Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Zulu (African people) – History'

A research project submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for B.A. Honours degree in the Department of History at the University of Zululand, South Africa, 1995.
AbaKwaMthethwa form a very important component of the Zulu nation as we know it today. They were in fact the vanguards in the implementation of the idea of a confederation of smaller states (clans) under one supreme ruler or a king who become their overlord. The history of abaKwaMthethwa is so wide that one would need volumes to do justice to it. This project is only going to deal with their movement from around uBombo mountains round about AD 1500 to 1818 when king Dingiswyo was assassinated by Zwide, inkosi of the Ndwandwe people. This project will furthermore concentrate on the life of Dingiswayo from the time he escaped death from his father. The project also seeks to examine the controversy surrounding Dingiswayo's formative journey. It is intended that Dingiswayo's influence and his contribution socially, politically, military and economically to the upliftment of the Mthethwa confederacy will be examined. Finally mention will be made of the royal imizi, some principal imizi not necessarily royal ones, as well as religious imizi that are to be found at KwaMthethwa.

Mini-thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the degree B.A. Honours in the History at the University of Zululand, South Africa, 1998.
This paper seeks specifically to analyse the history of the people who were forcibly removed from the present day Richards Bay (previously called Mhlathuze Lagoon.) to the arid land of Ntambanana. The Paper will concentrate on the experience endured by these people' during this unfortunate episode. The experience entailed difficulties, deaths, hunger, resistance and even in some cases willingness or happiness, homelessness etc. It is also interesting to indicate that the Group Areas Act, which strongly manifested itself through force removal was forcefully implemented in moving the original inhabitants of Richards Bay.

Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2003.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: History is often manipulated to achieve contemporary goals. Writing or narrating history is not merely a recoding or a narration of objective facts, but a value-laden process often conforming to the goals of the writer or narrator. This study examines the ways in which the history of the Mabudu chiefdom has been manipulated to achieve political goals. Through an analysis of the history of the Mabudu chiefdom and the manner in which that history has been represented, this study illustrates that history is not merely a collection of verifiable facts, but rather a collection of stories open to interpretation and manipulation. In the middle of the eighteenth century the Mabudu or Mabudu-Tembe was the strongest political and economic unit in south-east Africa. Their authority only declined with state formation amongst the Swazi and Zulu in the early nineteenth century. Although the Zulu never defeated the Mabudu, the Mabudu were forced to pay tribute to the Zulu. In the 1980s the Prime Minister of KwaZulu, Mangusotho Buthelezi, used this fact as proof that the people of Maputaland (Mabudu-land) should be part of the Zulu nation-state. By the latter part of the nineteenth century Britain, Portugal and the South African Republic laid claim to Maputaland. In 1875 the French President arbitrated in the matter and drew a line along the current South Africa/ Mozambique border that would divide the British and French spheres of influence in south-east Africa. The line cut straight through the Mabudu chiefdom. In 1897 Britain formally annexed what was then called AmaThongaland as an area independent of Zululand, which was administered as ‘trust land’ for the Mabudu people. When deciding on a place for the Mabudu in its Grand Apartheid scheme, the South African Government ignored the fact that the Mabudu were never defeated by the Zulu or incorporated into the Zulu Empire. Until the late 1960s the government recognised the people of Maputaland as ethnically Tsonga, but in 1976 Maputaland was incorporated into the KwaZulu Homeland and the people classified as Zulu. In 1982 the issue was raised again when the South African Government planned to cede Maputaland to Swaziland. The government and some independent institutions launched research into the historic and ethnic ties of the people of Maputaland. Based on the same historical facts, contrasting claims were made about the historical and ethnic ties of the people of Maputaland. Maputaland remained part of KwaZulu and is still claimed by the Zulu king as part of his kingdom. The Zulu use the fact that the Mabudu paid tribute in the 1800s as evidence of their dominance. The Mabudu, on the other hand, use the same argument to prove their independence, only stating that tribute never meant subordination, but only the installation of friendly relations. This is a perfect example of how the same facts can be interpreted differently to achieve different goals and illustrates that history cannot be equated with objective fact.

Submitted to the Faculty of Arts in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree B.A. Honours in the Department of History at the University of Zululand, South Africa, 1993.
The History of the Mkhwanazi tribe between the UMhIathuze and the UMlalazi rivers in the east and west respectively and the Indian Ocean and the Ongoye moun tains in the South and North is an off shoot of the Mkhwanazi tribe of the chief Somkhele in the Hlabisa district • Its history can be clearly' understood by first looking at the history of the Mkhwanazi tribe in the Hlabisa district.

A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Arts in fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History at the University of Zululand, South Africa, 2004.
This thesis focuses on the reasons why King Dingane of the Zulu nation has been portrayed predominantly as a treacherous tyrant in South Africa's Eurocentric historical databases and poses the question whether he should, instead, not be regarded as the forerunner of African nationalism. It also examines the roots of European imperialism in South Africa, as recorded in governmental, geographical, trade and missionary records, and points out that, as with the first colonial invasion by Islam that resulted in the Tarikh chronicles, European imperialism was also inherently based on foreign and nationalistic biases. The study concludes that these preconceived notions have adulterated and overwhelmed the purer African voice that is uniquely represented by the oral tradition. Because the subdued African voice is regarded as more reliable than the written Eurocentric records, this study attempts to augment the Africa- centered work of Africanist historians who have, for several decades, revisited the oral history of Africa in order to recover, rehabilitate and represent a point of view and perspective intrinsic and special to Africa. The history of King Dingane of the Zulus encapsulates the problem of African historiography best because most of the sources from which accounts of his reign are reconstructed are European, and for this reason, propagate a Eurocentric bias. For example, while Eurocentric White historians are able to present, in print, three eyewitness accounts of the death of Piet Retief, the African point of view based on oral history is largely disregarded. This study seeks to redress this imbalance by championing the African point of view, which is considered to be not only sensible but also plausible and justifiable. Likewise, much attention has been given to the many studies that demonise King Dingane for the single act of viciously killing the purportedly innocent and innocuous Voortrekkers, while the broad contours of context against which his actions should be judged are disregarded. The purpose of this thesis is to debunk the myth of King Dingane's unfairness and criminality. It can therefore be interpreted as an effort at decriminalizing King Dingane's actions - a dimension that earlier as well as contemporary scholars of African history have hitherto ignored. It is hoped that in time similar studies on other issues will broaden this perspective and help to create the balance so sorely missing in Zulu history. A theoretical framework for historical representation is provided in chapter one of the study, while chapter two examines the mindset of the White explorers that arrived in Africa, and their imperial agenda that sought to control, drastically change and re-order everything. Chapter three attempts to portray the greatness of King Dingane in dealing with matters of governance as well as other issues that were to have a profound impact on the way in which he came to be portrayed in history books. Chapter four discusses the relationship between King Dingane and the British Settlers at Port Natal, while chapter five deals with the relationships between King Dingane and the Voortrekkers, who sought the very freedom from the British in the Cape Colony that they were prepared to destroy among Africans in the Zulu Kingdom. The final chapter deals with public history and perceptions about King Dingane in the 21^' century. The two museums that commemorate Impi yase Ncome/the Battle of 'Blood River' on 16 December are contrasted with each other and their potential for nation building is examined in a critical light. The central thesis of this study is that the historiography of the early years of the 19'^ century inevitably, and perhaps even deliberately, represented King Dingane as a tyrant with neither nationalistic proclivities nor stately qualities. The popularity of this historiographic perspective is arguably symptomatic of a hegemonic disciplinary praxis that seeks to privilege the principles of selection, preference and bias in the use of the vast archive of sources available to the historian, from the written to the oral source. To all intents and purposes, this principle, which interpolates the discourse of history as well as the producers and consumers of historical scholarship, has led to a limited, over-determined and totalizing view of King Dingane. It is this biased discourse that articulates with the dominant ideology that not only informed scholarship, but also reflected the ideology of the institutions responsible for shaping historiography. A full analysis of the circumstances surrounding King Dingane at the time, including the history, the culture, the political dynamics and the personalities of the actors, leads one to the inexorable conclusion that this thesis arrives at - namely that the king did what 'a king had to do.' It is furthermore concluded that the evidence leads one to believe that King Dingane should be seen as a forerunner of Black Nationalism, instead of being branded as a treacherous, bloodthirsty tyrant.

Submitted to the Faculty of Arts in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in the Department of Anthropology and Development Studies at the University of Zululand, 2005.
This dissertation seeks to take up the challenge of contributing to such an understanding of chieftainship by looking at the chieftainship succession disputes in the Cele clan of Phungashe and AmaNgwane clan of Bergville in the Province of KwaZulu -Natal, South Africa. The incorporation of indigenous political structures within the wider South African state has a long history, starting from the movements of people from one area to the other, the formation of smaller chiefdoms and bigger chiefdoms and to the rise of the Zulu kingdom. The entire process of Zulu state formation has been through a series of succession disputes which exist among many clans even nowadays. Also, the role of successions runs from the arrangements of indirect rule at the latter part of the nineteen-century to the pivotal role played by traditional leaders in the homeland administration and after 1994, the recognition of the institution, status and role of traditional leadership in the country's first democratic constitution and the enactment of the Traditional Leadership and Governance Framework Act. No. 41 of 2003 which makes provision for the establishment of the Chieftainship Dispute Resolution Commission.

The figure of Shaka (c. 1780-1828) looms massively in the historical and symbolic landscapes of Southern Africa. He has been unquestioningly credited, in varying degrees, with creating the Zulu nation, murderous bloodlust, and military genius, so launching waves of violence across the subcontinent (the "mfecane"). The empirical evidence for this is slight and controversial. More importantly, however, Shaka has attained a mythical reputation on which not only Zulu self-conceptions, but to a significant degree white settler self-identifications have been built. This study describes as comprehensively as possible the genealogy of white Shakan literature, including eyewitness accounts, histories, fictions and poetry. The study argues that the vast majority of these works are characterised by a high degree of incestuous borrowing from one another, and by processes of mythologising catering primarily to the social-psychological needs of the writers. So coherent is this genealogy that the formation of an idealised notion of settler identity can be discerned, especially through the common use of particular textual "gestures". At the same time, while conforming largely to unquestioning modes of discourse such as popularised history and romance fiction, individual writers have attempted to adjust to socio-political circumstances; this study includes four close studies of individual texts. Such close stylistic attention serves to underline the textually-constructed nature of both the figure of Shaka and the "selves" of the writers. The study makes no attempt to reduce its explorations to a single Grand Unified Explanation, and takes eclectic theoretical positions, but it does seek throughout to explore the social-psychological meanings of textual productions of Shaka - in short, to explore the question, Why have white writers written about Shaka in these particular ways?

