Journal articles on the topic 'Zonta Club of Washington'

The Biden administration is taking steps to address climate change, but, so far, little attention has been paid to the role of schools. Even within the education sector, as Maria Ferguson explains, conversations about education and climate change tend to focus how to teach students about it, rather than about how schools themselves might contribute to it. Groups such as UndauntedK12 and the Sierra Club are encouraging schools, and the policy makers who fund them, to look for opportunities to make school buildings and buses more climate friendly.

Bureau of Spies: The secret connections between espionage and journalism in Washington, by Steven T. Usdin. Amherst, NY: Prometheus Books. 2018. 360pp. ISBN 9781633884762.DON’T be fooled by Bureau of Spies’ provocative title. Steven Usdin’s careful and considered account of how foreign and domestic agitators have manipulated the American media and subverted that country’s democracy is thoroughly researched and extremely well written. It contains riveting descriptions of America First’s Nazi propaganda efforts as well as the extent of Russian intelligence’s attempts to hoodwink US delegates and voters. However, the setting for these seismic events is in the 20th Century rather than the 21st.

Abstract Community-based supportive care interventions are needed to address unmet needs and maximize quality of life for persons living with dementias and their care partners (care dyad). Memory cafés and similar programs serve as a potentially important vehicle to reduce dementia stigmatization, improve inclusiveness, promote well-being, socialization and meaningful activity engagement, and disseminate dementia-related education and knowledge. Despite gaining popularity, little is known about how these programs impact participants or how they work best. The Club Memory® program in Washington, D.C. is an enhanced memory café-style program that delivers a normalizing environment, decreased negative stigma and a chance to experience a catalyst for change despite disease progression. Using qualitative methods, we investigated the perceived impact, benefits, and weaknesses of Club Memory from multi-stakeholder perspective, to explore how this program might be improved and standardized for broader implementation. We conducted two focus groups, one of care partners and one of persons living with dementia (N=12). Upon analyzing transcriptions, five common themes emerged among the focus groups: Atmosphere, Sense of Community, Skill-Building, Tools and Strength in Staff. Integrating perspectives from the care dyad revealed congruent thoughts on program perception, benefits and strengths, and opportunities for improvement. Club Memory® appears to be a valuable model that creates a stigma-free supportive environment, educates and engages the care dyad to foster understanding, confidence, curiosity and empowerment. Our findings contribute to a deeper understanding of the impact community-based strategies can positively impact the care dyad’s life.

The use of 3,4-methylenedioxymethamphetamine (MDMA or “ecstasy”) appears to be increasing worldwide, with “rave” attendees being one high-risk population. To date, however, only one study has collected ecstasy use information from rave attendees in the United States. To address this limitation, we collected self-report drug use information from 70 adult “club rave” attendees within the Baltimore-Washington corridor in April and May 2002. Data collection was scheduled between 12 A.M. and 5 A.M. Participation rates were high, with 85 percent of the club rave attendees completing the interview. Eighty-six percent of the respondents reported lifetime ecstasy use, 51 percent reported 30-day use, and 30 percent reported using ecstasy within the two days preceding the interview. While past-year ecstasy users were comparable to non-users with respect to a host of demographic and drug use variables, non-ecstasy users were significantly more likely than past-year users to perceive risks associated with the regular use of alcohol and ecstasy. Not surprisingly, non-ecstasy users were significantly more likely than past-year users to perceive harmful long-term physical and psychological effects associated with ecstasy ingestion. These findings suggest that rave attendees may be an important population for ecstasy-related prevention efforts.

The Royal Horticultural Society/Garden Club of America Interchange Fellowship was established in 1952 and is awarded to one American and one British student annually. It was formerly known as the Martin McLaren Scholarship and was created to help encourage the exchange of ideas and information in the horticultural world. Terry Huang was selected as the American 2013–2014 Royal Interchange Fellow. His travels and placements solidified for him the important role that botanic and public gardens play as interpreters of the plant world. He describes some of his experiences and examples of excellence that he saw while in Britain. He goes on to explain that the work placements have influenced and inspired the work he does today in the Botany Greenhouse at the University of Washington.

Editorial note: On February 4, 1992, at a press conference sponsored by a public interest group, Food and Water, Inc., a group of scientists, including Dr. Samuel S. Epstein, presented a statement at the National Press Club in Washington, D.C., criticizing the cancer policies of the National Cancer Institute (NCI), the American Cancer Society, and some 20 cancer centers. A few days earlier, a commentary on breast cancer by Dr. Epstein questioning the widespread use of mammography was published in the Los Angeles Times. We are pleased to present these statements in the Journal, along with a response from the NCI, a response from the American College of Radiology (ACR), and a rebuttal to these NCI and ACR responses from Dr. Epstein.

AbstractThe geologic record of the shallow-marine gastropod genusPseudoperissolaxClark, 1918 is documented in detail for the first time in a region of the northeast Pacific extending from southwestern Washington to northern Baja California, Mexico. This genus, which has been erroneously equated with thenomen dubium PerrisolaxGabb, 1861, comprises a very small group of species whose supra-generic ranking has been inconsistent.Pseudoperissolaxis placed here in family Muricidae Rafinesque, 1815 and subfamily Muricinae Rafinesque, 1815 based on the presence of varices, a club-shaped last whorl with noded carinae, and a long siphonal canal. The genus is represented in the northeast Pacific by the late PaleocenePseudoperissolax tricarnatus(Weaver, 1905) and the late Paleocene to late EocenePseudoperissolax blakei(Conrad, 1855).Pseudoperissolaxwas a warm-water gastropod that most likely originated during the Late Cretaceous (Maastrichtian) in Madagascar and also questionably spread during this time to southern New Zealand. Its certain geologic range is early Paleocene to earliest Oligocene, with occurrences in western Kamchatka, southern Japan, southwestern Washington, southwestern Oregon, southern California, northern Baja California, Mexico, southern Alabama, and Nuevo León, northeastern Mexico. WhetherPseudoperissolaxmigrated into the northeast Pacific from Kamchatka or from Alabama and Mexico cannot be determined with certainty. The decline and eventual extinction of the genus coincided with the global-cooling event at the end of the Eocene.

Mário Pedrosa contributed in a decisive way to the formation and development of Brazilian politics and art in the 20th century. Pedrosa traveled to the United States and started to live in New York at the end of 1938. In the field of the arts, he took a position on the debate between Independent Revolutionary Art and Instrumentalized Art. In the essay “Portinari – from Brodósqui to the murals in Washington” (1942), Pedrosa overcomes the defense of art as a revolutionary weapon, which was his position at the conference on the German artist Käthe Kollwitz, presented at the Club of Modern Artists, in Brazil in 1933. From 1942, he approached the position of independence of art, in relation to the government's instrumentation policies. Article received: December 16, 2019; Article accepted: January 31, 2020; Published online: April 15, 2020; Review article

It was a warm June Chicago night, and we were talking about Mock Newbery programs in public and school libraries over dessert. After a bite of dark chocolate mousse, Cecilia said to me, “Well, what if we partnered on a Mock Newbery program this Fall?” I clapped my hands like one of my second grade students and said, “Yes, please!” I had dreamed of this moment for a long time. “Let’s be in touch at the end of the summer and see what is possible.”I teach at an independent school, St. Thomas School, preschool through grade 8, across Lake Washington from Seattle. In the past, I have run small Mock Newbery programs, like a traditional lunch book club. We have used the already curated book list from our local public library, which is part of the King County Library System, and usually a handful of fifth grade students participate.

Abstract John Isaacs learned to play basketball while growing up in Harlem, New York. He gained top honors on his high school team and played professionally for the famed New York Renaissance, assisting in their 1939 “World” title. During World War II, Isaacs played for several professional basketball teams, including the 1943 champion Washington Bears. Following his basketball career, Isaacs worked full time as a clerk for New York Life Insurance during the day and at the Boys and Girls Club in the evening in the Bronx. Isaacs dedicated his life to the youth of New York City over the next fifty years, serving as a mentor and counselor, endorsing education through basketball, and teaching the history of the professional game. This brief biography of John Isaacs’ life highlights his early fight against racism while on the road with the Rens, his work with youth, and his quest for the retirement of Nathaniel “Sweetwater” Clifton’s jersey.

This article explains the origins of the Australia–New Zealand–United States (ANZUS) Treaty by highlighting U.S. ambitions in the Pacific region after World War II. Three clarifications to the historiography merit attention. First, an alliance with Australia and New Zealand reflected the pursuit of U.S. interests rather than the skill of antipodean diplomacy. Despite initial reservations in Washington, geostrategic anxiety and economic ambition ultimately spurred cooperation. The U.S. government's eventual recourse to coercive diplomacy against the other ANZUS members, and the exclusion of Britain from the alliance, substantiate claims of self-interest. Second, the historiography neglects the economic rationale underlying the U.S. commitment to Pacific security. Regional cooperation ensured the revival of Japan, the avoidance of discriminatory trade policies, and the stability of the Bretton Woods monetary system. Third, scholars have unduly played down and misunderstood the concept of race. U.S. foreign policy elites invoked ideas about a “White Man's Club” in Asia to obscure the pursuit of U.S. interests in the region and to ensure British exclusion from the treaty.

This article details the successful campaign to decommission two hydroelectric plants and a dam on Fossil Creek in Arizona—a rare perennial stream in the Southwest. Beginning in 1991, American Rivers, the Sierra Club, and community service groups utilized the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission’s recommissioning process to force the removal of the dam and plants. They faced opposition from the plants’ owner, the historical community, and citizens concerned over the loss of a seemingly “green” source of renewable energy. This study argues that Fossil Creek was a pioneering achievement in the larger movement to remove dams in the United States. After Edwards Dam in Maine, it was only the second dam taken down to restore fish species. In Maine—and in later dam removals in Washington and Oregon—valuable salmon and other anadromous species were the focus of conservation efforts; but in Fossil Creek, the effort was unique in that it centered on helping to save several species of rare desert fishes that had little or no sport or commercial value. The Fossil Creek victory represents an important example of the complex intersection of ecological restoration and environmental politics in the late twentieth century.

The use of a lower extremity injury prevention program by female soccer players before the completion of puberty may mitigate movement changes that develop during puberty and contribute to post-pubescent females’ greater anterior cruciate ligament-injury risk. It is unknown whether club soccer coaches are using injury prevention programs with younger athletes and if player age is associated with soccer coaches’ knowledge, attitudes, and behaviors surrounding injury prevention programs. Fifty-four coaches of female soccer teams from Oregon and Washington states (USA) completed a web-based survey. Associations between team age (U9–U14 teams = 57 and U15–U19 teams = 19 teams) and coaches’ (a) attitudes and perceptions; and (b) injury prevention program awareness, adoption, and implementation fidelity were assessed. Coaches of U15–U19 teams perceived injuries to be more of a problem and soccer to present a high risk of injury. Coaches of older teams more strongly agreed that preventive exercises should be performed by their players during training. Injury prevention program awareness among coaches of U15–U19 and U9–U14 age groups was 79% and 60%, respectively. Injury prevention program-aware coaches of U15–U19 teams were more likely to use an injury prevention program than injury prevention program-aware coaches of U9–U14 teams (67% vs. 38%), but they were not more likely to do so with high fidelity (60% vs. 54%). Team age is associated with coaches’ short-term perceptions of injury risk, but not perceptions about the long-term ramifications of injury. Educating coaches about the potential benefits of injury prevention programs for mitigating injury-related maturational changes and the long-term ramifications of lower extremity injuries may facilitate greater use of injury prevention programs by coaches of younger female soccer players.

