguenot based in London. From an initial, relatively trivial, confusion about trigonometrical calculations, this inconclusive debate ultimately embraced several wider questions about the nature of cities in classical antiquity and early eighteenth-century Europe, the changing meaning of urban life on the eve of the industrial age, the relationship between population size and urban space, and the relative economic, political and cultural vitality of Catholic absolutist France and Protestant Hanoverian England. Informed by rival claims promoted by Cartesians and Newtonians in London and Paris, the dispute also reflected a pre-existing tension within the Paris Academy about the remit of established and emerging scientific disciplines, specifically astronomy and geography. Subsequent cartographic representations of these two cities, including the Plan Turgot of Paris in the 1730s and the Rocque map of London in the 1740s, can be re-considered with reference to this now forgotten controversy.

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Andrew, Kashini, Huda Al-Kutubi, Maryam Salimi, Pooja Patel, Stephen Orpin y Natalie King-Stokes. "H05 Jean-Nicolas Marjolin (1780–1850): a name to remember". British Journal of Dermatology 188, Supplement_4 (junio de 2023). http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/bjd/ljad113.287.

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Abstract Jean-Nicolas Marjolin was born in Ray-sur-Saone, in eastern France, in 1780. His education was sponsored by his mother as his father had died when he was 1 year old, leaving them impoverished. He studied Medicine at The Commercy Hospital, north-eastern France, before he left for Hôtel-Dieu hospital in Paris where he met Guillaume Dupuytren, who recruited him to the ‘Societe Anatomique’, a society created to promote the study of clinical anatomy. He became, successively, an assistant in anatomy (1805), a prosector (1806) and a doctor (MD) in 1808. He even established his own medical school in 1810. It was very popular as he admitted students from less privileged backgrounds to study medicine for free. His brilliant teaching style caused conflict with his ambitious mentor Dupuytren, who saw him as a threat after he was hired as Dupuytren’s assistant at Hôtel-Dieu. Marjolin was also a member of the Académie de Médecine, and surgeon to Louis-Philippe I, the French king at the time. His son René also became a surgeon and married Cornelia Scheffer, the daughter of the famous painter Ary Scheffer. In 1828, Marjolin described four types of ulcers that he named ‘ulcere verruqueux’ in Mimoires de l’Acadimie de Chirurgie, which was a manual of anatomy at that time. However, he did not specify whether the ulcers were malignant or associated with longstanding ulcers. In 1850, the year that Marjolin died, Robert Smith, Professor of Surgery at Trinity College, Dublin, described locally destructive ulcers that developed in scars following burns, floggings and lacerations as the ‘warty ulcers’ of Marjolin. After Smith’s death in 1873, Marjolin was again forgotten until 30 years later, when John Chalmers DaCosta, Professor of Surgery at Jefferson Medical College, Philadelphia, described two cases of carcinomatous change in chronic varicose leg ulcers as examples of Marjolin ulcers. John Fordyce, an American dermatologist, subsequently described a chronic ulcer undergoing malignant change as a Marjolin ulcer in 1907. These definitions of Marjolin ulcer by DaCosta and Fordyce included malignancy developing in sinuses, as well as malignancy in scars and persistent ulcers. These declarations defined the term ‘Marjolin ulcer’ in modern usage and preserved Marjolins’ name for future generations. Currently ‘Marjolin ulcer’ refers to a rare malignant transformation within chronic ulcers or scars with squamous cell carcinoma as the commonest subtype. Its exact cause remains unknown, despite being described by Jean-Nicolas Marjolin almost 200 years ago.

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Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Académie Royale de Médecine (France)"

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