This study examines the Church of Sweden Mission and the encounter between Swedish missionaries, African Christians and evangelists in Natal and Zululand in the early twentieth century. The ambition with the present study is to demonstrate that the mission enterprise was dependent on and an integral part of developments in society at large. It attends to the issue of how the idea of folk Christianisation and the establishing of a territorial folk church on the mission field originated in the Swedish society and was put into practice in South Africa. It describes how the goals implied attempted to both change and preserve African society. This was a task mainly assigned the African evangelists. By closely focusing on the particular regions where the Church of Sweden Mission was present, conflicts between pre-capitalistand capitalist, black and white societies are revealed. The 1906 Bambatha uprising became a watershed. The present study demonstrates how the uprising differently affected different regions and also the evolving -Zulu church. in the one region where Christianity was made compatible with African Nationalist claims, it was demonstrated that it was possible to be both a nationalist and a Christian, which paved the way for both religious independency and nationalist resistance and, eventually, large scale conversions.

In Natal and Zululand Swedish missions had precedence through the Church of Sweden Mission from 1876 on, the Swedish Holiness Mission from 1889 on, and the Scandinavian Independent Baptist Union from 1892 on. Between 1876 and 1902, thirty-six women were active in these South African missions. The history of all these women are explored on an individual basis in this, for the most part, empirical study. The primary goal of this dissertation is to find out who these women missionaries were, what they worked at, what positions they held toward the colonial/political situation in which they worked, and what positions they held in their respective missions. What meaning the women’s mission work had for the Zulu community in general, and for Zulu women in particular are dealt with, though the source material on it is limited. Nevertheless, through the source material from the Swedish female missionaries, Zulu women are given attention. The theoretical starting points come, above all, from historical research on women and gender and from historical mission research about missions as a part of the colonial period. Both married and unmarried women are defined as missionaries since both groups worked for the missions. In the Swedish Holiness Mission and in the Scandinavian Independent Baptist Union the first missionaries in Natal and Zululand were women. The Church of Sweden Mission was a Lutheran mission were women mostly worked in mission schools, homes for children and in a mission hospital. Women were subordinated in relationship to male missionaries. In the Swedish Holiness Mission and in the Scandinavian Independent Baptist Union women had more equal positions in their work. In these missions women could be responsible for mission stations, work as evangelists and preach the Gospel. The picture of the work of female missionaries has also been complicated and modified.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, History of Art, 2008.
Title from PDF t.p. (viewed on Jul 21, 2009). Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 69-10, Section: A, page: 3782. Adviser: Patrick R. McNaughton.

Magister Artium - MA
The issue of personhood has long been of concern to many philosophers. The primary concern has been about determining the necessary and sufficient conditions for an entity to be a person at a particular point in time. The most common answer in Western terms is that to be a person at a time is to have certain special mental properties such as psychological connectedness. On the other hand, others argue that we can only ever understand the ascription of mental characteristics as part of a necessarily joint set of physically instantiated properties. Most recent contributions to the topic have however cast doubt on these earlier attempts to understand personhood solely in terms of bodily and psychological features. Not only do they suggest a model of personhood that is individualistic, they also fail to make reference to communal and social elements. In particular, many non-Western, specifically African, cultures foreground these communal and social aspects. This is true of the Akan, Yoruba and Igbo cultures. As Kwasi Wiredu and Kwame Gyekye; Dismas Masolo; Segun Gbadegesin; and Ifeanyi Menkiti have shown respectively. However, there is a lack of comparable philosophical inquiry in the Southern African context. The primary aim of this study is to critically explore the metaphysical, cultural, linguistic and normative resources of the Zulu people in understanding what it means to be a person. The approach is predominantly conceptual and analytic, but it also draws on some empirical data with a view to extending the results of the literature-based study. Not only does this extend the field of cultural inquiry to personhood, it also opens up new opportunities to tackle old problems in the debate, including the question of what should be the proper relationship between the individual and the community. Specifically, I argue that rather than focus attention on the priority of the individual or community in relation to each other, consideration of the notion of personhood in Zulu culture reveals that notwithstanding significant communal constraints forms of agency are available to individuals. http://

A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Arts in fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Music at the University of Zululand, 2005.
This document on umaskandi is about a vocal musical style that was created and nurtured by the Zulu people. Externally and, at a distance, the style may not appear to be artistically captivating, praiseworthy, and linguistically significant. It is but only on closer scrutiny that the aesthetic worth of the music can be realized. Even then, without a considerable research into a sizeable amount of the people's arts in relation to their life activities, a casual listener may not identify any worthiness in the practice of umaskandi music. This is generally the case with all the music of Africa. The music is contained in the life activities of the people. Having discovered the entertaining element in the music, a serious listener will still be faced with the greater challenges of fathoming the organization of sound, the significance of the libretto and the physical execution, in relation to the lifestyles of the performers. The sound of the music, the observed rhythmic activity of the performers, and the language of the libretto and its elocution are only the surface of the activity. There is still, but, more signification in the unsaid source of the music. The reason for the neglect of this music style by Western cultures and by some modern local indigenous Africans, was not a mere oversight, but a result of stigmatization of all African arts by Europeans, whose intention was to dominate the whole of Africa. They would not succeed in managing the people dictatorially without destroying the latter's culture- For some time, therefore, because of such pressures and the demands of the culture of cities, and missionary education, the Westerners were able to 'convert' some Africans against their own (African) culture. Such attempts to 'Europeanize' Africans took place wherever there were European settlers on African soil. But, because of the breadth of the continent, they could not cover the whole surface of the country. Even amongst those that were reached, like the Zulus, there were always people who were not willing to abandon their indigenous heritage. Many were unbending and insisted on maintaining their traditional arts and cultures. It was from such a cultural attitude and disposition that umaskandi idiom was born. The coming in of democratic rule in South Africa has, however, restored the dignity of every human culture in the country. Therefore, all nationalities are free to practise their various cultures with firmness and self-assurance. This attitude lent more confidence to those that performed umaskandi music. It took some time before 'sophisticated' Africans could appreciate the sound and movement in performance of umaskandi performance style. The other nationalities took a little longer. Up to this day, those that have not been orientated in the language of the performers have not grasped the essence in umaskandi music, because of the social contextual nature of the music. Should a form of prejudice against indigenous African languages be sustained, ignorance about the life and thought patterns of Africans shall grow. This will be a drawback for the South African people as a whole. This phenomenon is worthy of mention because the propagation of isiZulu is getting threatened in many ways. First: There is a big population of Zulu and non-Zulu learners that do not receive tuition of their vernacular because some school managers are negative towards African languages. Secondly: Umaskandi musicians, who are the custodians of isiZulu language and culture, and other Zulu artistes, shall never be comprehended if the language is ignored. So, for those unfortunate learners who do not have isiZulu in their curriculum, the doors are closed on both sides. Since they are not given tuition in the classroom, they are most likely to develop a negative attitude towards the language, which would be a great disaster. In their schooling career, they will also miss the further * education through music' that is provided by Zulu music practitioners at large. Umaskandi musicians, who are speakers of isiZulu language, are in their own way, keepers and propagators of isiZulu culture. Their instruments are tuned in isiZulu style, which is their own instrumental creation bashed on their singing style. Their libretto is in isiZulu. They are historians of isiZulu life and its relevant culture of yesteryear. This will be missed. Umaskandi concept, which embraces the isiZulu instrumental tuning, isiZulu manner of dancing, isiZulu vocal harmony and isiZulu elocution of izibongo (praise poetry) , originated in the indigenous lives of the Zulu people. These people were so solid in their belief and practice that they clang tenaciously onto their culture even when they were exposed to a conglomeration of foreign cultures in the horrible mining environment. Umaskandi concept, therefore, had an effect on the people's behaviour. When the African indigenous people came across the new musical instrumentation at their disposal, they adapted the latter and used them to become an extension of their vocal styles. When conditions in the mines were depressing, degrading and debasing, they painfully sang of the good life that they had left behind in their indigenous homes. Through this umaskandi style, they have, therefore, been able to relate a people's history. The final question in the last chapter is whether umaskandi concept can be a method of education in the performance of instruments just as tonic solfa is a method of vocal music. The question can be extended further to inquire whether umaskandi concept can be a method of moral and cul tural determination and perseverance as it has been the case with Zulu musicians.

Submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree B.A. Honours in the Department of African Languages at the University of Zululand, South Africa, 1997.
Lolu cwaningo luhlose ukuvusa ugqozi lokufuya kubantu. Esikhathini eside abantu balahle amasiko abo , balibala amasiko ezinye izizwe. Lolu cwaningo luhlose ukuqwashisa iSintu ukuthi, yize sesingasazi ukuthi kumele sibhekephi, nokho lisekhona ithemba nekhambi elingenziwa. Uma nje besingaba nesineke, sivume ukuqalaza emuva, nokho bezingabuya emasisweni . Lolu cwaningo luzoveza ngokusobala bha ukuthi kwakukhonjwa ngophakathi kwelokhokho. Kuzovela yonke in::okozo yasekhaya ngaphandle kokuwa uvuka , uqhathanisa onsumbulwana. Ingani phela uphokophele ukuthola ukudla okwakha umzimba, njengobisi , amasi nokunye. Lolu cwa.'1ingo luzoveza ukubambisana komndeni ekumiseni insika yawo isibaya. Lolu cwaningo luzoveza isidingo sesibaya emzini womnumzane .

Numerous ethical guidelines are referred to when medical research is conducted on human participants. These guidelines include the Nuremberg Code, the Declaration of Helsinki, and the International Ethical Guidelines for Biomedical Research Involving Human Subjects. From a Western viewpoint, these guidelines may seem like well-reasoned, universally applicable codes for conducting medical research on human subjects. Some of the guidelines, however, merely impose Western values on developing countries without giving adequate consideration to their worldviews. I explore the applicability of current codes and guidelines of ethics on medical research with human subjects to the Zulu of South Africa and the Kikuyu of Kenya. Through a study of African traditional religions and philosophy and the community mindset that flows out of them, I have gained insight into the limitations of current universal codes when applied to traditional Kikuyu and Zulu communities.