ABSTRACT When the Washington State Oil Spill Compensation Schedule was developed as a shortcut to estimating natural resource damages, the concept was applauded. But how has it worked in reality? The first use of the compensation schedule successfully occurred in April 1993, when the Nosac Forest spilled an estimated 6,260 gallons of intermediate fuel oil into Commencement Bay in Tacoma during a fuel transfer. Within eight months, the P&I club representing the ship paid in full the $122,696 damage claim calculated by the compensation schedule. Although running the compensation schedule formulas is straightforward, determining the input values offers several challenges. Because the compensation schedule generates a $1-$50/gallon figure, spill volume is a key factor. Limited information about the oil transfer—a common problem—complicated efforts to measure the amount spilled from the Nosac Forest and led to much time spent gathering and analyzing recovery data to generate an estimate. Another complication of this case was ranking the toxicity of the product. Good coordination of the unified state Resource Damage Assessment Committee with tribal representatives and the responsible party expedited resolution of the damage claim. Through the Nosac Forest experience, the compensation schedule demonstrated its effectiveness in quantifying damages that might otherwise not be addressed, making restoration funds available relatively quickly. This case also taught some helpful lessons regarding data collection needs and ways the regulation can be improved.

On 28 August 2006, the Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR)sponsored a panel discussion on “The Israeli Lobby and the U.S. Responseto the War in Lebanon” at the National Press Club, Washington, DC. StephenWalt (Kennedy School of Government, Harvard) and John Mearsheimer(University of Chicago), authors of the controversial article “The IsraeliLobby and U.S. Foreign Policy,” were featured.The panel began with opening remarks by Corey Saylor (governmentaffairs director, CAIR) and Nihad Awad (executive director, CAIR). Awaddiscussed the war in Lebanon and the situation in Gaza, described Israel’sdropping of cluster bombs on civilian Lebanese towns, quoted a HumanRights Watch report that states Israel does not distinguish between combatants and civilians, as well as an Amnesty International report describingIsraeli actions in Lebanon as war crimes. He concluded: “Our one-sided supportfor Israel is a liability in the war on terror. It has turned much of theworld, including our European allies, against us.”Stephen Walt summarized the main arguments of his research articlewith John Mearsheimer. Among them are that comprehending the recent warin Lebanon requires an understanding of the pro-Israel groups’ politicalpower in the United States; that the Israeli lobby’s influence has led to policiesthat are not in the United States’ national interest, or in those of theregion’s countries, including Israel; and that $3 billion of American taxpayers’money is given unconditionally to a wealthy industrial nation. Hequoted former American negotiator Aaron Miller’s remark that the UnitedStates acted as Israeli’s lawyer during Oslo and has been even more onesidedunder President Bush ...

The students make their way through the world with sensitive compasses and gyroscopes that tell them also which neighborhoods in Brooklyn are homelike to them and which parts of Boston; which places have nothing to do with their lives (e.g., Staten Island and Paterson); where are the places to go after college (New York, San Francisco, Seattle, Boston, Washington); where they might spend summers; what styles and fashions signify; how to speak in what Basil Bernstein called the "elaborated code" of the middle class; how to place those who don't; how to avoid alienated labor by deploying credentials or creativity; and-- yes--whom to marry, should it come to such a pass. [...]most people don't so readily identify themselves by class as by gender or race, and perhaps don't even feel being working class or PMC the way they feel being white or male or straight or, especially, being Latino or black or female or gay--except of course when they are way out of their usual class habitat: a mechanic plunked down in the Century Club, say, or an English Professor at the Elks. [...]even such misadventures are not likely to endanger the displaced person, the way women and African Americans and gay men and others risk insult or violence in many venues. First generation college students, they had a big stake in believing anyone could make it in this country. [...]the ideology we take in with every breath has a lot to do with the many ways in which students at Wesleyan and at Middlesex Community College overlook or evade the hard reality of class.

From the 1930s until the time of her death in 1955, Mary McLeod Bethune was the most well-known African American woman in the United States. A race and gender leader commonly referred to as the “First Lady of the Struggle,” Bethune famously led the largest black women’s club, had regular meetings in the White House, and helped with the founding of the United Nations. Because of her achievements, Bethune’s name and likeness have been used on a U.S. postal stamp, numerous schools, and statues. This article examines two memorials to Bethune—showing how Bethune’s words and likeness have been used as a historical corrective, as well as an extension of the legacy that Bethune determined to leave before she died in 1955. First, I examine the National Council of Negro Women’s many frustrating years of fundraising for a Bethune memorial in Lincoln Park in Washington, D.C. That memorial, erected in 1974, became the first statue of a woman or an African American person dedicated on federal land in the U.S. capital. The second statue I examine is the 2022 statue of Bethune erected in the U.S. Capitol Building. There, the state of Florida decided to replace its long-standing statue of a white, male Confederate general in favor of a newly commissioned statue of Bethune, a black, female educator and civil rights leader as a way to rehabilitate and redefine the state’s image. Finally, the article shows how Bethune had hoped to be memorialized by her survivors, as evidenced in the form of an auto-eulogy, an essay that she wrote for future generations of readers.

The article presents the problem of the split of the "Russian World" as a consequence of the collapse of the USSR in 1991. Russian Russian historiography is analyzed by the author, comparing the opinions of experts on the civilizational criterion in the modern history of the Russian people and the "Russian world" in order to create a generalized definition of the concept of "Russian World". The so-called "Putin Doctrine" is considered separately, understood as a set of state measures to consolidate the post-Soviet space on the principles of common security and common interests. The problem of the ongoing split of the "Russian World" due to the Ukrainian crisis is also analyzed. In his work, using historical-systemic and historical-synergetic methods, the author, based on the opinions of specialists from different branches of science, comes to a theoretical result regarding the topic under study. In the modern historiography of the issue, there is still no consensus on the final definition, which indicates the interdisciplinary complexity of the concept. But this especially testifies to the high relevance of the definition of the concept of "Russian World" for the formation of the national security strategy of Russia. The article analyzes the sources of the Russkiy Mir Foundation, the Center for Military and Political Studies of the MGIMO Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation, the Izborsky Club, and the Center for Global Interests (Washington, USA). The historiography of the works of doctors of Historical Sciences of Russia Nikonov V.A., Podberezkin A.I., Komarov G.A., Harvard University political scientist Huntington S.F., philosophers Shchedrovitsky P.G., Averyanov V.V. is also analyzed.Russian Russian World In the course of the study, the author presented a generalized definition of the concept of the "Russian World" and the problem of the split of the "Russian World" in the context of modern historical approaches.

The Idea Lab within JLOE is a space to center the voices of library practitioners, with a focus on emerging practices and experimental approaches. This inaugural Idea Lab is dedicated to the creative and inspiring ways that libraries are connecting with their communities - either virtually or socially-distantly - while prioritizing health and safety for customers and for library workers. The worldwide shut down of physical library locations brought public attention to what the library community has long known–that public libraries are a last refuge for the most vulnerable members of our communities. Many libraries quickly and successfully pivoted to digital services and virtual programming, all the while understanding that these services don’t meet the needs of some of our most regular customers. People who rely on public libraries for a human connection with a staff person or another customer, internet access, a cool space on a hot day, or something as simple as a water fountain. So how have libraries responded to this urgent need to recreate our outreach and engagement strategies when our buildings are off limits and human connections are necessarily distanced by six feet or mediated through a screen? At the District of Columbia Public Library, we’re building on a foundation of strong partnerships to stay connected, deliver programs, and provide updates about library services. This looks like conducting virtual outreach through partners like the Boys & Girls Club of Greater Washington and their Clubhouse in Your House initiative and other community organizations. We’re also developing downloadable kits that partners can use to lead their own programming while taking advantage of library resources. We’re putting together programming packages and book giveaways that we can deliver to a central location - like DC Housing Authority or a summer meals distribution site - for a partner to distribute to their constituents. We know that there are critical gaps that we aren’t able to safely support right now. But I’ve never been more proud of the ingenuity and compassion of my team, my library, and of libraries around the world.

On 10 August 2006, The National Advisory Council for South Asian Affairs(NACSAA) met at the Cosmos Club in Washington, DC, to answer severalquestions: Do markets know best? Does the market really know? Are the richgetting richer and the poor getting poorer? Does globalization meanWesternization and/or Americanization? Are traditional societies being dissipated?As there were many speakers, I will present only brief summaries.Shabir Ahmed stated that the West uses its foreign aid to get countriesto follow its own standards and perspectives, while many members of theelites have abandoned the traditional lifestyle. On the positive side, globalizationsolves poverty through the market. Syed Akhtar asked whether globalizationwas the same as McDonaldization or Nikeification, or just aboutcultural domination and sweatshops. He sees globalization as a win-win situation,provided that a nation has the necessary “enabling conditions”: ahighly educated workforce, the rule of law, and democratic institutions.V. Balachandran reminded the audience that globalization also causesproblems. In India, this takes the form of increasing farmer suicides, shantytowns, a lack of investment in the agricultural sector, a decrease in the quality of life, and questions of who owns the country’s natural resources. JamesClad defined globalization in negative terms: It is not necessarily an acrossthe-board integration of economies, a generator of an immediately improvedsecurity environment, a trend of deepening skill sets and the development ofan industrial and an R&D culture, something new (it is a recurrent phenomenonenabled by technological advancement), or westernization, for all culturesborrow what is useful to them.Abdul Mommen claimed that the South Asian diaspora can help root outterrorism. Currently, South Asia is facing higher levels of terrorism; inAmerica and western Europe, these levels are actually declining or increasingonly marginally. Bangladesh, despite being a liberal Muslim state, is seeingits level of terrorism, as well as the number of fatalities, grow even fasterthan has been the case in the Middle East since 9/11. Vijay Sazawal spokeon self-governance and trans-nationalism in Kashmir. He pointed out thatwhile Pakistan calls for more self-rule in Indian Kashmir, it provides almostnone to its own Kashmiri citizens. He concluded that “the line of control(LOC) is more or less a pretty clean division between various ethnic entitiesthat make up the old princely state and that the current boundary can sustainregional stability even when its political future is questioned.” ...

When I joined the faculty of the University of Michigan Law School in 2007, the first assignment I gave students in my Environmental Law and Policy class was John McPhee's Encounters with the Archdruid. It must have seemed like a curious choice to them, particularly coming from a professor who just three months earlier had been the Chief of the Environmental Crimes Section at the U.S. Department of Justice. The book was not a dramatic tale of courtroom battles. In fact, the book was not even about the law, and the clash of environmental values it depicted pre-dated the environmental statutes that were the focus of the course. Encounters with the Archdruid chronicles outings McPhee organized during the 1960s with David Brower, the first Executive Director of the Sierra Club and one of the most influential environmental activists of his generation. Brower was an unapologetic advocate for conservation at a time when we still believed that anything was possible in the United States and that America had an endless bounty of natural resources to support economic growth. McPhee paired Brower with three antagonists who had very different ideas about our relationship with the environment: Charles Park, the former Dean of Stanford University's School of Earth Sciences and a proponent of mining in the Cascade mountains; Charles Fraser, the developer of Hilton Head Island in South Carolina, who had similar plans to develop Cumberland Island off the Georgia coast; and Floyd Dominy, the indomitable Commissioner of the Bureau of Reclamation, who wanted to dam the Colorado River near the Grand Canyon. The stories in Encounters with the Archdruid occurred more than forty years ago, but I assigned the book to my students both for historical context and because the disagreements it describes about our environmental values remain potent today. As they hiked in the Cascades, Brower and Park argued about whether copper mining should be allowed in protected wilderness near Glacier Peak. Brower observed that the Cascades are "one of the few remaining great wildernesses in the lower forty-eight" and asked, "Would America have to go without much to leave its finest wilderness unspoiled?" Park countered that "[m]inerals are where you find them. The quantities are finite. It's criminal to waste minerals when the standard of living of your people depends upon them." For anyone who has followed the debate over proposals to drill in the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge (ANWR), the conflict and the language are familiar (only now the argument is about oil rather than copper, and the wilderness is in Alaska instead of Washington).

