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MELO, ALDINA DA SILVA. "TEMPOS DE SEGREGAÇÃO (1948-94): ensino de história, poláticas de memórias e desigualdades sociais no universo do povo Zulu." Outros Tempos: Pesquisa em Foco - História 15, no. 26 (November 24, 2018): 147–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.18817/ot.v15i26.660.
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Este trabalho parte do universo do povo zulu, da região de KwaZulu-Natal (áfrica do Sul), para analisar o ensino de história, as poláticas de memórias e as desigualdades sociais presentes nas terras sul-africanas durante o Apartheid. Nesse sentido, a análise, que toma os anos de 1948 a 1994 como recorte temporal, utiliza como fontes a coleção de livros didáticos History for Today, imagens e jornais levantados no arquivo sul-africano Alan Paton Center e na biblioteca pública de Pietermaritzburg. Tais fontes foram produzidas e utilizadas no peráodo do Apartheid (1948-1994). Procura-se ainda investigar quais eram as poláticas educacionais presentes na áfrica do Sul durante aquele regime. O intuito é identificar nos livros didáticos e nas poláticas educacionais os modos como a/as identidade(s) zulus foram construádas, pensadas e dadas a ler, além de problematizar os modos de ver da sociedade sul-africana no que se refere á população zulu no peráodo em questão.Palavras-chave: Zulu. áfrica do Sul. Ensino de História.SEGREGATION TIMES (1948-94): Teaching history, memory politics and social inequalities in the universe of the Zulu peopleAbstract: This article will examine the assemblage of the Zulu people, from the KwaZulu-Natal region (South Africa), with the intention to analyze the history teaching, memory politics and social inequalities present in the South African lands during the period of Apartheid. The analysis, which pertains to the years 1948 to 1994, uses as its sources, the History for Today collection of textbooks, images and newspapers from the South African archives Alan Paton Center and the Pietermaritzburg public library. These sources were produced and utilized in the Apartheid period (1948-1994). It also seeks to investigate which educational policies were present in South Africa during that regime. The aim is to identify in textbooks and educational policies the ways in which Zulus identity (s) were formulated, conceptualized and construed, as well as problematizing South African society's views on the Zulu population in the period in question.Keywords: Zulu. South Africa. Teaching History. TIEMPOS DE SEGREGACIÓN (1948-94): enseñanza de historia, poláticas de memorias y desigualdades sociales en el universo del pueblo zulúResumen: Este trabajo parte del universo del pueblo zulú, de la región de KwaZulu-Natal (áfrica del Sur), para analizar la enseñanza de la historia, las poláticas de memorias y las desigualdades sociales presentes en las tierras sudafricanas durante el Apartheid. En ese sentido, el análisis, que toma los años de 1948 a 1994 como recorte temporal, utiliza como fuentes la colección de libros didácticos History for Today, imágenes y periódicos levantados en el archivo sudafricano Alan Paton Center y en la biblioteca pública de Pietermaritzburg. Estas fuentes fueron producidas y utilizadas en el peráodo del Apartheid (1948-1994). También busca investigar cuáles eran las poláticas educativas presentes en Sudáfrica durante ese régimen. La intención es identificar en los libros didácticos y en las poláticas educativas los modos como la/las identidad(es) zulús fueron construidas, pensadas y dadas a leer, además de problematizar los modos de ver de la sociedad sudafricana en lo que se refiere a la población zulú en el peráodo en cuestión.Palabras clave: Zulú. áfrica del Sur. Enseñanza de Historia.
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Etherington, Norman. "Were There Large States in the Coastal Regions of Southeast Africa Before the Rise of the Zulu Kingdom?" History in Africa 31 (2004): 157–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0361541300003442.
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The Zulu kingdom holds a special place in both popular culture and historical scholarship. Zulu—a famous name, easy to spell and pronounce—is as recognizably American as gangster rap. The website of the “Universal Zulu Nation” (www.hiphopcity.com/zulu_nation/) explains that as “strong believers in the culture of hiphop, we as Zulus … will strive to do our best to uplift ourselves first, then show others how to uplift themselves mentally, spiritually, physically, economically and socially.” The Zulu Nation lists chapters in New York, Philadelphia, Chicago, Washington, Miami, Virginia Beach, Los Angeles, Detroit, New Haven, Hartford, New Jersey, and Texas. Mardi Gras in New Orleans has featured a “Zulu Parade” since 1916. The United States Navy underscores its independence from Britain by using “Zulu time” instead of Greenwich Mean Time. Not to be outdone, the Russian Navy built “Zulu Class” submarines in the 1950s and Britain's Royal Navy built a “Tribal Class Destroyer,” HMS Zulu. The common factor linking black pride, Africa, and prowess in war is the Zulu kingdom, a southeast African state that first attained international fame in the 1820s under the conqueror Shaka, “the black Napoleon.” His genius is credited with innovations that reshaped the history of his region. “Rapidly expanding his empire, Shaka conquered all, becoming the undisputed ruler of the peoples between the Pongola and Tugela Rivers … In hand-to-hand combat the short stabbing spear introduced by Shaka, made the Zulus unbeatable.” In South Africa Shaka's fame continues to outshine all other historical figures, including Cecil Rhodes and Paul Kruger. A major theme park, “Shakaland,” commemorates his life and Zulu culture. A plan was unveiled in 1998 to erect a twenty-story high statue of the Zulu king in Durban Harbor that would surpass the ancient Colossus of Rhodes.
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Buis, Johann. "Black American Music and the Civilized-Uncivilized Matrix in South Africa." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 24, no. 2 (1996): 28–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700502327.
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In a recent article by Veit Erlmann in the South African journal of musicology (SAMUS vol. 14, 1995) entitled “Africa Civilized, Africa Uncivilized,” Erlmann draws upon the reception history of the South African Zulu Choir’s visit to London in 1892 and the Ladysmith Black Mambazo presence in Paul Simon’s Graceland project to highlight the epithet “Africa civilized, Africa uncivilized.” Though the term was used by the turn of the century British press to publicize the event, the slogan carries far greater impact upon the locus of the identity of urban black people in South Africa for more than a century.