Core Self-Evaluations [CSE] are a person’s estimation of his/her own worth and ability (Judge & Scott 2009). This in turn, is related to Racial Evaluation which is a person’s internal evaluation of his/her racial identity (Diller, 2010). The Employment Equity Act (55 of 1998) makes provision for the employment of equity candidates who can acquire skills in a reasonable amount of time. This requires individuals to be able to learn and then achieve in outcomes-based assessment. Core Self-Evaluations and Racial Evaluation can have an impact on how individuals perceive themselves, and how they perform in education, training and development (Hanley & Noblit, 2009). This study explored the relationship between Core Self-Evaluation, Racial Evaluation, Learning and Outcomes-Based Assessment using an experimental design. The Core Self-Evaluation scores in this study (n=230) were consistent with levels found internationally (Broucek, 2005). There was positive Racial Evaluation, with a relationship existing between Racial Evaluation and Core Self-Evaluations. This means that part of a person’s identity as an individual is related to Racial Evaluation, with that Racial Evaluation being positive amongst young Zulu students at the University of Zululand. There was a statistically significant, but small correlation between Learning and Core Self- Evaluation and a relationship was also found between CSE and Outcomes-Based Assessment results. When Core Self-Evaluation is higher, Learning tends to be more likely. The same pattern does not hold for Outcomes-Based Assessment results. Among Zulu students, lower CSE is linked to improved Outcomes-Based Assessment results. Racial Evaluation has a small relationship with CSE. However, efforts to remedy apartheid may be directed towards socio-economic development and need not focus on boosting Racial Evaluation when it comes to young Zulu adults.

99 leaves printed on single pages, preliminary pages and numberd pages 1-87. Includes bibliography. Digitized at 600 dpi grayscale to pdf format (OCR), using a Bizhub 250 Konica Minolta Scanner.
Thesis (MPhil (Philosophy))--University of Stellenbosch, 2000.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Death is a universal phenomenon and each culture develops its own ways of coping with it. The reaction of people to death also involves a complex network of relationships. To appreciate their responses to this phenomenon requires an understanding of the socio-cultural context in which these responses occur because they influence the individual's responses to issues of life and death. In the African context and indeed in the Zulu culture, death is a continuation of life in the world hereafter. The deceased renews his relationship with his ancestral relatives. Various rites and ceremonies are performed to mark his reunion with his ancestral relatives. For the living, the rites and ceremonies mark a passage from one phase of life to another requiring some readjustment. The belief in the existence of life after death also affects the nature of these rites and ceremonies, the social definition of bereavement and the condition of human hope. The belief in the existence of the ancestors forms an integral part African religion and its importance cannot be over-estimated. This belief flows from the strong belief in the continuation of life after death, and the influence the deceased have on the lives of their living relatives. The contact between the living and the living dead is established and maintained by making offerings and sacrifices to the ancestors. The ancestors, therefore, become intermediaries with God at the apex and man at the bottom of the hierarchical structure. However, for the non-African, the relationship seems to indicate the non-existence of God and the worshipping of the ancestors. Women play a pivotal role in issues of life and death, because African people recognize their dependence and the procreative abilities of women to reconstitute and to extend the family affected by the death of one of its members.Social change and Westernisation have affected the way the African people view death. Social changes have been tacked onto tradition. A contemporary trend is to observe the traditional and Christian rites when death has occurred. The deceased is then buried in accordance with Christian, as well as traditional rites. The belief in the survival of some element of human personality is a matter of belief and faith. It lessens the pain and sorrow that is felt upon the death of a loved one by giving the believer hope that one day he will be reunited with his loved one and thereby easing the fear and anxiety of death. Thus, the purpose of this investigation is to critically analyse the African perception of death and its implications with special reference to the Zulu people. The objective is to expose the complexities, diversities and the symbolism of death. The essence is to demystify the African perception of death and to indicate that the perception of death is not necessarily unique to African people in general and to the Zulu people in particular. Other groups like Christians have perceptions of death particularly with regard to the world hereafter. The aim of the investigation of the topic is to reveal some of the underlying cultural beliefs in death, enhance those beliefs that are beneficial to society and discard those that are anachronistic. Since culture is dynamic, not everything about African tradition will be transmitted to the future generation; there is bound to be cultural exchange.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die dood is 'n universele fenomeen en elke kultuur ontwikkel sy eie manier om daarmee om te gaan. Mense se reaksie op die dood geskied binne 'n komplekse netwerk van verhoudinge. Om mense se reaksie op hierdie fenomeen te begryp, is 'n verstaan van die sosio-kulturele konteks nodig waarin hierdie reaksies plaasvind, aangesien dit die individu se reaksie op lewe en dood beinvloed. In die Afrika-konteks en ook in die Zulu-kultuur word die dood beskou as die kontinuasie van lewe in die hiermamaals. Die oorledene hernu sy verhouding met sy voorouers. Verskeie rituele en seremonies vind plaas om hierdie gebeurtenis te identifiseer. Vir die oorlewendes is die rituele en seremonies die oorgang van een lewensfase na 'n ander en vereis dus 'n mate van aanpassing. Die geloof in die lewe na die dood beinvloed die aard van hierdie rituele en seremonies, die sosiale defenisie van rou en die toestand van menslike hoop. Die geloof in die bestaan van die voorvaders vorm 'n integrale deel van Afrika-religie en die belangrikheid daarvan kan nie oorskat word nie. Die geloof vloei voort uit die sterk geloof in die hiermamaals en die geloof aan die invloed wat oorledenes op hulle lewende nasate het. Die kontak tussen die lewendes en die lewende oorledenes word daargestel en onderhou deur offerandes aan die voorvaders. Die voorvaders word dus gesien as intermediere skakel in 'n hierargie met God aan die bokant en die mens aan die onderkant. Maar, vir nie-Afrikane, dui hierdie struktuur op die nie-bestaan van God en die aanbidding van die voorvaders. Vroue speel 'n deurslaggewende rol in kwessies van lewe en dood aangeslen Afrikane hul afhanklikheid besef van vroue se voortplantingsbekwaamhede om die famile wat deur die dood geaffekteer is te herkonstitueer en te vergroot. Sosiale veranderinge en verwestering affekteer Afrikane se houding teenoor die dood. Sosiale veranderinge is bo-oor tradisie geplaas. 'n Hedendaagse neiging is om Christelike sowel as tradisionele rituele na te volg na 'n sterfte. Die oorledene word begrawe in ooreenstemming met sowel tradisionele as Christelike praktyke. Die geloof in die oorlewing van elemente van die menslike persoon is 'n kwessie van geloof. Dit verminder die pyn en lyding na die afsterwe van 'n geliefde deur aan die gelowige oorlewende die hoop van 'n herontmoeting te bied - en verminder dus die vrees en angs wat met die dood gepaard gaan. Dus is die doel van hierdie ondersoek om 'n kritiese analise te maak van die Afrika-siening van die dood en die implikasies daarvan, met spesiale verwysing na die Zulu-nasie. Daar word probeer om die kompleksiteite, verskeidenhede en simbolisme van die dood aan te toon. Die essensie hiervan is om die Afrika-houding teenoor die dood te de-mistifiseer en te wys dat die siening van die dood nie noodwendig uniek van Afrikane in die algemeen en spesifiek van die Zoeloes is nie. Ander groepe soos Christene het beskouinge oor die dood met spesifieke verwysing na die hiernamaals. Die doel van die ondersoek is om sekere onderliggende kulturele oortuiginge aangaande die dood te onthul, om die beskouinge wat voordelig is, te versterk en om die anachronistiese beskouinge aan die kaak te stel en so te diskrediteer. Aangesien kultuur dinamies is, sal nie alles wat betref die Afrika-tradisie oorgedra word aan toekomstige generasies nie; daar sal noodwendig kulturele interaksie wees.

The study is about a Zulu male vocal tradition called isicathamiya performed by 'migrants' in all night competitions called ingomabusuku. This is a performance style popularized by the award winning group Ladysmith Black Mambazo. Isicathamiya, both in its symbolic structure and in the social and culturalpractice of its proponents has much in common with the ritual practices of Zionists. And Zionists are worshippers who integrate traditional beliefs and Christianity. This study will reveal that isicathamiya performance and Zionists are linked in three major areas:in the sqcial bases and practice of its proponents, in the structural properties of their performances and tn the meanings attached to these practices. Firstly, Zionists, who are also called a Separatist or African Independent church, and isicathamiya performers have minimal education and are employed in low income jobs in the cities. Most groups are formed with 'homeboy networks'. Furthermore, performers, unlike their brothers in the city, cling tenaciously to usiko [custom and tradition]. Although they are Christians, they still worship Umvelinqangi [The One Who Came First], by giving oblations and other forms of offerings. Amadlozi [the ancestors] are still believed to be their mediators with God. Also commonplace in this category is the practice of ukuchatha, [cleansing the stomach with some prepared medicine]; and ukuphalaza [taking out bile by spewing, which is also done as a way of warding off evil spirits]. These are rural practices that have meaning in their present domiciles. The second area of similarity consists in the structure of the nocturnal gatherings that form the core of the ritual and performance practices among isicathamiya singers and Zionists. Thus, a core of the ritual of Zionists is umlindelo [night vigil] which takes place every weekend from about 8 at night until the following day. Likewise, isicathamiya performers have competitions every Saturday evening from 8 at night until about 11 am the following day. Although Zionists night vigils are liturgical and isicathamiya competitions secular, the structures of both isicathamiya choreography and Zionists body movements appear the same. These movements are both rooted in a variety of traditional styles called ingoma. Thirdly, the meanings attached to these symbolic correspondences must be looked for in the selective appropriation of practices and beliefs taken to be traditional. Using present day commentaries in song and movement, ingoma and other rural styles performed in competitions and Zionists night vigils reflect a reconstruction of the past. Isicathamiya performers and Zionists see themselves as custodians of Zulu tradition, keeping Zulu ethnicity alive in the urban environment. This is why in this study we are going to see rural styles like ingoma, isifekezeli [war drills], ukusina [solo dancing] that were performed on the fields, now performed, sort of feigned and 'held in' as they are p~rformed in dance halls with wooden stages.