Switchgrass (Panicum virgatum L.) is a native perennial grass with potential as a biofuel crop. The smut fungus, Tilletia maclaganii (Berk.) Clint., is associated with significant biomass reduction in switchgrass in the Midwest (4), but has not been reported in the northeast United States in more than 60 years (New York in 1890 and Pennsylvania in 1946) (2,3). From 2007 to 2010, smutted panicles were observed on the majority of plants in stands of several switchgrass cultivars at the USDA-NRCS Plant Materials Center in Big Flats (Chemung County), NY; in production fields of several switchgrass cultivars near Meadville (Crawford County), PA; and in an ornamental bed of switchgrass in Ithaca (Tompkins County), NY. Smutted panicles emerged 3 to 4 weeks prior to healthy panicles, had a compact, club-shaped appearance, and enlarged florets with swollen ovaries that readily released a powdery mass of odorless, rusty orange-to-dark brown teliospores when pinched. The entire caryopsis of every floret within a panicle was smutted and the infected plants appeared stunted, indicative of systemic infection. The fungus from each location was identified as T. maclaganii based on host, habit, and teliospore morphology (3). Teliospores were pale yellowish brown to reddish brown, varied from globose to slightly irregular in shape, and averaged 21 μm (18 to 25 μm) in diameter. The exospore was thick (2 to 3 μm), finely verrucose, and no sheath was present. True sterile cells, pale yellow and 10 to 18 μm in diameter, were sparsely present. Teliospores germinated and formed large (40 to 60 × 3 to 6 μm), nonconjugating basidiospores within 20 h on 2% water agar (WA). Occasionally, we also found the floret-infecting species T. pulcherrima (1) on switchgrass at very low incidence in Big Flats, NY, but it was easily distinguished from T. maclaganii. Stratified seeds (3 g) of ‘Shelter’, washed and found to be free of teliospores, were dusted with 0.04 g of teliospores of T. maclaganii isolate Tm001NY09 (Cornell Plant Pathology Herbarium Accession CUP-67931) harvested from infected ‘Shelter’ in Big Flats, NY in 2009. Inoculated and noninoculated seeds were sown in seedling trays, transplanted, and evaluated at panicle emergence. There were no symptoms on plants from noninoculated seeds. Symptoms on inoculated plants were consistent with field observations and teliospores were reisolated from infected panicles and cultured on 2% WA. Teliospores harvested from a single panicle infected with Tm001NY09 were used for culturing and DNA extraction. The fully annotated sequence of the rDNA internal transcribed spacer and 5.8S regions of this isolate were deposited in GenBank (Accession No. JF745116). Smut outbreaks in New York and Pennsylvania suggest that T. maclaganii must be managed effectively if switchgrass production is to be sustainable in the Northeast. References: (1) L. M. Carris et al. Plant Dis. 92:1707, 2008. (2) R. Durán and G. W. Fischer. The Genus Tilletia. Washington State University, Pullman, WA, 1961. (3) D. F. Farr and A. Y. Rossman. Fungal Databases. Systematic Mycology and Microbiology Laboratory, ARS, USDA. Retrieved from http://nt.ars-grin.gov/fungaldatabases/ , May 3, 2011 (4) P. M. Thomsen et al. Online publication. doi:10.1094/PHP-2008-0317-01-RS. Plant Health Progress, 2008.

Puccinia striiformis Westend. f. sp. tritici, commonly known as stripe rust, is an economically important pathogen of wheat (Triticum aestivum L.). The hexaploid club spring wheat cultivar JD contains both all-stage and adult plant resistance genes and exhibited consistent high resistance to stripe rust in the field. In this study, we aimed to identify the quantitative trait loci (QTL) for stripe rust resistance using a BC1F7 backcross inbred lines (BILs) population derived from the cross of JD and the recurrent parental line Avocet. The population was phenotyped in field plots in Washington state at Spillman Agronomy Farm in Pullman and Mount Vernon Northwest Washington Research and Extension Center (NWREC) in between 2014 and 2016. A major QTL, tentatively designated as QYrJD.wsu-1B, conferring all-stage resistance in JD background, was identified, and mapped at the telomere region on the short arm of chromosome 1B using the genotyping by sequencing (GBS) method. This QTL was further characterized with SSR markers and found to have the greatest LOD score and phenotypic effect using SSR marker wmc798 on chromosome 1BS. Seven additional QTLs associated with adult plant resistance were identified in the JD background on chromosomes 2D, 3A, 3B, 4A, 6B, and 7A with partial phenotypic effects.

At a recent meeting of the Association for the Study of African American Life and History (ASALH), a host of plenaries and concurrent sessions theorized the politics of Emancipation as nonevent and the practice of historiography in the wake of the fiftieth anniversary of the March on Washington. Held in October 2013 in Jacksonville, Florida, the 98th Annual Meeting of ASALH attracted a record number of attendees, despite obstacles associated with the shutdown of the federal government, closures at a local airport, and increased mobilization in opposition to the state's controversial “Stand Your Ground” statutes. Indeed, rushing into one conference room a few minutes late, having just presented earlier that day myself, I was struck by the sheer number of scholars in the room, the palpable enthusiasm to get things under way. Then again, perhaps I shouldn't have been too surprised. Taking as its subject Shonda Rhimes's hit television show Scandal – the Season 3 premiere of which had aired only the night before – the panel stoked a range of interests: race and popular culture, matters of sexuality and desire, even the impeccable style of protagonist and professional “fixer” Olivia Pope (played by actress Kerry Washington). Titled “Crashing the Ol’ Boys Club: Interrogating Power and Representation in ABC's Scandal,” the discussion sutured fans and critics alike into a collective accounting for the effects of a nation's apparent seduction by the labyrinthine exploits of Pope, head of the foremost crisis-management firm in Washington, DC, and her paramour, white, married, Republican US President Fitzgerald Thomas Grant III (played by Tony Goldwyn).

Career building can be challenging for young surgeons, especially when topics such as lifestyle, work-life balance and subspecialisation arise. Suggestions and advices from senior colleagues is very valuable but many young surgeons do not have such opportunities or are limited to a few senior surgeons. The international Microsurgery Club (IMC), in collaboration with the World Society of Reconstructive Microsurgery, organized a combined webinar for this topic and invited world renowned microsurgery masters polled by the IMC members to join, including Prof. Peter Neligan (Emeritus from University of Washington, U.S.A.), Prof. Raja Sabapathy (Ganga Hospital, India), Dr. Gregory Buncke (The Buncke Clinic, U.S.A.), Prof. Isao Koshima (Hiroshima University Hospital, Japan), Prof. David Chwei-Chin Chuang (Chang Gung Memorial Hospital, Taiwan) and Prof. Eric Santamaria (Hospital General Dr. Manuel Gea Gonzalez, Mexico) on May 1, 2022. Prof. Joon-Pio Hong (Asan Medical Center, South Korea) and Prof. Fu-Chan Wei (Chang Gung Memorial Hospital, Taiwan) were also selected but unfortunately could not make it and were therefore invited to another event in April 2023. There is ample literature reporting on different aspects of developing a microsurgical career1–3 but the goal of this session was to offer an opportunity for direct exchange with experienced mentors. Moreover, insights from experienced microsurgeons from different part of the world were more likely to offer different perspectives on aspects such as career building, failure management and team culture. This webinar event was moderated by Dr. Jung-Ju Huang (Taiwan), Dr. Susana Heredero (Spain), and Dr. Wei F. Chen (U.S.A.).

AbstractAs part of an announcement that he and his siblings were honoring their parents by establishing a lecture series and research institute on humor in public life at Wichita State University, outgoing U. S. Secretary of Agriculture Dan Glickman presented “More than Comic Relief: The Importance of Humor in Public Life,” as his farewell speech to the National Press Club in Washington, D.C. He recommended self-deprecating humor as a strategic tool of the political trade, a means of puncturing pomposity, defusing tense situations, attracting allies, and even getting people to focus on serious policy issues. He told about his father's “weakness” for the pun…“I went to bed one night worrying about how the sun came up, but then it dawned on me.” and “The other night, I had a nightmare that I swallowed a muffer … the next morning I woke up exhausted.” His father had a collection of jokes “annotated and indexed on note cards,” and he regularly faxed jokes for his son to use in speeches. Many of them Glickman saw only in passing while his staff was on their way to the shredder because they “would've made even Earl Butz blush.”

Geographic location of a patient directly impacts access to care, including preventive screenings and early detection. Although there is a higher prevalence of the most common cancers in urban areas, mortality rates are higher in rural communities. Notably, indigenous communities residing on tribal lands often experience heightened access issues and environmental exposure to known and probable human carcinogens. The burdens associated with a cancer diagnosis can be exacerbated by various barriers to accessing quality care; however, there are emerging best practices to overcome these barriers. Understanding the interplay between geography and a patient’s access to cancer care services is crucial for addressing existing disparities and ensuring equitable health care provision across regions. By leveraging innovative policy and practice solutions, communities can begin to close care gaps and establish bidirectional trust between patients and providers across the care continuum, which is necessary to enact meaningful reforms. To advance the conversation on geographic disparities and strategies that mitigate associated barriers to care, NCCN hosted the Policy Summit “Cancer Across Geography” on June 15, 2023, at the National Press Club in Washington, DC. Through keynote addresses and multistakeholder panel discussions, this hybrid event explored care imbalances across geography, recent policy and technology advancements, and current challenges associated with cancer care. This created a forum for a diverse group of attendees to thoughtfully discuss policies and practices to advance high-quality, effective, efficient, equitable, and accessible cancer care for all. Speakers and attendees featured multidisciplinary clinicians, epidemiologists, community oncologists, researchers, payers, patient advocates, industry, providers, policymakers, and leaders representing underserved communities, among others.

Background: Legumes are an inexpensive, healthy source of protein, fiber, and micronutrients, have low greenhouse gas and water footprints, and enrich soil through nitrogen fixation. Although higher legume consumption is recommended under US dietary guidelines, legumes currently comprise only a minor part of the US diet.Objectives: To characterize the types of legumes most commonly purchased by US consumers and patterns of legume purchases by state and region, seasonality of legume purchases, and to characterize adults that have a higher intake of legumes.Methods: We examined grocery market, chain supermarket, big box and club stores, Walmart, military commissary, and dollar store retail scanner data from Nielsen collected 2017–2019 and dietary intake from the National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey (NHANES), 2017–2018.Results: The five leading types of legumes purchased in the US were pinto bean, black bean, kidney bean, lima bean, and chickpea. The mean annual per capita expenditure on legumes based on grocery purchases was $4.76 during 2017–2019. The annual per capita expenditure on legumes varied greatly by state with highest expenditure in Louisiana, South Carolina, Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, and lowest expenditure in Washington, New York, and Wisconsin. There were large regional differences in the most commonly purchased legumes. Of 4,741 adults who participated in the 24-h dietary recall in NHANES, 2017–2018, 20.5% reported eating any legumes in the previous 24 h. Those who consumed legumes were more likely to be Hispanic, with a higher education level, with a larger household size (all P < 0.05), but were not different by age, gender, or income level compared to those who did not consume legumes.Conclusion: Although legumes are inexpensive, healthy, and a sustainable source of protein, per capita legume intake remains low in the US and below US dietary guidelines. Further insight is needed into barriers to legume consumption in the US.

Introduction: The adrenal gland was first described by Eustachio in 1564, but its physiologic role remained unknown for three centuries. In the late 1890’s, many researchers had directed their attention to the isolation of adrenal extracts, but all failed until the successful efforts of biochemists Jokichi Takamine and Keizo Uenaka. Takamine’s patents on Adrenalin were the first ever awarded for a hormone and he used his royalties to improve international relations between America and Japan. There is considerable controversy, however, in how adrenaline was first crystalized, where the work was done, and to whom the credit for its discovery is given. Sources and Methods: Published contemporary medical literature, newspaper archives, and publicly accessible research archives in Japan, Sweden, and the United States Results: Takamine was a multilingual businessman with a background in western and eastern medicine, a successful biochemist, and importer/exporter before he took on the project of isolating adrenaline. His successful patents and savvy business acumen allowed him to support innovative research in physiology. He hired Keizo Uenaka, who had experience with isolating ephedrine, to develop the critical methods required to crystallize adrenal extracts where other contemporaries, including Takamine, had failed. Takamine applied for and was awarded five immediate US patents for the discovery although he did not include Uenaka in that effort. Takamine co-founded the Nippon Club and the Japanese Society of New York, both of which ultimately survived the anti-Japanese fervor of the 1940s and, in 1912, worked to bring the gift of 3,000 Japanese Cherry Trees to Washington DC. The Japanese Patent Office honored Takamine as one of Japan’s 10 Great Inventors but it was only after Uenaka’s death in 1960, and the discovery of his laboratory manuals, was Uenaka’s full role in the discovery of adrenaline made known. Conclusions: Jokichi Takamine was an international benefactor and biochemist extraordinaire who, with Keizo Uenaka, was the first to crystallize adrenal medullary catechols. Takamine’s efforts saved lives and did much to engender a spirit of Japanese-American goodwill that persisted for decades.