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Jeewa, Sana, and Stephanie Rudwick. "“English is the best way to communicate” - South African Indian students’ blind spot towards the relevance of Zulu." Sociolinguistica 34, no. 1 (November 25, 2020): 155–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/soci-2020-0010.
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AbstractThe South African University of KwaZulu-Natal has developed an ambitious language policy aiming “to achieve for isiZulu the institutional and academic status of English” (UKZN LP 2006/2014). Part of this ambition is a mandatory Zulu language module that all undergraduate students have to pass if they cannot prove knowledge of the language. In this article, we examine attitudes of South African Indian students towards this compulsory module against the strained history and relationship between Zulu and Indian people in the province. Situated within the approach of Language Management Theory (LMT), our focus is on students as micro level actors who are affected by a macro level policy decision. Methodologically combining quantitative and qualitative tools, we attempt to find answers to the following broad question: What attitudes do South African Indian students have towards Zulu more generally and the UKZN module more specifically? The empirical findings show that students’ motivations to learn Zulu are more instrumental than integrative as the primary goal is to ‘pass’ the module. South African Indian students have developed a blind spot for the prevalence and significance of Zulu in the country which impacts negatively on the general attitudes towards the language more general and the module more specifically. Language ideologies that elevate the status of English in the country further hamper the success of Zulu language learning.
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Woodson, Dorothy C. "Albert Luthuli and the African National Congress: A Bio-Bibliography." History in Africa 13 (1986): 345–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3171551.
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Seek ye the political kingdom and all shall be yours.No minority tyranny in history ever survived the opposition of the majority. Nor will it survive in South Africa. The end of white tyranny is near.In their Portraits of Nobel Laureates in Peace, Wintterle and Cramer wrote that “the odds against the baby born at the Seventh-Day Adventist Mission near Bulawayo in Rhodesia in 1898 becoming a Nobel Prize winner were so astronomical as to defy calculation. He was the son of a proud people, the descendant of Zulu chieftains and warriors. But pride of birth is no substitute for status rendered inferior by force of circumstance, and in Luthuli's early years, the native African was definitely considered inferior by the white man. If his skin was black, that could be considered conclusive proof that he would never achieve anything; white men would see to that. However, in Luthuli's case they made a profound mistake--they allowed him to have an education.”If there is an extra-royal gentry in Zulu society, then it was into this class that Albert John Luthuli was born. Among the Zulus, chieftainship is hereditary only for the Paramount Chief; all regional chiefs are elected. The Luthuli family though, at least through the 1950s, monopolized the chieftainship of the Abasemakholweni (literally “converts”) tribe for nearly a century. Luthuli's grandfather Ntaba, was the first in the family to head the tribe and around 1900, his uncle Martin Luthuli took over.
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Wylie, Dan. "“Proprietor of Natal:” Henry Francis Fynn and the Mythography of Shaka." History in Africa 22 (January 1995): 409–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3171924.
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If ever South Africa could boast of a Robinson Crusoe of her own, as affable, shrewd, politically sagacious, courageous and large-hearted as Defoe's, here is one to life… “Mr Fynn”[Fynn is] a greater ass and Don Quixote than one could possibly conceive.The fictional referents in these diametrically opposed judgments of Henry Francis Fynn (1806-61) alert us to the “constructed” nature of the reputation of this most famous of Shakan eyewitnesses. Although Nathaniel Isaacs' Travels and Adventures in Eastern Africa (1836) first introduced Shaka and his Zulu people to the British reading public, and had easily the profoundest influence on popular conceptions, Fynn was the more widely acknowledged “expert” on the Zulu. Having pursued an extraordinarily tortuous, violent, and well-documented career through forty formative years of South African frontier history, he left a body of writings which belatedly attained authoritative status in Shakan historiography. Since 1950, Fynn's so-called “Diary” has become the paramount, and until recently largely unquestioned, source on Shaka's famous reign (ca. 1815-1828). As recent political power struggles centered on the “Shaka Day” celebrations in Zululand have amply demonstrated, there is no more appropriate juncture at which to reassess the sources of this semi-mythologized Zulu leader's reputation.
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Porterfield, Amanda. "The Impact of Early New England Missionaries on Women's Roles in Zulu Culture." Church History 66, no. 1 (March 1997): 67–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3169633.
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As missionaries from New England made initial forays into Zululand and Natal in the 1830s, the Zulu people were in a state of considerable stress. Dingan had come to power in 1828 after participating in the assassination of his brother Shaka, the notorious warrior king whose conquests after 1816 brought people from dozens of clans and chieftanships into a Zulu state. Ecological crises caused by drought and competition for scarce resources contributed to Shaka's ability to exert unprecedented authority, as did the predatory incursions of European traders seeking ivory, skins, and slaves in various parts of southeast Africa. Expanding on a tradition of religious initiation and military ranking known as ambutho, Shaka crated a system of loyalty to the state that built on but also compromised the loyalties to particular clans commanded by lesser chiefs.
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Cobbing, Julian. "The Mfecane as Alibi: Thoughts on Dithakong and Mbolompo." Journal of African History 29, no. 3 (November 1988): 487–519. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700030590.
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The ‘mfecane’ is a characteristic product of South African liberal history used by the apartheid state to legitimate South Africa's racially unequal land division. Some astonishingly selective use or actual invention of evidence produced the myth of an internally-induced process of black-on-black destruction centring on Shaka's Zulu. A re-examination of the ‘battles’ of Dithakong and Mbolompo suggests very different conclusions and enables us to decipher the motives of subsequent historiographical amnesias. After about 1810 the black peoples of southern Africa were caught between intensifying and converging imperialistic thrusts: one to supply the Cape Colony with labour; another, at Delagoa Bay, to supply slaves particularly to the Brazilian sugar plantations. The flight of the Ngwane from the Mzinyathi inland to the Caledon was, it is argued, a response to slaving. But they ran directly into the colonial raiding-grounds north of the Orange. The (missionary-led) raid on the still unidentified ‘Mantatees’ (not a reference to MaNtatisi) at Dithakong in 1823 was one of innumerable Griqua raids for slaves to counter an acute shortage of labour among Cape settlers after the British expansionist wars of 1811–20. Similar Griqua raids forced the Ngwane south from the Caledon into the Transkei. Here, at Mbolompo in 1828, the Ngwane were attacked yet again, this time by a British army seeking ‘free’ labour after the reorganisation of the Cape's labour-procurement system in July 1828. The British claim that they were parrying a Zulu invasion is exposed as propaganda, and the connexions between the campaign and the white-instigated murder of Shaka are shown. In short, African societies did not generate the regional violence on their own. Rather, caught within the European net, they were transformed over a lengthy period in reaction to the attentions of external plunderers. The core misrepresentations of ‘the mfecane’ are thereby revealed; the term, and the concept, should be abandoned.