This thesis is a comparative regional study of a complex of beliefs and practices regarding the water divinities in southern Africa. These snake and mermaid-like divinities, which are said to work in conjunction with one's ancestors, are believed to be responsible for the calling and training of certain diviner-healers by taking them underwater for periods of time. In addition to granting healing knowledge, these divinities are associated with fertility, water and rain, and the origins of humanity. The research combines comparative ethnography with the anthropology of extraordinary experience (AEE), and focuses particularly on the Zulu, Cape Nguni, Shona and Khoisan groups. The use of the 'radical participation' method, as recommended by AEE, was facilitated by the author being identified as having a ' calling' from these water divinities, which subsequently resulted in her initiation under the guidance of a Zulu isangoma (diviner-healer) who had reputedly been taken underwater. The research details the rituals that were performed and how dreams are used to guide the training process of izangoma. This resulted in the research process being largely dream-directed, in that the author traces how the izangoma responded to various dreams she had and how these responses opened new avenues for understanding the phenomenon of the water divinities. The comparative study thus combines literature sources, field research and dream-directed experiences, and reveals a complex of recurring themes, symbols and norms pertaining to the water divinities across the selected groups. In seeking to explain both the commonalities and differences between these groups, the author argues for a four-level explanatory model that combines both conventional anthropological theory and extraordinary experience. Responses to the author's dream-led experiences are used to throw light on the conflicting discourses of morality regarding traditional healers and the water divinities in the context of political-economic transformations relating to capitalism and the moral economy; to illuminate the blending of ideas and practices between Zulu Zionists and diviner-healer traditions; and to link up with certain issues relating to San rock art, rain-making and healing rituals, which contribute to the debates regarding trance-induced rock art in southern Africa.

This is the first history of the Qwathi to appear. It relates all the events which have shaped the historical consciousness of the Qwathi people. The first chapter deals with the foundation of the Qwathi chiefdom by Mtshutshumbe and his followers who emigrated from EmaXesibeni to Thembuland before 1700. It also covers the development of the various Qwathi clans. The reign of Fubu which is discussed in Chapter Two was characterised by warfare. The most important of these wars was the Qwathi-Thembu war of the beginning of the nineteenth century. Its importance lies in the fact that although the Qwathi were a small chiefdom, they were able to goad the Thembu nation into war, the results of which were indecisive, hence, in subsequent years, the Thembu were always cautious in their dealings with the Qwathi. Fubu's other wars, including those of the Mfecane, are also discussed. Chapter Three deals mainly with the Qwathi-Thembu relations during the reign of Dalasile, Fubu's son. These were at first cordial but they became strained when Ngangelizwe took over as Thembu king in 1863. Dalasile refused to involve the Qwathi people in Thembu conflicts with their enemies and he desired to pursue an independent line. In 1875, when Ngangelizwe accepted colonial control, Dalasile stood out against it but, under pressure from the agents of colonialism, he gave in. The period from 1875 to 1880 was one of passive resistence to colonial control. This erupted into Dalasile's rebellion against the colony from 1880 to 1881. Chapter Six deals with the surrender, relocation and the introduction of a new system of control called the "Ward System". The ruling house was replaced by appointed headmen most of whom were drawn from non-Qwathi communities. Chapter Seven deals with the rise and Fall of the Qwathi peasantry. The fall of the peasantry facilitated labour migracy which contributed to further deterioration of the Qwathi both economically and physically.

Bibliography: pages 94-97.
This study is about the Khoikhoi, known as the "Hottentots" who are today no longer to be found in their original state in South Africa. It deals with their religion nnd disintegration, especially the land issue. The author upholds that there are remnants of Khoikhoi religion and cultural elements present among the descendants of the Khoikhoi, nnmely the Coloured people, especially those in the Cape. These Khoikhoi religious and cultural elements give the Coloured people a dignified continuation with their forebearers. The author also demonstrates that the Khoikhoi were religious people in spite of misconstrued perceptions of their being, culture and traditions. These elements the author further states should be included in the discipline of African theology.

Bibliography: pages 325-334.
This thesis is a theological and historical study of the Swedish missionary and evangelist Peter Otto Helger Witt (1848-1923), who served as the Church of Sweden Mission's first missionary and as such launched its work amongst the Zulu people of Southern Africa in the 1870S before growing disillusioned with his national Lutheran tradition and, after following a tortuous spiritual path through generally increasing theological subjectivity, eventually becoming a loosely affiliated Pentecostal evangelist in Scandinavia. Undoubtedly owing to the embarrassment he caused the Church of Sweden Mission by resigning from it while it was in a formative stage, but also to tension between him and its leaders, Witt has never received his due in the historiography of Swedish missions. For that matter, his role in Scandinavian nonconformist religious movements for nearly a third of a century beginning in the early 1890S is a largely untold chapter in the ecclesiastical history of the region. This thesis is intended to redress these lacunae by presenting Witt's career as both a foreign missionary and evangelist as well as the contours of his evolving religious thought and placing both of these emphases into the broader history of Scandinavian and other missionary endeavours amongst the Zulus, late nineteenth-century developments in Swedish Lutheranism, and the coming to northern Europe of those religious movements in which he successively became involved. As the copious documentation indicates, it is based to a great extent on little-used materials in the archives of the Church of Sweden Mission and other repositories in Scandinavia, South Africa, and the United States of America. Witt's own numerous publications also provide much of the stuff for it. The structure of this study is essentially chronological and, within that framework, thematic with clear precedents in previous missions and ecclesiastical historiography. The first chapter is largely a critical review of previous pertinent literature, professional and otherwise, emphasising its general misunderstanding and neglect of Witt. Chapter II covers his background in nineteenth-century Swedish Lutheranism, call to the Church of Sweden Mission, and role in establishing that organisation's endeavours amongst the Zulus. Chapter Ill deals with the trauma of the Anglo-Zulu War of 1819, particularly Witt's controversial but misunderstood role in it and the place of this in the existing historiography of that conflagration. Chapter IV surveys his part in re-establishing the Swedish Lutheran mission following the war and his co-operative and at times creative role in this major task. Chapters V and VI, on the other hand, have as their respective themes Witt's consequential spiritual crisis of the mid-1880s and resulting gradual departure from the Church of Sweden Mission. The seventh chapter is a consideration of Witt's Participation in and temporarily great impact on the Free East Africa Mission, a pan-Scandinavian free church undertaking which undertook evangelisation in both Durban and rural Natal in 1889. Chapter VIII treats Witt's generally independent career in Scandinavia from 1891 until his death, focusing on the new developments in which he became involved. The final chapter is an attempt to assess his general place in the missions and ecclesiastical history of Scandinavia and Southern Africa.

Bibliography: pages 131-146.
There is presently considerable debate as to the forms of relationships established between hunter-gatherers and their non-forager neighbours and whether relationships which are documented as having been established significantly affected these hunter-gatherer societies. In southern Africa, particular attention has been paid to the effects of such contact on hunter- gatherer communities of the south-western Cape and the Kalahari. The aim of this thesis has been to assess the nature and extent of relationships established between the south-eastern San and southern Nguni and Sotho communities and to identify the extent to which the establishment of these relationships may have brought about changes in the political, social and religious systems of south- eastern hunter-gatherers. General patterns characterising interaction between a number of San and non-San hunter-gatherer societies and farming communities outside the study area are identified and are combined with archaeological and historiographical information to model relationships between the south-eastern San and southern Nguni and Sotho communities. The established and possible effects of these relationships on some south-eastern San groups are presented as well as some of the possible forms in which changes in San religious ideology and ritual practice resultant upon contact were expressed in the rock art. It is suggested that the ideologies of many south-eastern San communities, rather than being characterised by continuity throughout the contact period, were significantly influenced by the ideological systems of the southern Nguni and Sotho and that paintings at the caves of Melikane and upper Mangolong, as well as comments made upon these paintings by the 19th century San informant, Qing, should be interpreted with reference to the religious ideologies and ritual practices of the southern Nguni and Sotho as well as those of the San. Other rock paintings in areas where contact between the south-eastern San and black farming communities was prolonged and symbiotic may need to be similarly interpreted.

The focus of the thesis is a comparative history of two neighbouring ethnic groups in Songea District and their agroecological environments: the Ngoni, a branch of the Mfecane migrations from South Africa which dominated southern Tanzania in the late nineteenth century; and the Ndendeuli, one of numerous indigenous groups that were created by partial incorporation into the expanding Ngoni State. Under British Indirect Rule, the egalitarian, stateless Ndendeuli were ruled by authoritarian Ngoni Native Authorities, and the character of the two ethnic groups diverged, with the Ndendeuli enthusiastically adopting tobacco production, and Islam, while rejecting the European Christianity that had taken hold among the Ngoni. As the colonial economy developed, Europeans characterised the Ngoni as conservative and indolent- a 'deteriorating tribe' - while the Ndendeuli were increasingly recognised as industrious and progressive. These representations informed divergent patterns of intervention including coercive agricultural programmes for the Ngoni and forced resettlement of the Ndendeuli. In the early 1950s, a successful campaign for Ndendeuli selfrule emerged, which quickly transformed into mass support for TANU while their Ngoni counterparts allied with European interests. Despite forty years of nationalism, ethnic tensions between the Ngoni and Ndendeuli were sustained by a District Council and Cooperative Union which straddled the two regions, until July 2002 when Songea District was divided into two along a 'fault-line' that can be traced back to pre-colonial social and spatial organisation. The starting point for analysis is the insight that Undendeuli is the frontier of Ungoni, with a rapidly increasing population and unstable pattern of settlement and land use that developed in a region of indeterminate political and moral authority. The thesis examines how the people who became known as Ndendeuli created their society and culture out of the materials of a shared frontier experience, under economic, ecological and sociological conditions common to innumerable internal frontiers throughout Sub-Saharan Africa. In doing so, the thesis adapts Kopytoffs model of ethnogenesis and social change given in The African Frontier. The discussion explores the extent to which Ndendeuli history can be seen as an endogenous movement to build a new society in opposition to that found at the Ngoni centres of power. An interdisciplinary methodology was employed including sequenced historical mapping of settlement patterns, political organisation and land use; archival research, oral histories and interviews; participatory appraisal techniques and participant observation. The thesis is structured both thematically and chronologically, exploring in turn: pre-colonial settlement, political control and ethnic identity; colonial administration and the politics of representation; colonial religious identities and educational opportunities; the cultural economy of cash crop production; settlement and resettlement; and post-War political reform and resistance. The conclusions show how long-term settlement dynamics can offer new ways to frame and understand rural development trajectories and ethnic identities in other African districts.

A dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Arts, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy
This dissertation sets out to trace the political history of part of what is now Natal in the period from the third quarter of the 18th century to the late 1820s. After briefly describing the nature of political organization in the region at the beginning of the period, it explains how, in the later 18th century, several large paramountcies emerged among the small-scale chiefdoms which had previously been in exclusive occupation of the area. It traces continuities between the conflicts which brought about the formation of these larger polities and the upheavals which, in the later 1810s and early 1820s, totally transformed the region's political landscape. It argues that the concept of the mfecane, which portrays these upheavals as a product of the violent expansion of the Zulu state, is based on colonial-made myths and is devoid of analytical usefulness. It shows that A.T. Bryant's supposedly authoritative account of the period of the upheavals is very largely plagiarized from two minor publications produced long before by Theophilus Shepstone. It goes on to propose an alternative account which demonstrates that the.Zulu state was simply one among a number of important political actors in the ThukelaMzimkhulu territories in the 1810s and 1820s. Though the Zulu were eventually able to establish domination of the region, they did not 'devastate' it, as conventionally they are supposed to have done, and were unable effectively to occupy more than a small part of it. The Zulu were still in the process of establishing a hold on the region when, in the mid-1820S, its political dynamics began to be transformed by the increasing involvement of British traders from Port Natal in the affairs of the Zulu state. By the end of the 1820s, cape-based commercial and political interests were beginning to contest Zulu hegemony in the region south of the Thukela, and a new era in its history was opening.
AC2017

Submitted in fullfilment of the requirements for the degree of Masters of Arts in the Department of History, University of Zululand, 2011.
This thesis highlights historical sites with tourism potential between the Tugela and Lower Umfolozi Rivers up to Kosi Bay and the Mozambique border. This is roughly the area administered by the Uthungulu Regional Council today. These historical sites are monitored and administered by two most important acts i.e. the National Heritage Resources Act No. 25 of 1999 and the KwaZulu-Natal Heritage Act No. 10 of 1997. This research project comprises four chapters. It examines factors related to pre-colonial Zulu culture and focuses on how these factors could attract tourists. Furthermore it deals with historical places rich in tourism potential, showing how these historical places can attract the tourists. Chapter one addresses Zulu history from the earliest times to the present and the important aspects shaping current Zulu culture. Chapter two deals with traditional ceremonies which are part of African culture. Chapter three deals with sites of archaeological and historical interest. It further identifies and describes specific areas that are rich in Zulu history. The fourth chapter examines the Maputaland area and the St. Lucia Node and surroundings. The purpose is to explore the tourism potential of each heritage site and or region. Zulu customs that have the potential to become tourist attractions are identified and discussed prior to conclusions, which are drawn in the last chapter.

A dissertation submitted to the Fafulty of Arts in the fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in the Department of History at the University of Zululand, [1996].
Every nation has its own heroes that form part of its history- The history of the blacks, the Zulus in particular, is characterized by heroism, but very little is nowadays known about our heroes. The photo and the name of Prince TTiimuni appears in many books, but merely as an example of the traditional attire used by the hero warrior of AmaZuiu. No researcher has taken pains to trace the history of such a remarkable figure in the Zulu history. Thimuni belonged to Zimpohlo regiment of inkosi Shaka Zulu. He helped Shaka in building a strong Zulu nation by defeating different izizwe. Before the end of the Battle of Ndondakusuka, he crossed Thukela river into the British colony of Natal. Thimuni and his brother Sigwefoana supported Mbuyazi instead of Cetshwayo. Sigwebana died in the battle and Thimuni took over his wives, resulting in the birth of Chakijana and Lokoza. Ndlovu became the son of Thimuni's own first wife, Mkhomoto. The defeat of Mbuyazi resulted in strained relationship between Thimuni and the Zulu royal house. When Thimuni reached Maphumuio, inkosi Mkhonto Ntult gave him part of his area where he became inkosi. Thimuni's sons, Ndlovu and Chakijana disputed the heirship and Thimuni separated them. Chakijana was told to go and occupy Mvoti area as inkosi. Both Thimuni's sons used the name Nodunga for their districts and that was in honour of their grandfather, Mudli, whose umuzi was Nodunga. When the Bhambatha uprising broke out, Ndlovu and Chakijana sided with AmaZulu against the British government. That brought about reconciliation between them and the Zulu Royal House so that their sons Mbango and Piti communicated freely with the Zulu Royal House. Mbango's son, Manukanuka, was evicted in 1972 from his land by the South African government, the reason being that he communicated secreteiy with the British government against the loss of his land to Whites and Indians. The South African government sold Manukanuka's land for the part played by Chakijana in the Bhambatha uprising. Ubukhosi of Ndlovu's Nodunga No. 7 was only disturbed for a short period when Ndlovu was imprisoned. It was put under the Ngubane people under the chieftainship of Sibindi Ngubane of Mabomvini isizwe who made his brother, Mmeleli to be chief of Nodunga isizwe. However, when Ndiovu came back from exile ubukhosi was restored to him and his descendants.

Tricksters and Trickery in Zulu Folktales is a research on one of the central themes in African, and particularly Nguni/Zulu folklore, in which the trickster figure plays a pivotal role. The Zulu form part of the Nguni group of the Kintu speaking populations in sub-Saharan Africa. Their oral traditions are based on those of the whole sub-continent, but also constitute significant innovations due to the Nguni's contacts with the Khoisan peoples and to the history that has shaped their reasoning processes. Folktales are an artistic reflection of the people's culture, history, way of life, attitudes to persons and events, springing from the observation of nature and of animal and human, behaviour, in order to create a "culture of the feelings" on which adult decisions are based. The present research is based on the concept of a semiotic communication system whereby folktale "texts" are considered as metaphors, to be de-coded from the literary, cultural and behavioural points of view. The system is employed to produce comic entertainement, as well as for education. A careful examination of the sources reveals the central role that observation of the open book of natural phenomena, and especially the observation of animal life, plays in the formulation of thought patterns and of the imagery bank on which all artistic expression is based, be it in the form of proverbs, or tales, or poetry. Animal observation shows that the small species need to act with some form of cunning in the struggle for survival. The employment of tricks in the tales can be either successful or unsuccessful, and this constitutes the fundamental division of the characters who are constantly associated with trickery. They apply deceiving patterns based on false contracts that create an illusion enabling the trickster to use substitution techniques. The same trick pattern is however widely employed, either successfully or unsuccessfully, by a score of other characters who are only "occasional tricksters", such as human beings, in order to overcome the challenge posed by external, often superior, forces, or simply in order to shape events to their own advantage. The original mould for the successful trickster figure in Kintu speaking Africa is the small Hare. The choice of this animal character points to the bewildered realization that small beings can only survive through guile in a hostile environment dominated by powerful killers. The Nguni/Zulu innovation consists of a composite character with a dual manifestation: Chakide, the slender mongoose, a small carnivorous animal, whose main folktale name is the diminutive Chakijana; and its counterpart Hlakanyana, a semi-human dwarf. The innovation contains a double value: the root ideophone hlaka points to an intelligent being, able to outwit his adversaries by "dissecting" all the elements of a situation in order to identify weaknesses that offer the possibility of defeating the enemy; and to "re-arrange" reality in a new way. This shows the ambivalent function of trickery as a force for both demolition and reconstruction. Chakijana, the small slender mongoose, is like the pan-African Hare in most respects, but with the added feature of being carnivorous, therefore a merciless killer. He makes use of all its powers to either escape larger animals, or to conquer other animals for food in order to survive. Hlakanyana, being semi-human, can interact with both humans and animals; Chakijana is mostly active in an animal setting. The unsuccessful trickster figure in Kintu speaking Africa is Hyena, an evil and powerful killer and scavenger, associated in popular belief with witches by reason of his nocturnal habits and grave digging activities. The Nguni/Zulu innovation is Izimu, a fictional semi-human being, traditionally interpreted as a cannibal, a merciless and dark man eater. Izimu is another composite figure, prevalently corresponding to Hyena, from which he draws most of his fictional characteristics. The figure further assimilates features of half-human, half-animal man-eating monsters known in the folklore of many African cultures, as well as the ogre figure prevalent in European tales. The anthropophagous aspect, taken as its prevalent characteristic by earlier researchers, is a rather secondary feature. The innovation from a purely animal figure (Hyena) to a semi-human one allows this character to interact mostly with human beings, thus expressing deeply felt human concerns and fears. Trickery is the hallmark of comedy, the art of looking at life from an upside-down point of view, to portray not the norm but the unexpected. Thus the metaphors contained in trickster folktales, as expressions of comedy, are rather difficult to decode. The ambivalence, so common in many manifestations of African culture, becomes prevalent in these tales. Human tricksters, who try to imitate the trick sequence, are successful if their aims can be justified in terms of culture and tradition; but are unsuccessful if their aims are disruptive of social harmony. Ambivalence is also predominant in "modern" trickster folktales, and in some manifestations of the trickster themes in recent literature. The trickster tradition is an important aspect of the traditions of the Zulu people, permeating social, educational and literary aspects of life and culture. The Nguni/Zulu innovations of Hlakanyana/Chakijana and of Izimu point to the dynamic and inner stability of the culture, a precious heritage and a force on which to build a great future.
Thesis (Ph.D.)-University of Natal, Durban, 1995.

his dissertation examines representations of the Zulu in a variety of discourses. It also examines the role of black nationalisms in the construction of Zuluist discourse. The production of images of the Zulu began with the first Anglo-Zulu encounter in the nineteenth century. In 1879, the Anglo-Zulu War set a trend for image-making which was developed further in the twentieth century. The appearance of The Washing of the Spears and Zulu, initiated a chapter in the study of the Zulu which gave rise to publications that created startling mages of the Zulu. Despite the publication of the James Stuart Archive, as well as serious studies of the Zulu, authors continued to use the same popular interpretations of the Zulu. During the early twentieth century, the 'native question' dominated South African politics, while in the 1990s, political protest, conceptualised as aggressive marches by 'warriors' and tourism have been the major representations.
History
M.A. (History)

This research on the subject is one of a few written in the medium of isiZulu. Further, it is one of the few conducted on masikandi music in this depth. It identifies and analyzes strategies used by Zulu masikandis in their music. The researcher in this study demonstrated that Zulu masikandis comprise males and females and that at present male masikandis are dominating this genre. Besides that, the study also revealed two categories of Zulu masikandis: those who recorded their music and those who could not. The researcher demonstrated also that Zulu masikandis use different effective strategies for different purposes in their music. He demonstrated that Zulu masikandis use different strategies to introduce themselves to their followers and their counterparts, to brag about certain members of their groups, to coin and use nicknames, to reveal their themes, to reveal their emotions, to use various types of imagery and to use strategies which are the results of influences of factors like Christianity, riddles, folktales and praise-poems. Some of the challenges are that other masikandis find it very difficult to record their music owing to financial problems, other producers are corrupt, as masikandis are influential figures in public there is a danger that they can mislead the public by coining and spreading unstandardized Zulu expressions through their songs. Finally, it must be pointed out that the study of masikandi music, particularly strategies used by Zulu masikandis, makes a great contribution to the study of literature. The reason is that it introduces a new path, the different strategies used by Zulu masikandis in their music, categories of Zulu masikandis, nicknames for Zulu masikandis which are coined by themselves and sometimes by members of the public and different methods of collecting data to be used by other researchers. Therefore, it is worthy of publication.
African Languages
D. Litt. et Phil. (African Languages)