04–533Cheng, Winnie and Warren, Martin (Hong Kong Polytechnic U., Email: egwcheng@polyu.edu.hk). Peer assessment of language proficiency. Language Testing (London, UK), 22, 1 (2005), 93–121.04–534Malabonga, Valerie, Kenyon, Dorry M. and Carpenter, Helen (Centre for Applied Linguistics, Washington, USA; Email: valerie@cal.org). Self-assessment, preparation and response time on a computerised oral proficiency test. Language Testing (London, UK), 22, 1 (2005), 59–92.04–535Parkinson, Jean and Adendorff, Ralph (U. of Natal, India). The use of popular science articles in teaching scientific literacy. English for Specific Purposes (Oxford, UK), 23, 4 (2004), 379–396.04–536Quinn, M. (Melbourne U., Australia). Talking with Jess: Looking at how metalanguage assisted explanation writing in the Middle Years. Australian Journal of Language and Literacy (Norwood, South Australia), 27, 3 (2004), 246–261.04–537Raphael, T. E., Florio-Raine, S. and George, M. (Oakland U., Australia). Book club plus: organising your literacy curriculum to bring students to high levels of literacy. Australian Journal of Language and Literacy (Norwood, South Australia), 27, 3 (2004), 198–216.04–538Reed, Malcolm (U. of Bristol, UK). Write or wrong? A sociocultural approach to schooled writing. English in Education (Sheffield, UK), 38, 1 (2004), 21–38.04–539Ren, Guanxin. Introducing oval writing.Babel – Journal of the AFMLTA (Queensland, Australia), 39, 1 (2004), 4–10.04–540Richgels, Donald J. (Northern Illinois U., USA; Email: richgels@niu.edu). Paying attention to language. Reading Research Quarterly (Newark, USA), 39, 4 (2004), 470–477.04–541Sang-Keun, Shin (Ewha Womens U. Seoul, Korea; Email: sangshin@ewhaac.kr). Did they take the same test? Examinee language proficiency and the structure of language tests. Language Testing (London,UK), 22, 1 (2005), 31–57.04–542Schoonen, Rob (U. of Amsterdam, The Netherlands; Email: rob.schoonen@uva.nl). Generalisability of writing scores: an application of structural equation modelling. Language Testing (London, UK), 22, 1 (2005), 1–30.04–543So, Bronia (U. of Hong Kong, Hong Kong; Email: bronia_so@yahoo.com.hk). From analysis to pedagogic applications: using newspaper genres to write school genres. Journal of English for Academic Purposes (Oxford, UK), 4, 1 (2005), 67–82.04–544Spodark, Edwina (Hollins U., USA; Email: spodark@hollins.edu). “French in Cyberspace”: an online French course for undergraduates. CALICO Journal (Texas, USA), 22, 1 (2004), 83–101.04–545Sutherland-Smith, Wendy (Deakin U., Australia; Email: wendyss@deakin.edu.au). Pandora's box: academic perceptions of student plagiarism in writing. Journal of English for Academic Purposes (Oxford, UK), 4, 1 (2005), 83–95.04–546Thurstun, Jennifer (Macquarie U., Australia). Teaching and learning the reading of homepages. Prospect (Sydney, Australia), 19, 2 (2004), 56–71.04–547Valencia, S. W. and Riddle Buly, M. (Washington U., USA). Behind test scores: What struggling readers REALLY need. Australian Journal of Language and Literacy (Norwood, South Australia), 27, 3 (2004), 217–233.04–548Warschauer, Mark (U. of California, USA; Email: markw@uci.edu), Grant, David, Del Real, Gabriel and Rousseau, Michele. Promoting academic literacy with technology: successful laptop programs in K-12 schools. System (Oxford, UK), 32, 4 (2004), 525–537.04–549Young, Richard F. and Miller, Elisabeth R. (U. of Wisconsin, USA; Email: rfyoungt@wisc.edu). Learning as changing participation: discourse roles in ESL writing conferences. The Modern Language Journal (Malden, MA, USA), 88, 4 (2004), 519–535.04–550Bernhardt, Elizabeth B., Rivera, Raymond J. and Kamil, Michael L. (Stanford U., USA). The practicality and efficiency of web-based placement testing for college-level language programs. Foreign Language Annals (Alexandria, VA, USA), 37, 3 (2004), 356–366.04–551Brown, Gavin T. L. (U. of Auckland, New Zealand; Email: gt.brown@auckland.ac.uz), Glasswell, Kath and Harland, Don. Accuracy in the scoring of writing: Studies of reliability and validity using a New Zealand writing assessment system. Assessing Writing (New York, USA), 9, 2 (2004), 105–121.04–552Hawkey, Roger and Barker, Fiona (Cambridge ESOL, UK; Email: roger@hawkey58.freeserve.co.uk). Developing a common scale for the assessment of writing. Assessing Writing (New York, USA), 9 (2004), 122–159.04–553Peterson, Shelley, Childs, Ruth and Kennedy, Kerrie (U. of Toronto, Canada; Email: slpeterson@oise.utoronto.ca). Written feedback and scoring of sixth-grade girls' and boys' narrative and persuasive writing. Assessing Writing (New York, USA), 9 (2004), 160–180.04–554Watson Todd, Richard (King Mongkut's U. of Technology Thonburi, Thailand; Email: irictodd@kmutt.ac.th), Glasswell, Kath and Harland, Don. Measuring the coherence of writing using topic-based analysis. Assessing Writing (New York, USA), 9, 2 (2004), 85–104.

Our previous data-driven analysis from five large-scale prospective studies discovered three trajectories (TR1, TR2, and TR3) composed of latent states for evolving patterns of islet autoantibodies (IAbs) : IAA, GADA and IA-2A. Here we examined the evolution of IAb levels within these trajectories for 2145 IAb positive participants, followed from early life, and compared those who progressed to T1D (n=643) to those who remained undiagnosed (n=1502) . Using threshold values determined by 5-year T1D risk, four levels were defined for each IAb (L0: negative; L1: lowest; L2: middle; L3: highest) and overlayed onto each visit (Figure) . In the diagnosed participants, high IAA levels were seen in TR1 and TR2 at ages <3 years, whereas IAA remained at lower levels in the undiagnosed. Proportions of dwell times at the four IAb levels significantly differed between the diagnosed and undiagnosed for GADA and IA-2A in all three trajectories (p<0.001) , but for IAA dwell times differed only within TR2 (p<0.05) . Overall, undiagnosed participants more frequently had low IAb levels and later appearance of IAb than those who were diagnosed (Figure) . Better characterization considering both timing and levels within distinct IAb trajectories towards T1D may lead to more personalized approaches to risk prediction and intervention. Disclosure B. Kwon: Employee; IBM. P. Achenbach: None. V. Anand: Employee; IBM, IBM. W. Hagopian: Research Support; Janssen Research & Development, LLC. J. Hu: Employee; IBM. E. Koski: Employee; IBM. Å. Lernmark: None. K. Ng: Employee; IBM. R. Veijola: None. B.I. Frohnert: Advisory Panel; Provention Bio, Inc. Funding JDRF (IBM: 1-RSC-2017-368-I-X, 1-IND-2019-717-I-X) , (DAISY: 1-SRA-2019-722-I-X, 1-RSC-2017-517-I-X, 5-ECR-2017-388-A-N) , (DiPiS: 1-SRA-2019-720-I-X, 1-RSC-2017-526-I-X) , (DIPP: 1-RSC-2018-555-I-X, 1-SRA-2016-342-M-R, 1-SRA-2019-732-M-B) , (DEW-IT: 1-SRA-2019-719-I-X, 1-RSC-2017-516-I-X) NIH (DAISY: DK032493, DK032083, DK104351; and DK116073; DiPiS: DK26190 CDC (DEW-IT: UR6/CCU017247) . European Union (DIPP: BMH4-CT98-3314) ; Novo Nordisk Foundation; Academy of Finland (Decision 292538 and Centre of Excellence in Molecular Systems Immunology and Physiology Research 2012-2017, Decision No. 250114) ; Special Research Funds for University Hospitals in Finland; Diabetes Research Foundation, Finland; and Sigrid Juselius Foundation, Finland. German Federal Ministry of Education and Research to the German Center for Diabetes Research. Swedish Research Council (grant no. 14064) , Swedish Childhood Diabetes Foundation, Swedish Diabetes Association, Nordisk Insulin Fund, SUS funds, Lion Club International, district 101-S, The royal Physiographic society, Skåne County Council Foundation for Research and Development as well as LUDC-IRC/EXODIAB funding from the Swedish foundation for strategic research (Dnr IRC15-0067) and Swedish research council (Dnr 2009-1039) . Hussman Foundation and by the Washington State Life Science Discovery Fund.