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Wright, John. "Making the James Stuart Archive." History in Africa 23 (January 1996): 333–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3171947.
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Since the first of its volumes appeared in 1976, the James Stuart Archive of Recorded Oral Evidence Relating to the History of the Zulu and Neighbouring Peoples has become well known to students of the precolonial history of southern Africa generally, and of the Natal-Zululand region in particular. The four volumes, edited by Colin Webb and myself, which were published by the University of Natal Press between 1976 and 1986, have become a major source of evidence for students of the history of African communities in the region from the late eighteenth to the early twentieth centuries.Although the various volumes have been reviewed in a number of international academic journals, the Stuart Archive is still, I suspect, little known outside the ranks of historians of southern Africa. The hiatus that has occurred in the process of publication since volume 4 came out has not helped in drawing the series to the attention of a wider circle of scholars. In writing this paper, one of my aims is to bring the existence of the Stuart Archive to the attention of Africanists at a time when work on the projected three volumes which still remain to be published is about to resume.Another and more specific aim is to outline the nature of the processes by which the Stuart Archive was brought into existence, in order to underscore for users and potential users the need to use it critically as a source of evidence.
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Soro, N’golo Aboudou. "Les Amazoulous d’Abdou Anta Kâ ou la représentation tragique de la fratrie." Voix Plurielles 10, no. 2 (November 28, 2013): 336–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.26522/vp.v10i2.869.
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Dans Les Amazoulous de Abdou Anta Kâ, Chaka est un « bâtard » devenu le guide de la multitude du peuple Zoulou. Au-delà de l’héroïsme mythique de Chaka qu’elle véhicule, la pièce permet de saisir l’accomplissement du destin glorieux d’un enfant renié par son père, pourchassé par ses demi-frères et qui réussit à s’imposer et à imposer la trajectoire qu’il a voulu donner à l’histoire de son peuple. Cependant, une tension gouverne les relations entre Chaka et son demi-frère. Cette rivalité aboutie à l’assassinat de Chaka. Ce fratricide, source de tragédie précipite Latyr dans la boue de l’histoire. Il est maudit pour son acte ignoble. L’œuvre donne l’occasion au dramaturge de mettre sur les planches la rivalité au sein de la fratrie. Kâ semble poser les problématiques de la fratrie et de la gestion de l’héritage dans la famille polygame africaine.
In Abdou Anta Ka’s “Amazoulous”, Chaka is a "bastard" who became the guide of the Zulu multitude people. Beyond Chaka’s mystical heroism carries, the play allows to grasp the glorious destiny fulfillment of a child disowed by his father, chased by his half-brothers and who managed to impose and enforce the path he wanted to his people’s history. However, tension governs the relationship between Shaka and his half-brother. This rivalry resulted in the murder of Shaka. This fratricide, source of tragedy precipitates Latyr in the mud of the history. He is cursed for his ignoble act. The work gives the opportunity to the playwright to put on stage the rivalry among the siblings. Kâ seems to pose the siblings and heritage management in the African polygamous family.
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Haselau, Catherine, Madhubala Kasiram, and Barbara Simpson. "AFRICAN MARRIAGE COUNSELLING AND THE RELEVANCE OF WESTERN MODELS OF COUNSELLING." Southern African Journal of Social Work and Social Development 27, no. 2 (August 1, 2015): 169–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2415-5829/367.
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This article explores the relevance of Western models of marriage counselling in the African context and specifically with Zulu couples. It argues that because of different worldviews, there are elements of western therapeutic approaches with couples that do not fit with the beliefs and values of many African people. The article examines some of the philosophies that underlie marriage in contemporary Zulu society, as well as the worldview, values and practices of Zulu people with regard to marriage. It then examines a selection of Western marriage counselling approaches in order to establish whether the Western based marriage counselling theories that are taught and practiced by social workers in South Africa today are relevant when used with Zulu couples.
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RUDWICK, STEPHANIE. ""Coconuts" and "oreos": English-speaking Zulu people in a South African township." World Englishes 27, no. 1 (February 2008): 101–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-971x.2008.00538.x.
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Mader, Jodie N. "Recent Historiographical Trends on African History: Zimbabwe and Zulu South Africa." History: Reviews of New Books 43, no. 3 (June 3, 2015): 85–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2015.1030812.
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Groenewald, H. C. "Reclaiming lost ground – the history play in Zulu." Literator 25, no. 1 (July 31, 2004): 159–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/lit.v25i1.250.
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This article briefly sketches the history of African-language literatures as initiated by missionaries and formed by Bantu education. Against this background the aim of this article is to establish what the objectives of Zulu dramatists were when they presented historical fact, flawed history, as well as ideological sentiment in their historical plays. Are history plays in Zulu simply the products of writers whose objective was to meet a publisher’s requirements, namely to extend the dramatic genre by writing history plays? Did authors perhaps only have an educational objective, that is, to provide learners with setwork material? If, on the other hand, the history play is the creation of a memory for a specific purpose, as post-colonial theorists suggest, the next objective of this article is to establish what kind of memory Zulu dramatists have created and for what purpose. The history plays will be discussed under the following topics: UNodumehlezi kaMenzi – He who is famous as he sits, son of Menzi (King Shaka). In exploring aspects of Shaka’s rule, it becomes clear that writers express their pain about the great loss the Zulu nation suffered when the Shakan era passed. The second topic treats Izwe lidungekile – The land is in turmoil. The dramas dealt with here vividly depict the pitiful state of the Zulu after their subjugation by the British empire, leading eventually to an inevitable option – armed resistance. The third and last topic, Izwe ngelethu – The land is ours – treats the issue of land.