Amahubo songs are at the centre of the traditional Zulu cultural, religious and political lives. Their age is often associated with the very "beginning" of things, when the very first Zulu people emerged from the bed of reeds. As musical items amahubo tend to be easily associated with the old, pre-colonial era when Zulus were in charge of their lives and their destinies. The performance contexts of amahubo songs are the wedding, the funeral of a King, Chief, induna, umnurnzane, war and other commemorative ceremonies. Amahubo are also called ceremonial music because of their association with the ceremonial. Ritual and symbolism dominate amahubo performance contexts, amahubo themselves being symbols that stand for other ideas. It is noteworthy that despite missionary and colonial propaganda against traditional Zulu music and culture, amahubo continue to survive and are still performed at clan, regional and Zulu 'national' levels. In addition, there has emerged new syncretic styles which demonstrate the fusion of Zulu and Western (hymnal) musical ideas. From time to time the new musical styles emphasize a Zulu identity which makes them to be mostly symbolically associated with or related to amahubo songs. Today, amahubo and seven modern Zulu musical style can easily express a broad statement of the Zulu ethnic entity of ,some seven to eight million individuals. All these musical styles, when claimed by Zulus draw "imaginary borders" between Zulus and non-Zulus and get referred to as Zulu (ethnic or 'national') music. such references, however, are situational. The period 1988 - 1992 in which research was conducted culminating in this thesis has been marked by Zulu ethnic resurgence characterized by the performance of amahubo songs and other modern styles of religious, choral, wedding, mbhaganga, maskanda and isicathamiya, all of which, through manipulation of text and musical sounds, get situationally claimed for the Zulu ethnic (national) identity.
Thesis (Ph.D.)-University of Natal, Durban, 1992.

SUBMITTED IN FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS IN THE DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY, UNIVERSITY OF ZULULAND, 2002
I have long since been interested in the Anglo-Zulu War of 1879. I have come to realise that the many British versions need to be balanced by a more Zulu oriented approach. Therefore the purpose of this thesis is to attempt to present a Zulu perspective which I hope will encourage a popular Zulu involvement both in research and tourism. What is prominent in my thinking is bringing to the foreground the lesser known, but nevertheless, significant, coastal campaign of the Zulu War of 1879. As the campaign unfolds I will attempt to see the developments from the Zulu position as they defended their homeland from British aggfe3sion. They, especially the younger warriors, were prepared to die for their King and traditional way of life. They had a proud military tradition and were intent on victory once war broke out on 11th January.

In this dissertation, I argue that there is a pressing need in post-apartheid KwaZulu-Natal to re-assess the eighteenth- and nineteenth-century histories of the region from the perspectives of people whose ancestry was dispossessed and/or displaced in the wars that took place in that period, particularly those that elevated Shaka to dominance. I suggest that because of their retrospective manipulation by the vested interests of power politics, historical processes over the past two centuries, and in the last century in particular, have invested the figure of King Shaka and 'Zulu' ethnic identities with unitary meanings that have made them close to inescapable for most people who are considered 'Zulu'. I argue that there is, therefore, a need to recuperate the histories of the clans which were defeated by the Zulu and welded into the Zulu 'nation'. Following British-Jamaican novelist Caryl Phillips' strategy, I begin to conduct this recuperation through a process of subverting history by writing back into historical records people and events that have been written and spoken out of them. I argue that literary texts, izibongo ('personal' praises) and izithakazelo (clan praises) in this case, offer a useful starting point in recovering the suppressed or marginalised histories of some of the once-significant clans in the region. In the three chapters of this dissertation, I examine the izibongo of three late eighteenth-/early nineteenth-century amakhosi (kings) in the present KwaZulu-Natal region, Shaka kaSenzangakhona of the Zulu clan, Phungashe kaNgwane of the Buthelezi and Zwide kaLanga of the Ndwandwe. In the first chapter, I read Shaka's izibongo as an instance of empire-building discourse in which I trace the belittling representations granted Phungashe and Zwide. In the second and third chapters, I set Phungashe's and Zwide's izibongo, respectively, as well as the histories carried in and alluded to by these texts, and the clans' izithakazelo, alongside Shaka's and examine the extent to which the two amakhosi's izibongo talk back to Shaka's imperialism. I also follow the later histories of the two amakhosi's clans to determine which individuals became prominent in the Zulu kingdom under Shaka and after, as well as point to the revisions of the past that are being conducted in the present by people of the two clans. The versions of the izibongo I study and the hypotheses of history I present are drawn from sources that include the James Stuart Archive, A.T. Bryant, and oral historical accounts from several people I interviewed. Given the present imperatives in South Africa of bringing justice to the various peoples who were dispossessed under colonial and apartheid domination, I argue that recuperating the histories of the clans that were conquered by the Zulu under Shaka's leadership problematises questions of justice in KwaZulu-Natal: if it is legitimate to claim reparation for colonialism and apartheid, then the Zulu kingdom should be viewed under the same spotlight because of the similar suffering it visited on many inhabitants of the region. In that way, we can transcend divisive colonial, apartheid and Zulu nationalist histories that continue to have strong, often negative, effects on the crossing of identity boundaries constructed under those systems of domination.
Thesis (M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2004.

M.Ed. (Educational Psychology)
The main aim of this research was to do an exploratory study of the value-orientations and perceptions of the Zulu pupi Is in Sebokeng in order to enable teachers to understand the Zulu pupils better and thus be in a posi tion to teach them more effectively. The phenomenological strategy served as a basis from where the research was undertaken. This strategy made provision for the employment of various methods such as action research, literature study, word- and concept analysis. A questionnaire was used to determine the value-orientations and perceptions of the standard eight and ten Zulu pupils. For the purpose of empirical investigation a total of 224 standard eight and ten Zulu pupils was drawn from Botebo-Tsebo and Moghaka secondary school s • This was the total number of all standard eight and ten Zulu pupils in the two fore-mentioned schools during the academic year 1991. The most important findings of the research are as follows: * The typical value code of the Zulu child is not compatible with the values promoted in the school. * The beliefs of the Zulu pupils range from tradi tional belief in ancestors to those of modern times. A large percentage of the pupils are Christians. However, they still support the traditional religion. * The present Zulu pupil is inclined towards individuality rather than group consciousness that characterized traditional culture. * When comparing the valueing of school related matters, it was found that the standard ten pup! Is were relatively more positive to schooling than their standard eight counterparts. * Another important finding is that Zulu pupils prefer nonintegrated schools. They give preference to schools for their own people.