Viagra, Pfizer's diamond blue shaped pill for erectile difficulties, has spawned thousands of jokes - just check out the internet and you'll be amazed by the variety (from vaguely amusing to downright nasty). Greeting and birthday cards have also latched onto Viagramania ("Potent"). The idea of an erection on demand and/or an erection which won't let you down or, in fact, go down, has captured our popular imagination. Size is still an issue but the erect penis now seems to be the primary focus of humour. A decade ago penile size and erection jokes were popular but with the advent of Viagra in 1998 the number of Viagra jokes has increased exponentially. And the internet and greeting cards aren't the only sites to find Viagra jokes; talk show hosts of all varieties tell them (Jay Leno apparently told 944 Viagra jokes between 1998 and 2002) ("Potent"), presenters at the Oscars tell them (Whoopi Goldberg, for example), and all manner of television characters tell them (from Homer Simpson to Ben and Susan on My Family). David Brinkley (head of Pfizer Inc.'s Team Viagra) expected Viagra might inspire some jokes. ("Potent") He thought they would help destigmatise erectile dysfunction and get people talking about it. But after a year of jokes he changed his mind and suggested that jokes are part of the effect that "turns guys off … Who's going to stand up and admit they have this condition that everybody's laughing at?"("Potent") It is not surprising, therefore, that Pfizer's advertisements for Viagra tell us that erectile dysfunction is not a joke. It is, in fact, portrayed as a serious medical condition which affects the health and happiness of millions of men and couples world wide. And Viagra is offered as the means to fix or cure this problem. Consider the following television ad for Viagra which ran in New Zealand in late 2001 - 2002: The scene opens with a stand-up comedian telling jokes in a club. He is just finishing a joke and everyone is laughing. Then he says, "Seriously, I find it fascinating what people won't admit to. How many of you older guys usually wear glasses but aren't wearing them tonight? Hey pal, own up, you just drank your finger bowl." The audience laughs. The comedian continues, "Okay, who's thinning a bit on top? It's called middle age guys." The audience laughs. "Okay, here's one. How many of you guys have a problem getting an erection?" Silence. The camera pans many uneasy faces. The comedian fills the silence, "That's amazing because I read that nearly half of guys over 40 have that very problem. But hey, no one in this audience. Look's like I'm the only one." He raises his hand. Slowly other men in the audience also raise their hands. Then the punch line, "you see, with a bit of effort you can get them up." Laughter and clapping follow. The ad closes with a voice over of a picture of a Viagra tablet which tells us that erectile difficulties are a physical (medical) problem and the caption "you are not alone." This ad is worth reflecting on in light of Brinkley's comment above. One could suggest that this ad was produced to "encourage" men to "stand up and admit they have this condition" (Brinkley) even though it continues to be the butt of jokes. The use of a stand-up comedian in a night club is an interesting way to address, and attempt to challenge, the Viagra-as-joke phenomenon. The ad sets up the 'problem,' both erectile dysfunction and erectile dysfunction-as-joke, and then offers a 'solution' (admitting you have erectile dysfunction ("ED" hereafter) which is a "serious medical condition" and is nothing to be ashamed of, and also not a joke, and then of course taking Viagra). With the Viagra phenomenon we have what Andre Jansson (23) calls "commercial intertextuality," and Hirschman, Scott and Wells (48) refer to as media culture talking back to ads and vice versa. This involves a dialogue of sorts between texts promoting ED/Viagra-as-joke and those promoting ED/Viagra-as-not-joke. Let's consider an over simplified example: Pfizer produces and markets a pill for ED; popular cultural representations of Viagra-as-joke proliferate; documentaries like The Rise and Rise of Viagra present ED as a "serious medical problem"; Viagra jokes continue to proliferate on the internet and talk shows; Pfizer produces an ad set in a comedy club. In this realm of commercial intertextuality we have a fascinating struggle over meanings around the medicalization of male sexuality, masculinities and, one could add, the status of the erect penis. In pre-Viagra days a penis that wouldn't rise to the occasion was considered a joke. A man who 'couldn't get it up' was not performing heteronormative masculinity adequately and was a potential object of humour. This humour stemmed from shame, inadequacy and fear. This was, therefore, something a man would not admit to (as represented in the comedy club ad). With Viagra, a solution to this 'condition' is available and this facilitates the re-instalment of erections, penetrative sex and, in theory, heteronormative masculinity. Yet the Viagra-assisted erection is also the object of jokes. Thus, it is joke material if a man 'can't get it up' and also joke material if he can! Why is performing heteronormative masculinity through producing an erection for penetrative sex such subject for humour? As stated earlier, Brinkley expected a few jokes, but can't understand why the jokes keep on coming. Let's explore this by looking at the some jokes. Did you hear the one about the new Viagra for computers? It turns your floppy disk into a hard drive. Did you hear the one about Viagra coffee? One cup and you're up all night. Did you hear the one about the 85 year old man in hospital who was given Viagra with his hot chocolate at night? The chocolate made him sleep and the Viagra stopped him rolling out of bed. Like hundreds of other jokes the first one is about Viagra but not about a male erection. It does however allude to the process of transforming a "floppy" object into a "hard" object, which is what Viagra is meant to do for the male penis. The second joke refers to being "up all night," that is, an erection and/or being awake all night. And the third joke is about an erection but not penetrative sex. This is somewhat similar to a greeting card image of an erection of a dead man which won't allow the coffin lid to close. It seems to be the penis 'out of control' which underpins many of these jokes. Rather than an erection on demand or an erection which won't let you down - it is the erection which won't go down (or the out of control penis) which is the focus of humour. Contemporary western thought is underpinned by binary oppositions or dualisms, for example, masculinity is aligned with rationality and the mind or, to put this another way, of being in control of/over the body (Bordo; Gatens). It is femininity which is associated with the body, with emotion and, in particular, the leaky, out of control body (See, for example, Shildrick.) Although erections are representative of (and central to) hegemonic masculinity (for example, the very notion of the phallus), it is the erection which is out of control or the excessive erection which seems to be spurring much of the humour in Viagra jokes. Presumably the Viagra penis remains erect after penetrative sex and/or bounces back up, and is therefore anomalous. This penis is no longer useful except as an object which draws attention to itself or as something which can be used for non-sexual purposes (for example, stopping someone falling out of bed). In both cases the Viagra penis makes a spectacle of itself and of the masculine norm of being in control and hidden (which is essential to the power of the phallus). Although men do talk about the penis as having a 'mind of its own' with respect to 'rising to the occasion' in inappropriate situations (Potts), the Viagra-penis has a mind of its own in quite a different sense. Here it is the Viagra which is the 'mind' - the penis is both assisted to rise from, and prevented from returning to, a flaccid state. One could even say that Viagra has a 'mind-altering' effect on the penis, that is, it produces a kind of psychophallic rather that psychedelic effect. 1 Perhaps it is not just the body-penis out of control which is a source of humour, but also the out of control mind-penis. An interesting challenge to dualistic framings of male/mind/control and female/body/out of control indeed! Notes 1. Thanks to Annie Potts (personal communication) for this insight. Works Cited Bordo, Susan. The Flight to Objectivity: Essays on Cartesianism and Culture. Albany: SUNY, 1987. Gatens, Moira. Imaginary Bodies: Ethics, Power and Corporeality. London: Routledge, 1996. Hirschman, Elizabeth, Linda Scott, and William Wells. "A Model of Product Discourse: Linking Consumer Practice to Cultural Texts". Journal of Advertising 27 (1998): 33-51. Jansson, Andre. "The Mediatization of Consumption - Towards an analytic Framework of Image Culture". Journal of Consumer Culture 2 (2002) : 5-31. "Potent Medicine: A Year Ago Viagra Hit the Shelves and the Earth Moved. Well, Sort of." Washington Post (March 26 1999). Retrieved from http://www.prn.usm.my/viagra/israel.html (01/07/2003). Potts, Annie. The Science Fiction of Sex. London and New York: Routledge, 2003. Shildrick, Margrit. Leaky Bodies and Boundaries: Feminism, Postmodernism and (Bio)ethics. London: Routledge, 1997. Citation reference for this article MLA Style Vares, Tiina. "Viagra and 'Getting it up'" M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture <http://www.media-culture.org.au/0311/7-vares-viagra.php>. APA Style Vares, T. (2003, Nov 10). Viagra and 'Getting it up'. M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture, 6, <http://www.media-culture.org.au/0311/7-vares-viagra.php>