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Houle, Robert. "Mbiya Kuzwayo's Christianity: Revival, Reformation and the Surprising Viability of Mainline Churches in South Africa." Journal of Religion in Africa 38, no. 2 (2008): 141–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006608x289666.
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AbstractMuch of the credit for the vitality of Christianity in southern Africa has gone to the African Initiated Churches that date their birth to earlier 'Ethiopian' and 'Zionist' movements. Yet far from being compromised, as they are often portrayed, those African Christians remaining in the mission churches often played a critical role in the naturalization of the faith. In the churches of the American Zulu Mission, the largest mission body in colonial Natal, one of the most important moments in this process occurred at the end of the nineteenth century when participants in a revival, led in part by a young Zulu Christian named Mbiya Kuzwayo, employed the theology of Holiness to dramatically alter the nature of their lived Christianity and bring about an internal revolution that gave them effective control of their churches.
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Zwane, Celani Lucky. "The Morphological Analysis of Zulu Clan Names." English Linguistics Research 9, no. 3 (September 24, 2020): 36. http://dx.doi.org/10.5430/elr.v9n3p36.
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The focus of this paper is that some scholars and people are not aware of the morphological structure of Zulu clan names. The clan names in themselves cipher secreted information that would be a story, history, a very long story perhaps which talks about the people of that clan, it could be Kings, famous people or a whole family. The main aim of the paper is to make people aware of the morphological structure of Zulu clan names. Research findings indicate that there is morphological structure in Zulu clan names that most scholars and Zulu people are not aware of. This study found that the structure of a clan name and its meaning are related. An example of such a clan name is Hlabangane (slaughter four); [Hlaba (slaughter) + nga (per) + -ne (four)], which indicates that the clan name giver saw people of this clan slaughtering four cows when they had traditional ceremonies. However, through the use of this clan name, the clan name giver appears as a person who experienced or observed Hlabangane people repeating the same procedure several times and no one disagreed with him because it was a fact. The researcher have used document analysis and in depth personal interviews to gather data for this paper.
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Mesthrie, Rajend. "English in South Africa." English Today 9, no. 1 (January 1993): 27–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266078400006891.
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BEINART, WILLIAM. "History of the African People." South African Historical Journal 18, no. 1 (November 1986): 223–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02582478608671614.
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Suzman, Susan M. "Names as pointers: Zulu personal naming practices." Language in Society 23, no. 2 (April 1994): 253–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047404500017851.
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ABSTRACTChildren in many African societies have meaningful names – unlike their Western counterparts, whose names are primarily labels. In Zulu, Xhosa, Sotho, Tswana, and many other cultures, namegivers traditionally chose personal names that pointed to a range of people and circumstances that were relevant at the time of the child's birth. These highly individual or unique names were part of particular social frameworks that have long been evolving with Western acculturation. Like the social frameworks within which they are embedded, naming practices are in the process of change.This article investigates change in Zulu naming practices as a reflection of wider social changes. Taking historical accounts as the source of traditional namegiving, an analysis of rural, farm, and urban names shows quantitative and qualitative differences in naming practices. Contemporary names differ significantly from traditional ones, and provide evidence that the world view within which names are given is in the process of redefinition. (Anthropological linguistics, naming, South Africa, Zulu)
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Muller, Carol A., and Louise Meintjes. "Sound of Africa! Making Music Zulu in a South African Studio." International Journal of African Historical Studies 36, no. 2 (2003): 449. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3559399.
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Joseph, Rosemary M. F. "Zulu women's bow songs: ruminations on love." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 50, no. 1 (February 1987): 90–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x00053209.
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The existence of a tradition of bow-playing is recorded in some of the earlies written accounts of the Zulu people. Captain Gardiner in 1836 (pp. 104—5 and p1. 1) notes the presence of a gourd-resonated musical bow. It is not, however, clear which of the two Zulu gourd-resonated bows Gardiner encountered. He provides an illustration of a simple bow with undivided string and gourd resonator attached near the centre of the stave but does not note its name. the instrument would seem to be a cross between the Zulu ugubhu, a simple bow with undivided string, but with the gourd resonator attached near the lower end of the stave, and the Zulu umakhweyana, a simple bow with the gourd resonator attached near the centre of the stave, but in which the string is divided by means of a loop which is secured within the centrally-located resonator. Angas (1849:p. 111 and p1. 25) also seems to have confused the two instruments. Plate 25 is an illustration of a young man playing what appears to be the ugubhu (although the gourd resonator is situated higher up the stave than is usual), but the drawing in the text (p. 111) in explanation of plate 25 shows a young man playing the umakhweyana. Thus, while the ugubhu is generally regarded as the older and more authentically Zulu of the two instuments (the umakhweyana being thought to have been borrowed from the Tsonga of Mozambique around the turn of the nineteenth century), it is apparent that, from at least the time of the first documentation of the Zulu, both instruments were in current usage.
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De Vries, Bouke. "Black Pete, King Balthasar, and the New Orleans Zulus: Can Black Make-Up Traditions Ever Be Justified?" Journal of Controversial Ideas 1, no. 1 (April 25, 2021): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.35995/jci01010008.
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Wearing black make-up to impersonate black individuals has become highly controversial in many countries, even when it is part of long-standing cultural traditions. Prominent examples of such traditions include Saint Nicolas celebrations in the Netherlands (which feature a black character known as “Black Pete” who hands out candy to children), Epiphany parades in Spain (which feature impersonations of the biblical king Balthasar who is traditionally portrayed as black) and the annual Zulu parade in New Orleans (which features impersonations of South African Zulu warriors). In this article, I challenge the widely held view that black make-up traditions are categorically wrong. Specifically, I argue that these traditions can be morally vindicated if (i) the large majority of individuals who help to maintain them do not believe that they denigrate black people; (ii) the relevant traditions do not depict black people in denigrating ways; and (iii) the relevant traditions are not gratuitously offensive. While the Dutch Saint Nicholas tradition fails to satisfy these conditions, the New Orleans Zulu tradition is found to satisfy them, as is the Spanish Epiphany tradition in certain cases. I end by identifying another set of conditions under which black make-up traditions might be morally justified.