Text in English with abstracts in English, Afrikaans and isiZulu
This six-chapter study is a qualitative research work conducted within the Afrocentricity framework covering the application and testing of three newly found Afrocentric theories in African literature with special emphasis on isiZulu texts. The aim of this study is to test the application of Afrikan Humanism, Intsomi dream theory, and Africentricity theory. These theories were developed as a result of the debate between Eurocentric and Afrocentric scholars in literature and literary criticism. In this study the research comprised of examination of existing literature on literary criticism with particular focus on Afrocentricity perspectives on the literary criticism debate. The researcher employed the purposive sample on the theories as well as on the 5 short stories, and 2 novels on which Afrikana Humanisim, Intsomi dream theory, and Africentricity theory were applied. Amongst the findings, it is evident that South African scholars are still yearning to contribute on the debate and this has led to modifications of theories and development of new ones such as the Afrikan Humanism, Intsomi dream theory, Africentricity theory, African materialist aesthetics, multi-approach reading, systems, inter-cultural. Future research includes continued studies in decoloniality of African literature, orality research and empirical data should be generated to expand the field of African literary criticism with fresh approaches being tested and applied. New theories, literary frameworks need to be further investigated with a view of entrenching the application of Afrocentricity whilst decolonizing literature in Africa. , Materialist, Aesthetics, Literature, Orality, Orature, Decolonisation, Feminism, Theory, isiZulu, culture, tradition.
Feministiese geleerdes voer al geruime tyd 'n warm debat oor die kwessie of die normalisering van kosmetiese chirurgie vroue positief beïnvloed, vroue bemagtig deurdat dit volmag en keuse vir hulle in die hand werk (Gimlin 2002; Kuczynski 2006), of vroue onderdruk deurdat dit patriargale ideologieë voorstaan wat die vroueliggaam inperk en gevolglik die vrou inhibeer om haar stem te laat hoor (Blood 2005; Blum 2005; Clarke en Griffin 2007; Heinricy 2006; Tait 2007). In plaas daarvan om by hierdie debat betrokke te raak, gaan ek van die veronderstelling uit dat die normalisering van kosmetiese chirurgie 'n vorm van implisiete en eksklusiewe geweld is. Aan die hand van post-strukturalistiese, feministiese en psigoanalitiese teorieë ontleed ek die manier waarop hierdie vorm van geweld vroue se liggaam onderwerp en hul psige vorm. Ek dekonstrueer die vorming van die genormaliseerde self, die bewussyn en die daad van belydenis, soos dit in die konteks oorgebring word, aan die hand van Jacques Lacan, Judith Butler en Michel Foucault se beskouings van herderlike oftewel pastorale mag. Hierbenewens onderstreep ek die rol wat liberale feminisme in hierdie vorm van onderwerping speel. Sodoende demonstreer ek teoreties hoe die voortdurende en effektiewe funksionering van pastorale mag in die konteks van ’n individualiseringstegniek vroue in die tweede dekade van die een-en-twintigste eeu onderdruk. Ek maak die aanname dat die normalisering van kosmetiese chirurgie daartoe bydra dat vroue die swye opgelê word, die individu se psige uitgebuit en onderdruk word en die lewende liggaam ontkragtig word deur middel van ’n inkerkering wat minder sigbaar en minder eksplisiet is en agter ’n estetiese en morele sluier verdoesel word. In hierdie konteks bied ek ’n teendiskoers aan vir die onderwerping wat onderliggend is aan die normaliseringsdiskoerse wat die kosmetiesechirurgiebedryf ondersteun, en ek bepleit dat die patriargale norme wat in diskoerse oor kosmetiese chirurgie vassit, gedestabiliseer word. Ek demonstreer verder ’n teoretiese rekonstruksie wat ’n inskripsie insluit van wat ek ’n geloofwaardige feministiese stem in die eietydse verbruikerskultuur noem – ’n modus van intieme, onbewuste opstandigheid. Ek bepleit 'n terugkeer na Julia Kristeva se teorie en die intieme oproer wat deur haar etiese benadering voorgestaan word. Afgesien hiervan stel ek ’n stem voor wat ’n intieme opstand demonstreer – ’n stem wat patriargale norme uitdaag en nie uitsluitlik onderdruk word deur die normaliseringsmeganismes wat vorm gee aan die vrou van die een-entwintigste eeu nie, waar die klem op die kosmetiesechirurgiebedryf en die boliggende diskoerse daarvan val – Antjie Krog, Suid-Afrikaanse digter. Dit is juis Krog se kunstig gestruktureerde digterlike tekste wat my teoretiese rekonstruksie fasiliteer. Aan die hand van Kristeva se teorie oor semanalise toon ek teoreties dat Krog se werk ’n ruimte daarstel wat "uitstyg" bo die grense wat die wet van die Vader en die normaliseringsmeganismes stel. Hierbenewens stel ek ’n "originêre gehegtheid" as aanpassing van Kristeva se beskouing van die chora voor, en my voorstel van ’n "originêre ideaal" daag Kristeva se opvating oor paragramme uit in die konteks van dit wat ten grondslag lê aan die gebied van die paternalistiese metafoor. Op grond van Louise Viljoen se ontleding van Krog se werk en Bridget Garnham se navorsing oor opkomende diskoerse oor ontwerpers- kosmetiese chirurgie bied ek Krog se digterlike tekste aan as ’n teendiskoers vir die "morele" diskoerse oor kosmetiese chirurgie wat die verouderende individu in die tweede dekade van die een-en-twintigste eeu uitbuit. Daarby, deur Kristeva se teorie oor paragramme op Krog se digterlike teks(te) toe te pas, demonstreer ek 'n destabilisering van die patriargale norme wat implisiet in diskoerse oor kosmetiese chirurgie teenwoordig is. Hierbenewens brei ek Kristeva se teorie oor die negatiwiteitsbeginsel uit deur middel van ’n heroorsetting van die belydenisdaad in Krog se digwerk(e), ’n uitbreiding van Foucault se pastorale mag en Butler se opvatting oor die eksklusiwiteit van normalisering, en ’n opeising van Krog se verouderende liggaam in Verweerskrif/Body Bereft (Krog 2006).
Sekubekhona izingxoxo-mpikiswano eziningi kwizifundiswa zama-feminist ukuthi ngabe ukwenza isurgery yohlinzo olungajulile ukuzishintsha ukubukeka ngokwemvelo (cosmetic plastic surgery) kunomphumela omuhle yini kwabesimame, ngabe kuhlinzeka ngamandla kwabesimame ngokuphakamisela phezulu ukuthi umuntu azenzele akufunayo kanye nokuzikhethela (Grimlin 2002, Kuczynski 2006) noma kuyinto ecindezela abesimame ngokuqhubela phambili indlela nama-idiyoloji abekwa ngabesilisa ukuthi imizimba yabesimame kumele ibukeke kanjani, kanti lokhu kucindezela izwi labesimame (Blum 2003, Blood 2005, Heinricy 2006, Clarke and Griffin 2007, Tait, 2007). Kunokuthi iphuzu nami ngingenele kule ngxoxo-mpikiswano, elami iphuzu lona liqhubeka ukusukela kwisimo sokuthi ukwamukela uhlujzo olungajulile lokuzitshintsha ukubukeka kwabesimame (cosmetic surgery) kuyindlela yodlame olungaqondile ngqo kanye nolukhipha inyumbazane abesimame. Ngokusebenzisa amathiyori epost-structuralist, awe-feminist kanye nawepsychoanalytical, ngihlaziya indlela le nhlobo yalolu dlame ecindezela ngayo imizimba yabesimame kanye nokuhlela indlela okumele bacabange nokuzibona ngayo. Ngokusebenzisa iphuzu likaJacques Lacan, Judith Buttle kanye noMichel Foucault lamandla okukhokhela ngokomoya, ngiqhaqha indlela okubumbeka ngayo isithombe sokuzibona, unembeza kanye nomoya wokuhlambulula ngokuzidalula (confession) lapho kubhekwa izinto ngaphansi kwesimo somzimba wokuhlinzwa okungajulile ukuzishintsha ukubukeka ngokwakho. Nangaphezu kwalokho, ngigqamisa indima ye-liberal feminism ngokwayo kule nhlobo yencindezelo. Ngokwenza lokho, ngikhombisa ngokwethiyori ukuqhubeka nokusebenza kwamandla esikhokhelo ngokomoya ngaphansi kwethekniki yokuzazi komuntu eyedwa okucindezela abesimame kwiminyaka elishumi yesibili, yesenshuri yamashumi amabili nanye . Ngiqhubela phambili iphuzu lokuthi ukwenziwa kohlinzo olungajulile lokuzishintsha ukubukeka kuqala umoya wokucindezela izwi labesimame, ukuxhashazwa kwabo, kanye nendlela umuntu azibona ngayo ngokwengqondo, kanye nokucindezela umzimba ophilayo ngezindlela ezingazibonakalisi obala, ezifihlekile, indlela yokubopha efihlwa yindlela yokubukeka kanye nokwembozwa umoya. Kungaphansi kwalesi simo lapho ngethula khona i-discourse yencindezelo eyenza ukuthi imboni yohlinzo olungajulile ukuzishintsha ukubukeka kwabesimame kube yinto ephakanyiswayo nokubonwa iyinhle, ukuphazamiseka kwama-norm endlela yengcindezi yabesilisa, ngaphansi kwama-discourse okuhlinzwa okungajulile ukushintsha ukubukeka, kanye nokwakha ithiyori ebandakanya ukubona izinto ngendlela ethize, engikuchaza njengezwi okuyilo elifanele le-feminism, kwisimo sosiko esiphila ngaphansi kwaso samanje - okuyindlela abantu abazibuka ngayo ezingqondweni ngendlela engekho obala. Ngigcizelela ukubuyela kwithiyori kaKristeva, kanye nokuthi abantu babhoke indlobana ngezindlela eziphansi, okuyinto ayiphakamisayo yenkambiso yokwazi okulungile nokungalunganga (ethical approach). Naphezu kwalokho, ngiveza izwi elibonisa ukubhoka indlobana kwabesimame ngendlela engekho sobala - izwi elifaka inselele kuma-norm okubhozomelwa ngumqondo wokulawula kwabesilisa, kanti futhi leli zwi aligcinanga nje kuphela umumo wabesimame ngendlela ejwayelekile njengowesimame wesenshuri yamashumi amabili-nanye ngokugcizelela kwimboni yohlinzo olungajulile lokuzishintsha ukubukeka, kanye nendlela lokhu okuyisihibe ngayo – ngokusho kukasonkondlo waseNingizimu Afrika, u-Antjie Krog. Imibhalo yezinkondlo zikaKrog ezinobungcweti yiyo eyenze ukwakha kwami kabusha ithiyori. Ngokusebenzisa ithiyori kaKristeva ye-semanalysis, ngibonisa ngokwethiyori ukuthi umsebenzi kaKrog uqambe okweqele ngaleya kwizihibe zomthetho kubaba kanye nezindlela zokwenza izinto zibukeke ngendlela evamile noma zingavamile. Nangaphezu kwalokho, ngifakela i-"originary attachment" njengokwenza ukuthi kube kwesinye isimo, iphuzu likaKristeva ku-chora kanti isiphakamiso sami se-"originary ideal" sifaka inselele kusigcizelelo sikaKristeva ngamagremu efonethiki ngaphansi kwesimo esigcizelela umfanekiso ngasohlangothini lobaba. Ngokusebenzisa ukuhlaziya kukaLouise Viljoen kumsebenzi kaKrog kanye nocwaningo lukaBridget Garnham ngokuvela kwama-discourse ohlinzo olungajulile ukuzishintsha ukubukeka njengesisekelo, ngase ngethula imibhalo yezinkondlo zikaKrog njenge-discourse yokuphikisa ama-discourse e-"moral" yama-discourse ohlinzo olungajulile lokuzishintsha ukubukeka, elixhaphaza abantu abagugayo ngeminyaka eyishumi yesibili kwisenshuri yamashumi amabili-nanye. Naphezu kwalokho, ngisebenzise ithiyori kaKristeva kumapharagramu kwimibhalo yezinkondlo zikaKrog, ngaphazamisa imibono yokuphatha kwabesilisa equkethwe kuma-discourse ohlinzo ulungajulile ukuzishintsha ukubukeka. Ukuqhubekela phambili, nginwebe ithiyori kaKristeva ngesimiso se-negativity ukwethula ukuhumusha kabusha umoya wokuzihlambulula ngokuzidalula otholakala kwizinkondlo zikaKrog, ukuwukunweba amandla umbono kaFaucault wamandla okuthi abantu bazibone ngenye indlela kanye nephuzu likaButler wlkuthi into engavamile engaphandle ibonwe njengento efanele, kanye nokwamukela umzimba ogugayo kwinkondlo ye- Verweerskrif/Body Bereft (Krog 2006).
African Languages
D. Litt. et Phil.(African Languages)

This documentary dissertation contributes to scholarly understanding of the history of missionary endeavours in Natal and Zululand by making accessible a carefully edited compilation of documents written by Norwegian missionaries in those areas between 1844 and 1899. From thousands of pertinent extant documents, the editor has selected a representative crosssection of the most revealing letters and reports that Lutheran and other missionaries sent to their sponsoring organisations and the related periodicals. Each document has been translated from Norwegian into English, suitably excised of superfluous material, and given a brief introduction. Annotations explain theological jargon and identify people, places, and phenomena to which the writers of these letters and reports referred. The documents are divided into four chapters, each of which begins with an introduction by the editor. An introductory chapter provides information about the Norwegian missionaries in question, the general history of their work, the nature of the correspondence, and the consequences of the failure of many other historians of foreign rnissions in Southern Africa to avail themselves of this invaluable historical source.
Christian Spirituality, Church History & Missiology
M. Th. (Missiology)