IntroductionIn the year 2000, a group of likeminded individuals got together and convened the first annual World Barista Championship in Monte Carlo. With twelve competitors from around the globe, each competitor was judged by seven judges: one head judge who oversaw the process, two technical judges who assessed technical skills, and four sensory judges who evaluated the taste and appearance of the espresso drinks. Competitors had fifteen minutes to serve four espresso coffees, four cappuccino coffees, and four “signature” drinks that they had devised using one shot of espresso and other ingredients of their choice, but no alcohol. The competitors were also assessed on their overall barista skills, their creativity, and their ability to perform under pressure and impress the judges with their knowledge of coffee. This competition has grown to the extent that eleven years later, in 2011, 54 countries held national barista championships with the winner from each country competing for the highly coveted position of World Barista Champion. That year, Alejandro Mendez from El Salvador became the first world champion from a coffee producing nation. Champion baristas are more likely to come from coffee consuming countries than they are from coffee producing countries as countries that produce coffee seldom have a culture of espresso coffee consumption. While Ireland is not a coffee-producing nation, the Irish are the highest per capita consumers of tea in the world (Mac Con Iomaire, “Ireland”). Despite this, in 2008, Stephen Morrissey from Ireland overcame 50 other national champions to become the 2008 World Barista Champion (see, http://vimeo.com/2254130). Another Irish national champion, Colin Harmon, came fourth in this competition in both 2009 and 2010. This paper discusses the history and development of coffee and coffee houses in Dublin from the 17th century, charting how coffee culture in Dublin appeared, evolved, and stagnated before re-emerging at the beginning of the 21st century, with a remarkable win in the World Barista Championships. The historical links between coffeehouses and media—ranging from print media to electronic and social media—are discussed. In this, the coffee house acts as an informal public gathering space, what urban sociologist Ray Oldenburg calls a “third place,” neither work nor home. These “third places” provide anchors for community life and facilitate and foster broader, more creative interaction (Oldenburg). This paper will also show how competition from other “third places” such as clubs, hotels, restaurants, and bars have affected the vibrancy of coffee houses. Early Coffee Houses The first coffee house was established in Constantinople in 1554 (Tannahill 252; Huetz de Lemps 387). The first English coffee houses opened in Oxford in 1650 and in London in 1652. Coffee houses multiplied thereafter but, in 1676, when some London coffee houses became hotbeds for political protest, the city prosecutor decided to close them. The ban was soon lifted and between 1680 and 1730 Londoners discovered the pleasure of drinking coffee (Huetz de Lemps 388), although these coffee houses sold a number of hot drinks including tea and chocolate as well as coffee.The first French coffee houses opened in Marseille in 1671 and in Paris the following year. Coffee houses proliferated during the 18th century: by 1720 there were 380 public cafés in Paris and by the end of the century there were 600 (Huetz de Lemps 387). Café Procope opened in Paris in 1674 and, in the 18th century, became a literary salon with regular patrons: Voltaire, Rousseau, Diderot and Condorcet (Huetz de Lemps 387; Pitte 472). In England, coffee houses developed into exclusive clubs such as Crockford’s and the Reform, whilst elsewhere in Europe they evolved into what we identify as cafés, similar to the tea shops that would open in England in the late 19th century (Tannahill 252-53). Tea quickly displaced coffee in popularity in British coffee houses (Taylor 142). Pettigrew suggests two reasons why Great Britain became a tea-drinking nation while most of the rest of Europe took to coffee (48). The first was the power of the East India Company, chartered by Elizabeth I in 1600, which controlled the world’s biggest tea monopoly and promoted the beverage enthusiastically. The second was the difficulty England had in securing coffee from the Levant while at war with France at the end of the seventeenth century and again during the War of the Spanish Succession (1702-13). Tea also became the dominant beverage in Ireland and over a period of time became the staple beverage of the whole country. In 1835, Samuel Bewley and his son Charles dared to break the monopoly of The East India Company by importing over 2,000 chests of tea directly from Canton, China, to Ireland. His family would later become synonymous with the importation of coffee and with opening cafés in Ireland (see, Farmar for full history of the Bewley's and their activities). Ireland remains the highest per-capita consumer of tea in the world. Coffee houses have long been linked with social and political change (Kennedy, Politicks; Pincus). The notion that these new non-alcoholic drinks were responsible for the Enlightenment because people could now gather socially without getting drunk is rejected by Wheaton as frivolous, since there had always been alternatives to strong drink, and European civilisation had achieved much in the previous centuries (91). She comments additionally that cafés, as gathering places for dissenters, took over the role that taverns had long played. Pennell and Vickery support this argument adding that by offering a choice of drinks, and often sweets, at a fixed price and in a more civilized setting than most taverns provided, coffee houses and cafés were part of the rise of the modern restaurant. It is believed that, by 1700, the commercial provision of food and drink constituted the second largest occupational sector in London. Travellers’ accounts are full of descriptions of London taverns, pie shops, coffee, bun and chop houses, breakfast huts, and food hawkers (Pennell; Vickery). Dublin Coffee Houses and Later incarnations The earliest reference to coffee houses in Dublin is to the Cock Coffee House in Cook Street during the reign of Charles II (1660-85). Public dining or drinking establishments listed in the 1738 Dublin Directory include taverns, eating houses, chop houses, coffee houses, and one chocolate house in Fownes Court run by Peter Bardin (Hardiman and Kennedy 157). During the second half of the 17th century, Dublin’s merchant classes transferred allegiance from taverns to the newly fashionable coffee houses as places to conduct business. By 1698, the fashion had spread to country towns with coffee houses found in Cork, Limerick, Kilkenny, Clonmel, Wexford, and Galway, and slightly later in Belfast and Waterford in the 18th century. Maxwell lists some of Dublin’s leading coffee houses and taverns, noting their clientele: There were Lucas’s Coffee House, on Cork Hill (the scene of many duels), frequented by fashionable young men; the Phoenix, in Werburgh Street, where political dinners were held; Dick’s Coffee House, in Skinner’s Row, much patronized by literary men, for it was over a bookseller’s; the Eagle, in Eustace Street, where meetings of the Volunteers were held; the Old Sot’s Hole, near Essex Bridge, famous for its beefsteaks and ale; the Eagle Tavern, on Cork Hill, which was demolished at the same time as Lucas’s to make room for the Royal Exchange; and many others. (76) Many of the early taverns were situated around the Winetavern Street, Cook Street, and Fishamble Street area. (see Fig. 1) Taverns, and later coffee houses, became meeting places for gentlemen and centres for debate and the exchange of ideas. In 1706, Francis Dickson published the Flying Post newspaper at the Four Courts coffee house in Winetavern Street. The Bear Tavern (1725) and the Black Lyon (1735), where a Masonic Lodge assembled every Wednesday, were also located on this street (Gilbert v.1 160). Dick’s Coffee house was established in the late 17th century by bookseller and newspaper proprietor Richard Pue, and remained open until 1780 when the building was demolished. In 1740, Dick’s customers were described thus: Ye citizens, gentlemen, lawyers and squires,who summer and winter surround our great fires,ye quidnuncs! who frequently come into Pue’s,To live upon politicks, coffee, and news. (Gilbert v.1 174) There has long been an association between coffeehouses and publishing books, pamphlets and particularly newspapers. Other Dublin publishers and newspapermen who owned coffee houses included Richard Norris and Thomas Bacon. Until the 1850s, newspapers were burdened with a number of taxes: on the newsprint, a stamp duty, and on each advertisement. By 1865, these taxes had virtually disappeared, resulting in the appearance of 30 new newspapers in Ireland, 24 of them in Dublin. Most people read from copies which were available free of charge in taverns, clubs, and coffee houses (MacGiolla Phadraig). Coffee houses also kept copies of international newspapers. On 4 May 1706, Francis Dickson notes in the Dublin Intelligence that he held the Paris and London Gazettes, Leyden Gazette and Slip, the Paris and Hague Lettres à la Main, Daily Courant, Post-man, Flying Post, Post-script and Manuscripts in his coffeehouse in Winetavern Street (Kennedy, “Dublin”). Henry Berry’s analysis of shop signs in Dublin identifies 24 different coffee houses in Dublin, with the main clusters in Essex Street near the Custom’s House (Cocoa Tree, Bacon’s, Dempster’s, Dublin, Merchant’s, Norris’s, and Walsh’s) Cork Hill (Lucas’s, St Lawrence’s, and Solyman’s) Skinners’ Row (Bow’s’, Darby’s, and Dick’s) Christ Church Yard (Four Courts, and London) College Green (Jack’s, and Parliament) and Crampton Court (Exchange, and Little Dublin). (see Figure 1, below, for these clusters and the locations of other Dublin coffee houses.) The earliest to be referenced is the Cock Coffee House in Cook Street during the reign of Charles II (1660-85), with Solyman’s (1691), Bow’s (1692), and Patt’s on High Street (1699), all mentioned in print before the 18th century. The name of one, the Cocoa Tree, suggests that chocolate was also served in this coffee house. More evidence of the variety of beverages sold in coffee houses comes from Gilbert who notes that in 1730, one Dublin poet wrote of George Carterwright’s wife at The Custom House Coffee House on Essex Street: Her coffee’s fresh and fresh her tea,Sweet her cream, ptizan, and whea,her drams, of ev’ry sort, we findboth good and pleasant, in their kind. (v. 2 161) Figure 1: Map of Dublin indicating Coffee House clusters 1 = Sackville St.; 2 = Winetavern St.; 3 = Essex St.; 4 = Cork Hill; 5 = Skinner's Row; 6 = College Green.; 7 = Christ Church Yard; 8 = Crampton Court.; 9 = Cook St.; 10 = High St.; 11 = Eustace St.; 12 = Werburgh St.; 13 = Fishamble St.; 14 = Westmorland St.; 15 = South Great George's St.; 16 = Grafton St.; 17 = Kildare St.; 18 = Dame St.; 19 = Anglesea Row; 20 = Foster Place; 21 = Poolbeg St.; 22 = Fleet St.; 23 = Burgh Quay.A = Cafe de Paris, Lincoln Place; B = Red Bank Restaurant, D'Olier St.; C = Morrison's Hotel, Nassau St.; D = Shelbourne Hotel, St. Stephen's Green; E = Jury's Hotel, Dame St. Some coffee houses transformed into the gentlemen’s clubs that appeared in London, Paris and Dublin in the 17th century. These clubs originally met in coffee houses, then taverns, until later proprietary clubs became fashionable. Dublin anticipated London in club fashions with members of the Kildare Street Club (1782) and the Sackville Street Club (1794) owning the premises of their clubhouse, thus dispensing with the proprietor. The first London club to be owned by the members seems to be Arthur’s, founded in 1811 (McDowell 4) and this practice became widespread throughout the 19th century in both London and Dublin. The origin of one of Dublin’s most famous clubs, Daly’s Club, was a chocolate house opened by Patrick Daly in c.1762–65 in premises at 2–3 Dame Street (Brooke). It prospered sufficiently to commission its own granite-faced building on College Green between Anglesea Street and Foster Place which opened in 1789 (Liddy 51). Daly’s Club, “where half the land of Ireland has changed hands”, was renowned for the gambling that took place there (Montgomery 39). Daly’s sumptuous palace catered very well (and discreetly) for honourable Members of Parliament and rich “bucks” alike (Craig 222). The changing political and social landscape following the Act of Union led to Daly’s slow demise and its eventual closure in 1823 (Liddy 51). Coincidentally, the first Starbucks in Ireland opened in 2005 in the same location. Once gentlemen’s clubs had designated buildings where members could eat, drink, socialise, and stay overnight, taverns and coffee houses faced competition from the best Dublin hotels which also had coffee rooms “in which gentlemen could read papers, write letters, take coffee and wine in the evening—an exiguous substitute for a club” (McDowell 17). There were at least 15 establishments in Dublin city claiming to be hotels by 1789 (Corr 1) and their numbers grew in the 19th century, an expansion which was particularly influenced by the growth of railways. By 1790, Dublin’s public houses (“pubs”) outnumbered its coffee houses with Dublin boasting 1,300 (Rooney 132). Names like the Goose and Gridiron, Harp and Crown, Horseshoe and Magpie, and Hen and Chickens—fashionable during the 17th and 18th centuries in Ireland—hung on decorative signs for those who could not read. Throughout the 20th century, the public house provided the dominant “third place” in Irish society, and the drink of choice for itd predominantly male customers was a frothy pint of Guinness. Newspapers were available in public houses and many newspapermen had their own favourite hostelries such as Mulligan’s of Poolbeg Street; The Pearl, and The Palace on Fleet Street; and The White Horse Inn on Burgh Quay. Any coffee served in these establishments prior to the arrival of the new coffee culture in the 21st century was, however, of the powdered instant variety. Hotels / Restaurants with Coffee Rooms From the mid-19th century, the public dining landscape of Dublin changed in line with London and other large cities in the United Kingdom. Restaurants did appear gradually in the United Kingdom and research suggests that one possible reason for this growth from the 1860s onwards was the Refreshment Houses and Wine Licences Act (1860). The object of this act was to “reunite the business of eating and drinking”, thereby encouraging public sobriety (Mac Con Iomaire, “Emergence” v.2 95). Advertisements for Dublin restaurants appeared in The Irish Times from the 1860s. Thom’s Directory includes listings for Dining Rooms from the 1870s and Refreshment Rooms are listed from the 1880s. This pattern continued until 1909, when Thom’s Directory first includes a listing for “Restaurants and Tea Rooms”. Some of the establishments that advertised separate coffee rooms include Dublin’s first French restaurant, the Café de Paris, The Red Bank Restaurant, Morrison’s Hotel, Shelbourne Hotel, and Jury’s Hotel (see Fig. 1). The pattern of separate ladies’ coffee rooms emerged in Dublin and London during the latter half of the 19th century and mixed sex dining only became popular around the last decade of the 19th century, partly infuenced by Cesar Ritz and Auguste Escoffier (Mac Con Iomaire, “Public Dining”). Irish Cafés: From Bewley’s to Starbucks A number of cafés appeared at the beginning of the 20th century, most notably Robert Roberts and Bewley’s, both of which were owned by Quaker families. Ernest Bewley took over the running of the Bewley’s importation business in the 1890s and opened a number of Oriental Cafés; South Great Georges Street (1894), Westmoreland Street (1896), and what became the landmark Bewley’s Oriental Café in Grafton Street (1927). Drawing influence from the grand cafés of Paris and Vienna, oriental tearooms, and Egyptian architecture (inspired by the discovery in 1922 of Tutankhamen’s Tomb), the Grafton Street business brought a touch of the exotic into the newly formed Irish Free State. Bewley’s cafés became the haunt of many of Ireland’s leading literary figures, including Samuel Becket, Sean O’Casey, and James Joyce who mentioned the café in his book, Dubliners. A full history of Bewley’s is available (Farmar). It is important to note, however, that pots of tea were sold in equal measure to mugs of coffee in Bewley’s. The cafés changed over time from waitress- to self-service and a failure to adapt to changing fashions led to the business being sold, with only the flagship café in Grafton Street remaining open in a revised capacity. It was not until the beginning of the 21st century that a new wave of coffee house culture swept Ireland. This was based around speciality coffee beverages such as espressos, cappuccinos, lattés, macchiatos, and frappuccinnos. This new phenomenon coincided with the unprecedented growth in the Irish economy, during which Ireland became known as the “Celtic Tiger” (Murphy 3). One aspect of this period was a building boom and a subsequent growth in apartment living in the Dublin city centre. The American sitcom Friends and its fictional coffee house, “Central