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Cabrita, Joel. "Writing Apartheid: Ethnographic Collaborators and the Politics of Knowledge Production in Twentieth-Century South Africa." American Historical Review 125, no. 5 (December 2020): 1668–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhaa512.
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Abstract Knowledge production in apartheid-era South Africa was a profoundly collaborative process. In particular, throughout the 1930s–1950s, the joint intellectual labor of both Africans and Europeans created a body of knowledge that codified and celebrated the notion of a distinct realm of Zulu religion. The intertwined careers of Swedish missionary to South Africa Bengt Sundkler and isiZulu-speaking Lutheran pastor-turned-ethnographer Titus Mthembu highlight the limitations of overly clear demarcations between “professional” versus “lay” anthropologists as well as between “colonial European” versus “indigenous African” knowledge. Mthembu and Sundkler’s decades-long collaboration resulted in a book called Bantu Prophets in South Africa ([1948] 1961). The work is best understood as the joint output of both men, although Sundkler scarcely acknowledged Mthembu’s role in the conceptualization, research, and writing of the book. In an era of racial segregation, the idea that African religion occupied a discrete, innately different sphere that the book advanced had significant political purchase. As one of a number of African ideologues supportive of the apartheid state, Mthembu mobilized his ethnographic findings to argue for innate racial difference and the virtues of “separate development” for South Africa’s Zulu community. His mysterious death in 1960 points to the high stakes of ethnographic research in the politically fraught climate of apartheid South Africa.
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Atkins, Keletso E. "Origins of the AmaWasha: the Zulu Washermen's Guild in Natal, 1850–1910." Journal of African History 27, no. 1 (March 1986): 41–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700029194.
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Research into the perspectives of both worker and consumer has shown the social history of Zulu washermen to be far more complex than was previously thought. Viewed from the standpoint of Zulu men, washing clothes was not a humiliating female task into which they had been coerced by adverse circumstances. Laundering recalled the specialist craft of hide-dressing in which Zulu males engaged as izinyanga, a prestige occupation that paid handsomely. These astute tradesmen, a number of whom may have come from artisanal families, recognized they could play a crucial role in the European household economy. ‘Craft conscious’, building on indigenous institutions and customs, they combined not merely to secure their position and bar entry into ‘the trade’, but also to impose standards of wages and regulate the labour given by the younger men. In this manner they became one, if not indeed the most, powerful group of African workmen in nineteenth-century Natal.The social history of the AmaWasha guild compels a re-evaluation of notions regarding openness to change in traditional societies; indeed, it underscores their capacity for innovation. Moreover, it has a fundamental bearing on the structural nature and patterns of resistance of early black working populations in South Africa. This study indicates that there were intimate historical links between precolonial artisanal associations and subsequent worker organizations, activities and consciousness.
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Mungazi, Dickson A., and Robert W. July. "A History of the African People." International Journal of African Historical Studies 26, no. 1 (1993): 221. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/219213.
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Dickie, June F. "Community Translation and Oral Performance of Some Praise Psalms within the Zulu Community." Bible Translator 68, no. 3 (November 30, 2017): 253–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2051677017728564.
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There is a strong history among the Zulu community of performing praise poetry, and a passion for composing and performing poetry continues among Zulu youth today. On the other hand, the current Zulu Bible is considered by many young people to be irrelevant or difficult to read and understand. With these two factors in mind, I conducted a study in which Zulu youth were invited to participate in basic training, after which they made their own translations of various praise psalms and then performed them before a community audience using song, rap, or spoken poetry. This paper looks at the process and benefits of inviting “ordinary speakers” to participate in the translation process, and of communicating the message through oral performance. The results are encouraging and suggest the methodology could be extended to other genres of biblical text and other language groups.
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Stapleton, Timothy J. "Oral Evidence in a Pseudo-Ethnicity: The Fingo Debate." History in Africa 22 (January 1995): 359–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3171922.
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There is a disturbing trend emerging in South African history. Unquestioning acceptance of African oral tradition threatens to become a requirement of politically correct scholarship. The African voice knows all. Julian Cobbing has been sharply criticized for ignoring oral evidence in his revision of early nineteenth-century South African history. Cobbing claims that African migration and state formation in the 1820s was caused by the illegal activities of colonial slave raiders who covered up their operations by claiming that the Zulu kingdom under Shaka had laid waste to the interior of southern Africa. This cover story was incorporated into South African history as the mfecane (or crushing) and served to justify white supremacy by portraying blacks as inherently violent. Carolyn Hamilton attacks Cobbing for ignoring the African voice which allegedly supports the orthodox mfecane by placing Shaka at the center of events. In response, Cobbing claims that the largest record of Zulu oral evidence was distorted by James Stuart, the colonial official who collected it at the turn of the last century. Although Elizabeth Eldredge rejects the Zulucentric mfecane in favor of a broad compromise theory based on environmental and trade factors plus the activities of a few Griqua labor-raiders on the High veld, she accused Cobbing of developing a Eurocentric hypothesis which robs Africans of initiative within their own history. More critically, Jeffrey Peires, whose work on the Xhosa is deeply rooted in the conventional mfecane, describes Cobbing as “a reactionary wolf dressed up in the clothing of a progressive sheep” and implies that his ideas are nothing short of racist.
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Thwala, Jabulani Dennis, and Stephen David Edwards. "The Role of the Ancestors in Healing: A Zululand Follow up Study." DIALOGO 7, no. 2 (June 30, 2021): 67–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.51917/dialogo.2021.7.2.6.