In southern Zululand in the province of KwaZulu-Natal within the iNkandla Magisterial District, a rural area, lies the indigenous iNkandla forest. This is the last remaining rare relict type of indigenous high wet rain forest in Southern Africa. This forest is of great importance not only for its unique biodiversity, its perennial source of water, but also as a resource base for the Cube people. This remote community lives mostly a traditional Zulu lifestyle in an area devoid of basic infrastructure, municipal services or economic activity. The Cube people are reliant on the forest resources for some of their daily basic material needs. This dissertation is an examination of the relationship between the Cube people and the iNkandla forest over time. The study investigates the ecology and biodiversity of the iNkandla forest. It also describes the Cube people's lifestyle, history and the continuous utilisation of the forest resources. The core focus of the study is that the iNkandla forest is not only an integral part of the Cube people's lives, but also has a rich cultural history. The research findings show that the daily activities of the Cube are impacting heavily on the forest resources. In order to minimise negative environmental impacts, sustainable utilisation of these resources needs to be established. This can enhance the relationship between the Cube people and the forest. The people's view of the forest and its change with time is investigated. The goods and services this forest provides to meet people's basic material needs portrays the relationship between the people and the forest. To sustain this relationship a model that illustrates a process that can be established and implemented effectively is recommended. This process will empower the Cube people to make constructive and effective choices and decisions. It will also inform the people of the sustainable ways of utilising the forest resources and enhance their relationship with the natural resources. The aim is to promote future developments that the Cube people are likely to see in future. This will inform their understanding of sustainable utilisation of the forest resources for future generations. Empowered people will recognise social principles for appropriate interactions with nature. The final part in this study revisits the theory of environmental history. It outlines briefly the manner in which the environmental history theory has been applied. It also explains the reason why the principles of environmental history have been adopted for this study.
Thesis (M.Sc.)-University of Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2002

African encounter with the Bible is different from their encounter with Christianity. This thesis looks at different stages of African reception and appropriation of the Bible in African prophecy. The appropriation of the Bible by Africans is important to look at because it allows them to use their own thought pattern in order to understand the Word of God. Isaiah Shembe (1870-1935) is one of the AlC's prophets who sought to revitalize his Zulu community after the dispossession of their cultural identity in the name of Christianity. He did .. this through his different hermeneutical interpretation of imibhalo eNgcwele (Holy Scriptures) and through his maintenance and revival of social customs. When missionaries came with the Bible in Africa there also came with them colonialists and it is evident that the two went together. Africans did not only see the Bible as a tool for western colonialism but also as a book of numinous powers. However, it was not long before Africans realized that there was nothing wrong about the "Book" because when they could read it for themselves they realized that the Book portrays a life that is similar to theirs. The researcher sought to separate the Bible from Christianity in order to understand different stages of the reception of the Bible in Africa. This thesis, then looks at the appropriation of the Bible in African prophecy. It argues that in African prophecy the Bible is used to renew African society. This is done by examining and contrasting the material of two Zulu prophets Isaiah Shembe and George Khambule. These two prophets who emerge in the time of the destruction of the Zulu society have a religious experience that sought to restore and renew Zulu community. This is seen in the way they interpreted and enacted the promise of the New Jerusalem in the Book of Revelation among their communities.
Thesis (M.Th.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2006.
Draper, Jonathan A.

This thesis is a detailed biographical review of Brother Clement Sithole's life (1). This thesis traces Brother Clement's musical development, his acquisition of indigenous musical knowledge, and his application of this knowledge to his present experience. The purpose behind my enquiry is to further understand the relationship between historical musical practices and the present world experienced by the individual. What is the impact of past indigenous musical performance on the performer? Is indigenous musical performance an effective way for displaced people to alleviate alienation and disjuncture? What problems, complications, and contradictions are encountered by an individual when they attempt to use past musical practices to express their contemporary experience? The thesis is divided into six chapters. Chapter One is a general introduction to the Master's project. Chapter Two highlights Brother Clement's early years, and presents discussions related to the musical practices and cultural ideas acquired during this period. Certain childhood events are analyzed for the impact of these events on Brother Clement's later development. Chapter Three concerns Brother Clement's religious vocation and his liturgical compositions. Brother Clement has composed a number of religious songs for the umakhweyana bow and choral songs for Catholic Mass. In his compositions, he combines the text of the Catholic liturgy with indigenous Zulu musical styles. I discuss how indigenous Zulu music has assisted Brother Clement to create a sense of individuality, place, and belonging within the context of the Catholic community. In addition, I analyze how these compositions have brought a sense of continuity to his life through easing the tension between his commitments to the Catholic Church on the one hand, and to Zulu culture on the other. I also discuss some of the problems, and complications, which Brother Clement encountered when he attempted to introduce these indigenous musical styles to the context of the Catholic Church. In Chapter Four Brother Clement's work as a caregiver within his community is introduced. In the late 1980's, he opened a children's home to cater for needy children from the Vryheid area. Brother Clement is fully responsible for these children. In the home, the children practice and perform indigenous music on a regular basis. Brother Clement has named all of his musical work, including the children's home "Inyoni Kayiphumuli" which translates from isiZulu as "the bird that does not rest." The name is descriptive of his work within the abbey as a monk, and his continuous effort to transmit indigenous Zulu music and heritage to the youth. I focus on the impact of Brother Clement's work, and of the indigenous musical practice on the children from the Inyoni Kayiphumuli Children's Home. I analyze the relationship between the performance of past indigenous Zulu music and the introduction of certain moral values to the youth, and examine the relevance of these values in the context of contemporary South African society, in particular the national HIV/AIDS epidemic. Chapter Five provides a self-reflexive account of the creation of the accompanying video anthology. I discuss the relevance of video documentation in ethnomusicological study and analyze the relationship between the video and the written text presented in the thesis. Chapter Six serves as a conclusion to the thesis and presents an analytical summary of the project outcomes. I highlight the significance of this project and make some suggestions for future scholars undertaking similar research. (1) In this thesis, I use the name Mpimbili when referring to Brother Clement Sithole's formative years, since this is the name given to him at birth. In 1956, Mpimbili was baptized and his name changed to Albert, therefore when referring to these years I use the name Albert. In 1965, Albert takes his first vows as Benedictine brother, and his name changes to Brother Clement. Following this final name change I use his current name, which is Brother Clement.
Thesis (M.A.-Music)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2005.

This study aims to do a comparative analysis of the historical depiction of the Zulu kings namely: King Shaka, King Dingane, King Mpande and King Cetshwayo. In this study comparison is drawn between Dhlomo's historical novels and Nyembezi 's anthology of praise poetry. This research is based on Interpretive paradigm because it emphasizes a need for in-depth reading and analysis of the oral presentation. That is why qualitative research methodology has been employed because it has allowed the researcher to analytical skills on the content and interviews with community members. In the analysis of these books; the researcher read; interpreted, compared and contrasted the contents thereof. In the researchers comparative study; the researcher discovered that there are some similarities and differences of content in the historical novels and praise poetry writings. This research examined the publication (relevant to this study) written by other authors about Zulu kings (these as deemed relevant for this research). The study went on to verify authenticity around the contents of praise poetry regarding these kings. Structured interviews were arranged and conducted; wherein it emerged that most of king Shaka's, king Dingane's and king Mpande's history has somewhat faded from the interviewee's memories. A lot of information was gathered around king Cetshwayo. This study also revealed that most of Zulu king's history is somehow distorted.Theories of Post-Colonialism and Orality were greatly employed during this research. Post-Colonialism theory was deemed relevant because most of these writings were done after the Zulus had been robbed of their land. Since praise poetry is oral art; an oral historian had to be consulted to emphasize the rich heritage contained in orality or oral art. It clearly emerged from this research that there is a lot of deliberate distortions of Zulu kings' history. This distortion is not only by Whites but also some Black African writers who still continue distorting the kings' history. It is suggested that there be a revisitation and rewriting of the Zulu kings' history and this be done taking into consideration past writings and interviews with knowledgeable historians. A lot of knowledge is contained in this thesis that can be helpful to all and sundry interested in historical writings and other literary genres.
Thesis (Ph.D.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, 2008.

This study gives the Zulu's views and ideas about celestial bodies and associated natural phenomena and how they illustrate features in both the oral and written literature. It sketches various focussing mainly on The concentration is conceptions about the whole universe celestial bodies and natural phenomena. on the sun, moon, stars, thunder and lightning in poetry and prose both modern and traditional. Emphasis is on the fact that Zulus do not perceive celestial bodies as mere bodies but assign certain beliefs and philosophies to them. In examining these different conceptions, Western as well as African literary theories have been used in this study. I~ ~r=rli~ional izibongo amakhosi are associated with the sun, the moon as well as the stars. Their warriors' attack is associated with the thunderstorm. These celestial bodies are also used as determinants of time in terms of day and night, seasons and different times for different daily chores. In modern poetry these bodies are mainly associated with God and in some instances they are referred to as God himself. In prose they are used as determinants of time and are also used figuratively to describe certain circumstances. The study gives an idea of how Zulus in general perceive these celestial bodies and natural phenomena.
African Languages
D.Litt. et Phil. (African Languages)

In recent years there has been an increasing interest in the study of African popular arts and performance genres. In this study, I will focus on isicathamiya, a South African musical performance genre, and in particular the attempt of its practitioners to create new identities and a new sense of self through their own interpretation of the genre. This study will concentrate on the 'isicathamiya youth' in the semi-rural community of Emkhambathini (located about 30 kilometres east of Pietermaritzburg) and their strategies of self-definition in the New South Africa. Isicathamiya has strong roots in migrant labour and this has been the main focal point around which many researchers have concentrated. However, recent years have seen a movement of isicathamiya concentrated within rural and semi-rural communities such as Emkhambathini. The performers in these areas have a unique interpretation of the genre and use it to communicate their thoughts and identities to a diverse audience made up of young and old. In this study I will be looking at the 'isicathamiya youth' within three broad categories, the re-invention of tradition, the re-interpretation of the genre, and issues of masculinities. Each of these categories accounts for the three chapters within this study and serves to give a broad yet in-depth study of the 'new wave' of isicathamiya performers. The first chapter, entitled 'Traditional Re-invention', will deal with issues relating to the project of traditional 'redefinition' which the 'isicathamiya youth' are pursuing in Emkhambathini. I will show that tradition is not a stagnant concept, but is in fact ever-changing over time and place, a concept that does not carry one definition over an entire community. Through various song texts and frames of analysis I will attempt fto show how tradition is being used to further the construction of positive identities within Emkhambathini and give youth a place in Zulu tradition and in a multi-layered modernity. The second chapter will deal with how the 'isicathamiya youth' raise and stretch the boundaries of the genre in relation to a number of concepts. These concepts include topics of performance, women and popular memory and serve to give a broader view as to what the 'isicathamiya youth' are trying to achieve, namely a new positive self identity that seeks to empower the youth in the New South Africa. The last chapter will look at issues of masculinity and how the youth use different strategies to regain the masculine identities of their fathers and grandfathers and maintain patriarchal authority. Issues looked at within this chapter will include men's role within society and their perceptions of women.
Thesis (M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2005.