Perk,” may also have helped popularise the use of coffee houses as “third spaces” (Oldenberg) among young apartment dwellers in Dublin. This was also the era of the “dotcom boom” when many young entrepreneurs, software designers, webmasters, and stock market investors were using coffee houses as meeting places for business and also as ad hoc office spaces. This trend is very similar to the situation in the 17th and early 18th centuries where coffeehouses became known as sites for business dealings. Various theories explaining the growth of the new café culture have circulated, with reasons ranging from a growth in Eastern European migrants, anti-smoking legislation, returning sophisticated Irish emigrants, and increased affluence (Fenton). Dublin pubs, facing competition from the new coffee culture, began installing espresso coffee machines made by companies such as Gaggia to attract customers more interested in a good latté than a lager and it is within this context that Irish baristas gained such success in the World Barista competition. In 2001 the Georges Street branch of Bewley’s was taken over by a chain called Café, Bar, Deli specialising in serving good food at reasonable prices. Many ex-Bewley’s staff members subsequently opened their own businesses, roasting coffee and running cafés. Irish-owned coffee chains such as Java Republic, Insomnia, and O’Brien’s Sandwich Bars continued to thrive despite the competition from coffee chains Starbucks and Costa Café. Indeed, so successful was the handmade Irish sandwich and coffee business that, before the economic downturn affected its business, Irish franchise O’Brien’s operated in over 18 countries. The Café, Bar, Deli group had also begun to franchise its operations in 2008 when it too became a victim of the global economic downturn. With the growth of the Internet, many newspapers have experienced falling sales of their printed format and rising uptake of their electronic versions. Most Dublin coffee houses today provide wireless Internet connections so their customers can read not only the local newspapers online, but also others from all over the globe, similar to Francis Dickenson’s coffee house in Winetavern Street in the early 18th century. Dublin has become Europe’s Silicon Valley, housing the European headquarters for companies such as Google, Yahoo, Ebay, Paypal, and Facebook. There are currently plans to provide free wireless connectivity throughout Dublin’s city centre in order to promote e-commerce, however, some coffee houses shut off the wireless Internet in their establishments at certain times of the week in order to promote more social interaction to ensure that these “third places” remain “great good places” at the heart of the community (Oldenburg). Conclusion Ireland is not a country that is normally associated with a coffee culture but coffee houses have been part of the fabric of that country since they emerged in Dublin in the 17th century. These Dublin coffee houses prospered in the 18th century, and survived strong competition from clubs and hotels in the 19th century, and from restaurant and public houses into the 20th century. In 2008, when Stephen Morrissey won the coveted title of World Barista Champion, Ireland’s place as a coffee consuming country was re-established. The first decade of the 21st century witnessed a birth of a new espresso coffee culture, which shows no signs of weakening despite Ireland’s economic travails. References Berry, Henry F. “House and Shop Signs in Dublin in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries.” The Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland 40.2 (1910): 81–98. Brooke, Raymond Frederick. Daly’s Club and the Kildare Street Club, Dublin. Dublin, 1930. Corr, Frank. Hotels in Ireland. Dublin: Jemma Publications, 1987. Craig, Maurice. Dublin 1660-1860. Dublin: Allen Figgis, 1980. Farmar, Tony. The Legendary, Lofty, Clattering Café. Dublin: A&A Farmar, 1988. Fenton, Ben. “Cafe Culture taking over in Dublin.” The Telegraph 2 Oct. 2006. 29 Apr. 2012 ‹http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/uknews/1530308/cafe-culture-taking-over-in-Dublin.html›. Gilbert, John T. A History of the City of Dublin (3 vols.). Dublin: Gill and Macmillan, 1978. Girouard, Mark. Victorian Pubs. New Haven, Conn.: Yale UP, 1984. 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Sustainable development is a global trend to build a prosperous society, especially to promote green growth towards ecological approach and based on sustainable use of natural resources in the context of climate change. This article, therefore, is an attempt to synthesize the sustainable development process in the world, from the initial awareness of the role of the environment in the development process in the 1980s, to the development of Agenda 21 in the 1990s, to develop and implement the 2030 agenda for sustainable development in the present time. The change in awareness and practice of sustainable development also demonstrates the trend of social-ecological transformation as a development trend and is an urgent requirement towards building a prosperous and sustainable society. Integrating sustainable development into international and national development policies can be considered as a form of promoting social-ecological transformation. The UNESCO’ system of Biosphere Reserves as a model for promoting sustainable development initiatives towards harmony between people and nature can be considered as a model of a social-ecological system. Vietnam as a country actively participating the sustainable development process in the world has made great efforts to build a prosperous and sustainable society. Keywords: Sustainable development, social - ecological transformation, Vietnam. References [1] United Nations, Agenda 2, United Nations Conference on Environment & Development Rio de Janerio, Brazil, 3 to 14 June 1992, pp. 351.[2] IUCN, UNEP, WWF, World Conservation Strategy: Living Resource Conservation for Sustainable Development, 1980, pp. 77.[3] United Nations, Our Common Future, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1987.[4] Meadows, H. Donella, Meadows, L. Dennis, Randers, Jørgen; Behrens III, W. William, The Limits to Growth; A Report for the Club of Rome's Project on the Predicament of Mankind. New York: Universe Books, 1972.[5] IUCN, UNEP và WWF, Caring for the Earth: A Strategy for Sustainable Living (in Vietnamse), Translation from original copy, Hanoi: Science and Technology Publishing House, 1993, pp. 240.[6] Millennium Ecosystem Assessment (MEA), Ecosystems and Human Well-being: Synthesis. Island Press, Washington, DC, 2005, pp. 102.[7] United Nations, Global Sustainable Development Report, 2015a, pp. 198.[8] United Nations, Transforming our world: the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. A/RES/70/1, 2015b, pp. 40.[9] Liliane Danso-Dahmen, Philip Degenhardt (Eds.), Social-Ecological Transformation Perspectives from Asia and Europe. Published by the Rosa-Luxemburg-Stiftung, 2019, pp. 111.[10] Bass Steve, Conceptual Frameworks for Integrating Sustainable Development Dimensions Paper for UNDESA/UNEP/UNDP Workshop on SD Integration tools, Geneva, 14-15 October 2015.[11] Cejudo, Guillermo M and Cynthia Michel, Addressing fragmented government action: Coordination, coherence, and integration. Paper to be presented at the 2nd International Conference in Public Policy, Milan, July 2015, pp. 22.[12] UN-DESA, Integrated Approaches to Sustainable Development Planning and Implementation. Report of the Capacity Building Workshop and Expert Group Meeting, Department of Economic & Social Affairs, 2015.[13] ESDN, Horizontal Policy Integration and Sustainable Development: Conceptual remarks and governance examples. ESDN Quarterly Report June 2009, http://www.sd-network.eu/quarterly%20reports/report%20files/pdf/2009-June-Horizontal_Policy_Integration_and_Sustainable_Development.pdf.[14] OECD, Guidance on Sustainability Impact Assessment. Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, 2010.[15] DFID, Sustainable Livelihoods Guidance Sheets. April 1999, https://www.ennonline.net/dfidsustainableliving.[16] Adams, W.M, The Future of Sustainability: Re-thinking Environment and Development in the Twenty-first Century. Report of the IUCN Renowned Thinkers Meeting, 29-31 January 2006, pp. 18. https://portals.iucn.org/library/sites/library/files/documents/Rep-2006-002.pdf.[17] J. Rockström et al., A safe operating space for humanity, Nature 461(7263), 2009a, 472–475.[18] J. Rockström et al., Planetary Boundaries: Exploring the Safe Operating Space for Humanity. Ecology and Society 14(2), 2009b, 32. [19] Steffen, Will, K. Richardson, J. Rockström, S.E. Cornell, I. Fetzer, E.M. Bennett, R. Biggs, S.R. Carpenter, Wim de Vries, Cynthia A. de Wit, Carl Folke, Dieter Gerten, J. Heinke, G.M. Mace, Linn M. Persson, Veerabhadran Ramanathan, B. Reyers, Sverker Sörlin, Planetary boundaries: Guiding human development on a changing planet. Science 347, 1259855 (2015). DOI: 10.1126/science.1259855.[20] Pisano, Umberto and Gerald Berger, Planetary Boundaries for Sustainable Development: From a conceptual perspective to national applications. ESDN Quarterly Report 30 – October 2013, ESDN Quarterly Report N.30. European Sustainable Development Network, 31 pages, http://www.sd-network.eu/quarterly%20reports/report%20files/pdf/2013-October-Planetary_Boundaries_for_SD.pdf[21] Raworth Kate, From Will these Sustainable Development Goals get us into the doughnut (aka a safe and just space for humanity)? Duncan Green’s discussion on Raworth’s doughnut and SDGs. 2014, http://oxfamblogs.org/fp2p/will-these-sustainable-development-goals-get-us-into-the-doughnut-aka-a-safe-and-just-space-for-humanity-guest-post-from-kate-raworth/[22] Vietnam, Implementation of Sustainable Development: National Report at the UN Conference on Sustainable Development (Rio+20) (in Vietnamese), Ministry of Planning and Investment, Hanoi, May 2012, pp. 82.[23] Vietnam, Voluntary National Review on the Implementation of the Sustainable Development Goals ,Ministry of Planning and Investment, 2018, pp. 90 (in Vietnamese).[24] IMHEN, Integrating Climate Change into Socio-economic Development Plans Viet Nam Institute of Meteorology, Hydrology and Climate Change, Viet Nam Publishing House of Natural Resources, Environment and Cartography, Hanoi, 2012, pp.137 (in Vietnamese).[25] T. Thuc, H.T.L. Huong and D. M. 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Moldy core is a fungal disease of apple fruits that is characterized by mycelial growth in the seed locules and is sometimes accompanied by penetration of the immediate surrounding flesh. The disease can go undetected until the fruit is cut open, as no external symptoms appear on the fruit. Alternaria, Aspergillus, Cladosporium, Coniothyrium, Epicoccum, Phoma and Stemphylium are some of the common pathogens associated with moldy core (Serdani et al. 2002; Gao et al. 2013; McLeod 2014). The disease is more common in apple cultivars with an open calyx, where spores may initiate infections during the growing season or at the post-harvest storage stage (Spotts et al. 1988). In 2018, a shipment of ‘Sweet Tango’ apples from New Zealand to Scotian Gold Co-operative Ltd., Nova Scotia, Canada, was found to be affected by moldy core. Moderate to severe moldy core symptoms were observed when 10 apples were cut open (Figure S1). In comparison, ‘Sweet Tango’ apples grown in Nova Scotia showed no moldy core symptoms when 10 random fruits were cut open. Small pieces of the diseased fruit tissue from the core region were surface-disinfected for 1 min in 1% NaOCl, rinsed three times with sterilized water and placed onto potato dextrose agar (PDA) dishes. The PDA dishes were incubated in dark at 22 oC and single spore isolation was carried out to fresh PDA dishes. These isolate produced colonies of regular shape, tan black with prominent white gray margin and gray colour conidia (Figure S2 AB). The colonies turn dark black after 3 weeks of growth on PDA. Mycelia were septate and conidia were oval or obclavate or club-shaped with a tapering end with 4-6 longitudinal and transverse septa (Figure S2 C-D). The size of conidia ranges from 12.5-20 x 8.7-12.5 µM on 20 days old PDA dishes. Based on the size and shape of conidia and other morphological characteristics the isolated fungi were identical to Alternaria spp. (Simmons 2007). To assess the identity of the isolated pathogen species by multi-locus sequence analysis, genomic DNA was extracted from the pure cultures of two isolates (5.8 and 8) using the E.Z.N.A. SP Fungal DNA Kit (Omega Bio-Tek). The glyceraldehyde-3-phosphate dehydrogenase (GAPDH), major allergen (Alt a 1), OPA10-2, the internal transcribed spacer (ITS) region of ribosomal DNA and the translation elongation factor 1-α (TEF1-α) region from two Alternaria spp. isolates (5.8 and 8) were amplified and sequenced using primers gpd1/2 (Berbee et al. 1999), A21F/A21R (Gabriel 2015), OPA10-2/ OPA10-2L (Andrew et al. 2009), ITS1/ITS4 (White et al. 1990) and EF1-up /EF1-low (O’Donnell et al. 1998) respectively. The resulting sequences of both isolates were deposited in the NCBI GenBank (GAPDH; MW411052, MW411053, Alt a 1; MW411050, MW411051, OPA10-2; MW415762, MW415763, ITS; MK140445, MT225559, TEF1-α; MT305773 and MT305774 ). Sequences of GAPDH, Alt a 1, OPA-10-2, ITS and TEF1-α genes of both isolates were identical to each other and showed 100 %, 100 %, 99.21 %, 100% and 100% identity to A. arborescens S. (AY278810.1, AY563303.1, KP124712.1, KY965831.1, KY965831.1) respectively. Identity with reference strain CBS 102605 confirms that both of the isolated strains 5.8 and 8 are A. arborescens. The pathogenicity of the two A. arborescens isolates were confirmed by artificially inoculating healthy ‘Sweet Tango’ fruit by dispensing the conidial suspension directly on the seed locule. Briefly, surface-disinfected fruits were air-dried for 5 min and then peeled using a sterilized knife and cut transversally. Each half of the fruit was inoculated with 100 µl of conidial suspensions (∼1 × 104 conidia/ml) in potato dextrose broth (PDB) and incubated at 22 °C in a humid chamber for 7–10 days, or until symptoms with visible mycelial growth were observed. The control fruits were treated with 100 µl of sterilized PDB. Both A. arborescens isolates produced visible moldy core symptoms on the inoculated ‘Sweet Tango’ fruits, whereas no symptoms were observed on the control fruits (Figure S1). The experiment was repeated three times with at least three replicates with similar results. A. arborescens was successfully re-isolated from the artificially-inoculated fruits to complete Koch’s postulates. To our knowledge, this is the first report of Alternaria arborescens causing moldy core disease in ‘Sweet Tango’ apples from New Zealand. Acknowledgments We thank Eric Bevis for his help in sample preparation for DNA sequencing, Willy Renderos for pathogenicity assay. We also thank Joan Hebb (Scotian Gold Cooperative Ltd.,) for providing the apple sample for this study. This research was made possible through financial support from Agriculture and Agri-Food Canada. The authors(s) declare no conflict of interest. Literature Cited Andrew M., Peever T.L., Pryor B.M. An expanded multilocus phylogeny does not resolve species among the small-spored Alternaria species complex. 2009. Mycologia. 101:95–109. Berbee, M. L. et al. 1999. Cochliobolus phylogenetics and the origin of known, highly virulent pathogens, inferred from ITS and glyceraldehyde-3-phosphate dehydrogenase gene sequences Mycologia. 91:964. Gabriel, M.F. I. Postigo, A. Gutiérrez-Rodríguez, E. Suñén, C.T. Tomaz, J. Martínez 2015. Development of a PCR-based tool for detecting immunologically relevant Alt a 1 and Alt a 1 homologue coding sequences. Medical Mycology. 53 (6):636–642. Gao, L. L., Zhang, Q., Sun, X. Y., Jiang, L., Zhang, R., Sun, G. Y., Zha, Y. L., and Biggs, A. R. 2013. Etiology of moldy core, core browning, and core rot of Fuji apple in China. Plant Dis. 97:510–516. Kerry, O’Donnell, H.C. Kistler, E. Cigelnik, R.C. Ploetz. 1998. Multiple evolutionary origins of the fungus causing Panama disease of banana: concordant evidence from nuclear and mitochondrial gene genealogies. PNAS. 95: 2044-2049. McLeod, A. 2014. Moldy core and core rots. Pages 40–41 in: Compendium of Apple and Pear Diseases and Pests, 2nd ed. T. B. Sutton, H. S. Aldwinckle, A. M. Agnello, and J. F. Walgenbach, eds. American Phytopathological Society, St Paul, MN. Serdani, M., Kang, J. C., Peever, T. L., Andersen, B., and Crous, P. W. 2002. Characterization of Alternaria species groups associated with core rot of apples in South Africa. Mycol. Res. 106:561–569. Simmons, E. G. 2007. Alternaria: an identification manual. CBS Biodiversity Series. 6:780 pp. Spotts, R. A., Holmes, R. J., and Washington, W. S. 1988. Factors affecting wet core rot of apples. Australas. Plant Pathol. 17:53–57. White, T. J., Bruns, T., Lee, S., and Taylor, J. 1990. Amplification and direct sequencing of fungal ribosomal RNA genes for phylogenetics. Pages 315–322 in: PCR Protocols: A Guide to Methods and Applications. M. A. Innis, D. H. Gelfand, J. J. Sninsky, and T. J. White, eds. San Diego, CA: Academic Press. Woudenberg, J. H. C., et al. 2015. Alternaria section Alternaria: Species, formae speciales or pathotypes. Stud. Mycol. 82:1-21.