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Ancestral consciousness, reverence, beliefs, and practices, forms an essential foundation for religion and healing. African religion and healing are based on the interconnectedness of all life, including ancestral heritage linked to an original creative Source, usually known through dreams via the extended family, community and collective unconscious. People only exist because of their ancestors’ gift of life and nurturance. Zulu people traditionally recognize and honour ancestors as the existential foundation for all humanization and socialization. Motivation for this study arose because of the popularity of a previous Zululand study on the role of the ancestors in healing, as well as the more recent one on coping with COVID-19. A convenience sample of twelve participants was asked to describe their understanding of the role of the ancestors in healing. Respondents indicated that although ancestors are typically not healers, unless they occupied healing roles in life such as Shembe, in their closer connection to the Creator/God, they play various roles in healing. The most important roles were of guidance, protection, direction, advice, warning, presence, communication, mediation, and intervention. The implications of these healing roles are discussed with special reference to Zulu indigenous healers. In addition to common components of healing found throughout the planet, Zulu healing is holistically interconnected with everyday life and death, as facilitated by indigenous healers through ancestors (amadlozi) breath/soul (umphefumulo), spiritual energy (umoya), humanity (ubuntu) and coherent communication (masihambisana).
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Kromberg, Steve. "Zulu Izibongo - Musho! Zulu Popular Praises. Edited By Liz Gunner and Mafika Gwala. (African Historical Sources, No. 3). East Lansing: Michigan State University Press, 1991. Pp. 237. $25." Journal of African History 34, no. 2 (July 1993): 343–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700033557.
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Harries, Patrick. "Imagery, Symbolism and Tradition in a South African Bantustan: Mangosuthu Buthelezi, Inkatha, and Zulu History." History and Theory 32, no. 4 (December 1993): 105. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2505634.
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Lambert, Michael. "Ancient Greek and Zulu Sacrificial Ritual a Comparative Analysis." Numen 40, no. 3 (1993): 293–318. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852793x00194.
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AbstractIn this paper, ancient Greek and Zulu sacrificial ritual are compared in order to test the validity of Burkert's hypothesis about the origins and function of sacrifice. Similarities and differences between the two ritual systems are analysed. The Zulus do not clearly differentiate between Olympian and chthonic deities and sacrifices and seem to sacrifice exclusively to or for the shades or ancestors. The absence of a fully-developed ancestor cult in ancient Greek religion (the cult of heroes and the cult of the dead bear some resemblance to one) seems to reflect the nature of a pólis culture which cuts across the boundaries of tribes and phratries: no such culture is evident amongst the Zulus and ancestor cult thus reflects the lineage and kinship system characterising Zulu life. Burkert believes that sacrifice has its origins in the ritualisation of the palaeolithic hunt. Crucial aspects of the theory do not seem to be validated by Zulu thought-patterns: e.g. there is little or no trace of guilt or anxiety at ritual killings, a guilt which might be expected from a people deeply attached to their animals, often personified in praises addressed to them. Following G.S. Kirk, this paper attempts to illustrate that composite accounts of both ancient Greek and Zulu sacrifice acquire misleading emotional resonances which individual sacrifices might not have. This comparative study does not disprove Burkert's theory, but attempts to demonstrate that explanations offered in terms of origins or formative antecedents are fraught with speculative problems and throw no light on the motivation for sacrifice.
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Caesar, Tiffany. "PAN-AFRICANISM AND EDUCATION : AN EXPLORATORY STUDY OF AFRICAN CENTERED SCHOOLS IN CAMEROON AND SOUTH AFRICA." Commonwealth Youth and Development 14, no. 2 (March 28, 2017): 92–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/1727-7140/1922.
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“Umuntu Ngumuntu Ngabantu” translates into a person is a person because of people. There is an idea of unity in this frequently used Zulu proverb that is posted boldly next to the Afrocentric logo on the African Union International School (AUIS) website in Midrand South, Africa. All these words are factors within Pan-Africanism, and AUIS is more than an international school in South Africa, but it is one of two schools created by the African Centered Educational Foundation (ACE). The other school is called the African American Academy in Douala, Cameroon. Under the auspice of ACE, both schools share a very special mission implied within its vision that includes an education for the African Renaissance. Through a content analysis, this paper will illustrate how the African Centered Education Foundation represents Pan-Africanism through the institutionalization of African Centered Education illustrated by their technological media (school websites, facebook, online articles), educational tools (brochures, teacher evaluations, lesson plans, teacher’s introduction package), and their African diaspora volunteer teacher program.
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Van Niekerk, Jacomien. "Verstedeliking: Vergelyking tussen Suid-Afrikaanse letterkundes en die kultuurteks." Tydskrif vir Letterkunde 50, no. 3 (May 18, 2018): 39–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/tl.v50i3.5111.
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Despite many efforts to publish comprehensive literary histories of South or Southern Africa in recent years, few studies existin which a thorough comparative study is undertaken between two or more South African literatures. This article wants to provide a practical example of such a study by comparing the urbanisation of Afrikaners in Afrikaans literature with that of black people as seen in English and Zulu literature. The statement made by Ampie Coetzee that comparative studies should take place within the framework of discursive formations is one of the fundamental starting points of this study. Maaike Meijer’s concept of the “cultural text” is further employed as a theoretical instrument. The identification of repeating sets of representation is central to the demarcation of a “cultural text about urbanisation” in Afrikaans, English and Zulu literature respectively. The cultural text forms the basis from which a valid comparative study can be embarked upon, and the results of the research have important implications for further comparative studies but also literary historiography.
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Nantambu, Kwame. "Book Review: Review Article: Africa and African People in World History: Understanding Contemporary Africa, African History, a History of the African People, Plundering Africa's Past." A Current Bibliography on African Affairs 28, no. 2 (December 1996): 119–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001132559702800204.
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Breitinger, Eckhard. "HEROES OF SOUTH AFRICAN HISTORY AS OPERATIC HEROES: AKIN EUBA'S CHAKA AND NBONGEMI NGEMA'S THE ZULU." South African Theatre Journal 13, no. 1 (January 1999): 103–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10137548.1999.9687688.
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Cody, Cheryll Ann, and William S. Pollitzer. "The Gullah People and Their African Heritage." Journal of Southern History 67, no. 3 (August 2001): 642. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3070030.
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Mathonsi, N. N. "A socially committed literary work: perspectives on Elliot Zondi’s Insumansumane." Literator 26, no. 3 (July 31, 2005): 83–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/lit.v26i3.238.
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In this article Elliot Zondi’s historical drama, “Insumansumane”, is discussed as a committed literary work. The main character, Bhambada, urges his contemporaries to challenge the ideological domination of the apartheid system and to fight for their freedom to the last man, if necessary. According to Elliot Zondi, the 1906 Bhambada Rebellion was caused by a lack of consultation and utter disregard for the feelings of the African majority regarding taxation. The rebellion was also caused by the forceful introduction of Western culture and social values. The play in itself is actually a metaphor for the Zulu people living in the 1980s under the iron rule of President P.W. Botha. In this play the Zulu are urged to live up to the freedom ideals for which their forefathers had been ready to fight and to die. The development of the plot in the play emphasises that the “winds of change” at that time were becoming stronger, causing the undercurrent that was to bring about liberation in 1992 and in 1994.
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Khuzwayo-Magwaza, Lindiwe P. "The “Closet” and “Out of the Closet” versus “Private Space” and “Public Space”: Indigenous Knowledge System as the Key to Understanding Same-Sex Sexualities in Rural Communities." Religions 12, no. 9 (September 2, 2021): 711. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12090711.
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This paper is produced from the author’s Ph.D. project on indigenous same-sex sexualities. It interrogates the way same-sex sexualities or homosexuality is understood in the West and how the Western interpretations of sexualities and genders are imposed on African rural communities. The paper argues that such Western impositions impede our understanding of same-sex relationships, and it threatens any attempt made to bring sexual orientation awareness programmes to rural areas. The study is framed on African indigenous knowledge systems to accommodate African indigenous perspectives on same-sex sexualities. This approach introduces indigenised same-sex discourse into contemporary discourses. The study was conducted in rural communities of Kwa Zulu Natal (KZN), where families of same-sex individuals (SSI) reside. The research employed a qualitative methodology that involved SSI, families, traditional and Church leaders. Triangulation methods involve individual interviews, focus groups, and workshops, this method is meant to validate research findings. The results reveal that, before Western debates on African same-sex sexualities, the idea of the “closet or out of the closet” did not exist, instead people lived a private life. Meaning, approaching sexual discourse by respecting this choice gives people of different sexualities the privacy they want, and this is regarded as a “safe place” for them.
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HANRETTA, SEAN. "WOMEN, MARGINALITY AND THE ZULU STATE: WOMEN'S INSTITUTIONS AND POWER IN THE EARLY NINETEENTH CENTURY." Journal of African History 39, no. 3 (November 1998): 389–415. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853798007282.
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For a number of years the historiography of Southern Africa has been dominated by a materialist framework that has focused upon modes of production and forms of socio-political organization as the determining factors in historical change. Those historians concerned with the history of women in pre-colonial societies – even those who have privileged gender relations in their analyses – have largely been content to construct women's history by applying the insights of socio-economic and political analyses of the past to gender dynamics, and by projecting the insights of anthropological analyses of present gender relations into the past. Some of these historians have concluded that until the arrival of capitalism no substantial changes in the situations, power or status of women took place within Zulu society, even during the period of systemic transformation known as the mfecane in the early nineteenth century.More recently, Zulu gender history has become part of a larger debate connected to the changing political and academic milieu in South Africa. Representatives of a revived Africanist tradition have criticized materialist historians for writing Zulu history from an outsider's perspective and of focusing overly on conflict and power imbalances within the nineteenth-century kingdom in an effort to discredit contemporary Zulu nationalism. To counter this, historian Simon Maphalala has stressed the harmony of nineteenth-century Zulu society, the power advisors exercised in state government, and the lack of internal conflict. Maphalala also claims that women's subordinate role in society ‘did not cause any dissatisfaction among them’, and argues that ‘[women] accepted their position and were contented’. In recent constitutional debates many South African intellectuals including members of the Congress of Traditional Leaders of South Africa (CONTRALESA), invoked this ‘benign patriarchy’ model of pre-colonial gender relations to oppose the adoption of gender-equality provisions in the new constitution. As Cherryl Walker has noted, the hegemonic definition of traditional gender relations to which such figures have made rhetorical appeals often masks not only the historicity of these relations but also hides dissenting opinions (often demarcated along gender lines) as to what those relations are and have been.
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Ayittey, George B. N. "African People in the Global Village: An Introduction to Pan African Studies (review)." Journal of World History 12, no. 1 (2001): 220–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jwh.2001.0003.
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Zwane, Celani Lucky. "The Physical Features and Importance of Women That Is Depicted on Zulu Clan Praise Names." English Linguistics Research 9, no. 4 (December 10, 2020): 32. http://dx.doi.org/10.5430/elr.v9n4p32.
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The focus of this paper is that most scholars are not aware of the physical features and importance of women that is depicted on Zulu clan praise names. The clan praise names in themselves code hidden information that would be a story, history, very long which talks about women. The main aim of the study is to alert people about the physical features and importance of women that is depicted on Zulu clan praise names. Research findings indicate that women feel significant when their physical beauty is acknowledged. This study found that females can protect themselves through self-defence if they are trained and can also protect their loved ones. Research findings also showed that women are very important in growing the nation and can protect their families by using their wisdom.
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Beckerleg, Susan. "African Bedouin in Palestine." African and Asian Studies 6, no. 3 (2007): 289–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920907x212240.
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AbstractThe changing ethnic identity and origins of people of Bedouin and African origin living in southern Israel and the Gaza Strip are explored in this paper. For thousands of years, and into the twentieth century, slaves were captured in Africa and transported to Arabia. Negev Bedouin in Palestine owned slaves, many of whom were of African origin. When Israel was created in 1948 some of these people of African origin became refugees in Gaza, while others remained in the Negev and became Israeli citizens. With ethnic identity a key factor in claims and counter claims to land in Palestine/Israel, African slave origins are not stressed. The terminology of ethnicity and identity used by people of African origin and other Palestinians is explored, and reveals a consciousness of difference and rejection of the label abed or slave/black person.
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Beck, Bernard. "Extraordinary People: Hero Movies for African American History Month." Multicultural Perspectives 23, no. 2 (April 3, 2021): 73–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15210960.2021.1915089.
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Dubbeld, Bernard. "Breaking the Buffalo: The Transformation of Stevedoring Work in Durban Between 1970 and 1990." International Review of Social History 48, S11 (October 24, 2003): 97–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859003001287.
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In Durban, South Africa, stevedoring workers were the most physically powerful workers of all, and were known as onyathi in Zulu, or buffalo, which aptly described the physical and collective nature of their work. Throughout the century, the stevedoring industry was especially labour-intensive, necessitating teams of workers. As in most industries in South Africa, African workers built and maintained the docks. These buffalo developed the linkage that made Durban a thriving city and sustained the apartheid economy. Yet today the buffalo are all but gone, replaced by onboard warehouses known as containers. Machines have replaced the men once so integral to the survival of the city.
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Hamilton, Carolyn Anne. "‘The Character and Objects of Chaka’: A Reconsideration of the Making of Shaka as ‘Mfecane’ Motor." Journal of African History 33, no. 1 (March 1992): 37–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700031844.
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An important aspect of Julian Cobbing's radical critique of the ‘mfecane’ as the pivotal concept of the history of southern Africa in the nineteenth century is the claim that the image of Shaka-as-monster was an ‘alibi’ invented by Europeans in the 1820s to mask their slaving activities. Reconsideration of this claim reveals that it is based on the misuse of evidence and inadequate periodisation of the earliest representations of Shaka. Examination of the image of Shaka promoted by the Port Natal traders in the 1820s reveals that, with two highly specific exceptions which were not influential at the time, the traders' presentation of Shaka was that of a benign patron. It was only in 1829, after the Zulu king's death, that European representations began to include a range of ‘atrocity’ stories regarding Shaka. These were not invented by whites but drew on images of Shaka already in place amongst the African communities of southern Africa. These contemporary African views of Shaka and the ways in which they gave shape to the European versions are ignored by Cobbing, and this contributes to his failure to come to grips with past myth-making processes in their fullest complexity.
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Winch, Julie, and James Oliver Horton. "Free People of Color: Inside the African American Community." Journal of Southern History 60, no. 4 (November 1994): 803. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2211091.
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CHEWINS, LINELL, and PETER DELIUS. "THE NORTHEASTERN FACTOR IN SOUTH AFRICAN HISTORY: REEVALUATING THE VOLUME OF THE SLAVE TRADE OUT OF DELAGOA BAY AND ITS IMPACT ON ITS HINTERLAND IN THE EARLY NINETEENTH CENTURY." Journal of African History 61, no. 1 (March 2020): 89–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853720000055.
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AbstractThis article, largely on the basis of in-depth research in archives in Lisbon, provides an account of the trading systems linking Delagoa Bay to its southern hinterland. Within this framework we argue that the role of the slave trade has been previously underestimated. There is evidence that the booming demand for slaves in Brazil and on the Mascarene Islands hit this region with force. The scale of that trade is difficult to establish because it was, by and large, illicit and so not systematically recorded. There are indications of a significant trade prior to 1823 and a substantial one after that date. There is also evidence that northern Nguni groups, including the Zulu kingdom, were deeply involved in this trading system. The main sources of captives, however, were militarily weak societies, like the Tembe, which lived closer to the Bay.
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James, Sule Ameh. "CRITICAL DISCOURSE OF AFRICAN VERNACULAR ROOTED IMAGERIES IN PITIKA NTULI’S SCULPTURES." ARTis ON, no. 9 (December 26, 2019): 140–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.37935/aion.v0i9.246.
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My paper presents a critical discourse on African vernacular rooted imageries in the contemporary sculptures of Ntuli, the ideas they convey to viewers and how Africanness is indicated in each depiction produced between 2007 and 2016. I read Ntuli’s contemporary sculptures as African vernacular rooted because he appropriates in them cultural imageries from engagement with African contexts. Five images of his sculptures and installations were purposively selected for thematic and visual analysis. I adopt visual hermeneutics theory, formal analysis and cultural history methods for the reading of each work. The narrative reveals that Ntuli’s vernacular imageries reflects black South African men and a woman rooted in past and present socio-political events in South Africa. The thematic interpretations of the imageries reveal ideas on massacre not merely during apartheid but in post-apartheid South Africa, torture of victims detained without trial, anti-racialism and reflection on a historical hero from Zulu culture.
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PETERSON, DEREK R. "CULTURE AND CHRONOLOGY IN AFRICAN HISTORY." Historical Journal 50, no. 2 (May 9, 2007): 483–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x07006164.
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Sources and methods in African history: spoken, written, unearthed. Edited by T. Falola and C. Jennings. Rochester: University of Rochester Press, 2004. Pp. xxi+409. ISBN 1-58046-140-9. £50.00.Honour in African history. By John Iliffe. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005. Pp. xv+404. ISBN 0-521-54685-0. £16.99.Black experience and the empire. Edited by P. Morgan and S. Hawkins. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004. Pp. xv+416. ISBN 0-19-926029-x. £39.00. Muslim societies in African history. By D. Robinson. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004. Pp. xx+220. ISBN 0-521-533566-x. £10.99.The study of African culture stands in a uneasy relationship with the study of African history. Historians work by pegging people, places, and events to a place on time's ever-lengthening yardstick. For the historical discipline, time is a structure that stands behind and lends meaning to human events. Culture, by contrast, is often claimed to be timeless, the unique inheritance of a distinct group of people. Culture builders work by short-circuiting chronology. They poach events, names, clothing styles, and other inspirational elements from the past and marshal them as a tradition to be proud of. The study of cultural history enters into a field where the partitions between past and present are being trampled by the traffic of human imagination.
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White, Shane, and James Oliver Horton. "Free People of Color: Inside the African American Community." Journal of American History 81, no. 2 (September 1994): 701. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2081269.
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