In a 1999 interview with the online magazine The AV Club, a subsidiary of satirical news website, The Onion, Bret Easton Ellis claimed: “I’ve never written a single scene that I can say took place, I’ve never written a line of dialogue that I’ve heard someone say or that I have said” (qtd. in Klein). Ten years later, in the same magazine, Ellis was reminded of this quote and asked why most of his novels have been perceived as veiled autobiographies. Ellis responded:Well, they are autobiographical in the sense that they reflect who I was at a particular moment in my life. There was talk of a memoir, and I realized why I couldn’t write a memoir, because the books are the memoir—they completely sum up how I was feeling, what I was thinking about, what my obsessions were, what I was fantasizing about, who I was, in a fictional context over the last 25 years or so (qtd. in Tobias).Despite any protestations to the contrary, Bret Easton Ellis’s novels have included various intentional and unintentional disclosures which reflect the author’s personal experiences. This pattern of self-disclosure became most overt in his most recent novel, Lunar Park (2005), in which the narrator shares a name, vocation and many aspects of his personal history with Ellis himself. After two decades and many assumptions made about Ellis’s personal life in the public media, it seems on the surface as if this novel uses disclosure as the site of closure for several rumours and relationships which have haunted his career. It is possible to see how this fictional text transgresses the boundaries between fiction and fact in an attempt to sever the feedback loop between the media’s representation of Ellis and the interpretation of his fictional texts. Yet it is important to note that with Ellis, there is always more beneath the surface. This is evident after only one chapter of Lunar Park when the novel changes form from an autobiography into a fictional ghost story, both of which are told by Bret Easton Ellis, a man who simultaneously reflects and refracts aspects of the real life author.Before analysing Lunar Park, it is helpful to consider the career trajectory which led to its creation. Bret Easton Ellis made his early fame writing semi-fictional accounts of rich, beautiful, young, yet ambitionless members of generation-X, growing up in the 1980s in America. His first novel, Less Than Zero (1985), chronicled the exploits of his protagonists as they drifted from party to party, from one meaningless sexual encounter to another; all while anesthetised on a cocktail of Valium, Prozac, Percocet and various illegal drugs. The brutal realism of his narrative, coupled with the structure—short vignettes like snapshots and short chapters told in simplistic style—led the text to be hailed as the first “MTV Novel” (Annesley 90; see also: Freese).It is not difficult to discover the many similarities that exist between the creator of Less Than Zero and his fictional creation, Clay, the novel’s narrator-protagonist. Both grew up in Los Angeles and headed east to attend a small liberal-arts college. Both Ellis’s and Clay’s parents were divorced and both young men grew up living in a house with their mother and their two sisters. Ellis’s relationship with his father was, by all accounts, as strained as what is represented in the few meetings Clay has with his own father in Less Than Zero. In these scenes, Clay describes a brief, perfunctory lunch meeting in an expensive restaurant in which Clay’s father is too preoccupied by work to acknowledge his son’s presence.Ellis’s second novel, The Rules of Attraction (1987), is set at Camden College, the same college that Clay attends in Less Than Zero. At one point, Clay even guest-narrates a chapter of The Rules of Attraction; the phrase, “people are afraid to walk across campus after midnight” (205) recalls the opening line of Less Than Zero, “people are afraid to merge on highways in Los Angeles” (5). Camden bears quite a few similarities with Bennington College, the college which Ellis himself was attending when Less Than Zero was published and Ellis was catapulted into the limelight. Even Ellis himself has admitted that the book is, “a completely fictionalized portrait of a group of people, all summations of friends I knew” (qtd. in Tobias).The authenticity of Ellis’s narrative voice was considered as an insight which came from participation (A Conversation with Bret Easton Ellis). The depiction of disenfranchised youth in the Reagan era in America was so compelling because Ellis seemed to personify and even embody the malaise and listlessness of his narrators in his public performances and interviews. In the minds of many readers and critics, Ellis’s narrators were a fictional extrapolation of Ellis himself. The association of Ellis to his fictional narrators backfired when Ellis’s third novel, American Psycho (1991), was published. The novel was criticised for its detached depiction of Patrick Bateman, who narrates in minute detail his daily routine which includes an extensive beauty regime, lunchtimes and dinnertimes spent in extravagant New York restaurants, a relationship with a fiancée and a mistress, a job on Wall Street in which he seems to do no real “work,” and his night-time hobby where brutally murders women, homeless men, gay men and even a small child. Bateman’s choice of victims can be interpreted as unconsciously aimed at anyone why may threaten his dominant position as a wealthy, white, heterosexual male. While Bateman kills as many men as he does women, his male victims are killed quickly in sudden bursts of violence. Bateman’s female victims are the subject of brutal torture, prolonged violent sexualized attacks, and in many cases inhumane post-mortem disfigurement and dismemberment.The public reception of American Psycho has been analysed as much as the text itself, (see: Murphet; Brien). Because American Psycho is narrated in the first-person voice of Bateman, there is no escape from his subjectivity. Many, including the National Organization of Women, interpreted this lack of authorial comment as Ellis’s tacit agreement and acceptance of Bateman’s behaviour. Another similar interpretation was made by Roger Rosenblatt in his pre-publication review of American Psycho in which he forthrightly encourages readers to “Snuff this Book” (Rosenblatt). Rosenblatt finds no ironic critique in Ellis’s representation of Bateman, instead finding himself at a loss to understand Ellis’s intention in writing American Psycho, saying “one only assumes, Mr. Ellis disapproves. It's a bit hard to tell what Mr. Ellis intends exactly, because he languishes so comfortably in the swamp he purports to condemn” (n.p.).In much the same way as Ellis’s previous narrators had reflected his experience and opinions, Ellis was considered as accepting and even glorifying the actions of a misogynistic serial killer. Ellis himself has commented on the popularised “misreading” of his novel: “Because I never step in anywhere and say, ‘Hey, this is all wrong,’ people get upset. That’s outrageous to me! Who’s going to say that serial killing is wrong?! Isn’t that a given? There’s no need to say that” (qtd. in. Klein)Ellis himself was treated as if he had committed the actual crimes that Patrick Bateman describes. The irony being that, as I have argued elsewhere (Phillips), there are numerous signs within the text which point to the possibility that Patrick Bateman did not commit the crimes as he claims: he can be interpreted as an unreliable narrator. Although the unreliability is Bateman’s narration doesn’t remove the effect which the reader experiences, it does indicate a distance between the author and the narrator. This distance was overlooked by many critics who interpreted Ellis as agreeing and condoning Bateman’s views and actions.When Ellis’s fourth novel, Glamorama was published, the decadent lifestyle represented in the text was again considered to be a reflection of Ellis’s personal experience. The star-studded parties and glamorous night clubs seemed to be lifted straight out of Ellis’s experience (although, no-one would ever claim that Ellis was a fashion-model-turned-international-terrorist like his narrator, Victor). One reviewer notes that “even when Bret Easton Ellis writes about killer yuppies and terrorist fashion models, a lot of people still think he's writing about himself” (Waldren).With the critical tendency to read an autobiographical confession out of Ellis’s fictional works firmly in place, it is not hard to see why Ellis decided to make the narrator of his fifth novel, Lunar Park, none other than Bret Easton Ellis himself. It is my contention that Lunar Park is the site of disclosures based on the real life of Bret Easton Ellis. I believe that Ellis chose the form of a mock-autobiography-turned-ghost-story as the site of exorcism for the many ghosts which have haunted his career, namely, his public persona and the publication of American Psycho. Ultimately, it is the exorcism of a more personal ghost, namely his father Robert Martin Ellis which provides the most private disclosure in the text and therefore the most touching, truthful and abiding site of closure for the entire novel and for Ellis himself. For ease, I will refer to the narrator of Lunar Park as Bret and the author of Lunar Park as Ellis.On the surface, it appears that Lunar Park is an autobiographical memoir. In one of the many mixed reviews of the novel (see: Murray; "Behind Bret's Mask"; Hand), Steve Almond’s title describes how Ellis masquerading as Ellis “is not a pretty sight” (Almond). The opening chapter is told in autobiographical style and charts Bret’s meteoric rise from college student to member of the literary brat pack (alongside Jay McInerney and Tama Jancowitz), to reviled author of American Psycho (1991) reaching his washed-up, drug-addled and near-death nadir during the Glamorama (1998) book tour. However, careful reading of this chapter reveals that the real-life Ellis is obscuring as much about himself as he appears to be revealing. Although it takes the form of a candid disclosure of his personal life, there are elements of the narrator’s story which do not agree with the public record of the author Ellis.The fictional Bret claims to have attended Camden College, and that his manuscript for Less Than Zero was a college project, discovered by his professor. While the plot of this story does reflect Ellis’s actual experience, he has set Bret’s story at Camden College, the fictional setting of The Rules of Attraction. By adding an element of fiction into the autobiographical account, Ellis is indicating that he is not identical to his narrating counterpart. It also signifies the Bret that exists in the fictional space whereas Ellis resides in the “real world.”In Lunar Park, Bret also talks about his relationship with Jayne Dennis. Jayne is described as a model-turned-actress, an up and coming Hollywood superstar who in the 1980s performed in films alongside Keanu Reeves. Jayne is one of the truly fictional characters in Lunar Park. She doesn’t exist outside of the text, except in two websites which were established to promote the publication of Lunar Park in 2005 (www.jaynedennis.com and www.jayne-dennis.com). While Bret and Jayne are dating, Jayne falls pregnant. Bret begs her to have an abortion. When Jayne decides to keep the child, her relationship with Bret falls apart. Bret meets his son Robby only twice from birth until the age of 10. The relationship between the fictional Bret and the fictional Jayne creates Robby, a fictional offspring who shares a name with Robert Martin Ellis (Bret and Ellis’s father).Many have been tempted to participate in Ellis’s game, to sift fact from fiction in the opening chapter of Lunar Park. Holt and Abbot published a two page point-by-point analysis of where the real-life Ellis diverged from the fictional Bret. The promotional website established by Ellis’s publisher was named www.twobrets.com to invite such a comparison. Although this game is invited by Ellis, he has also publicly stated that there is more to Lunar Park than the comparison between himself and his fictional counterpart:My worry is that people will want to know what’s true and what’s not […] All the things that are in the book—my quote-unquote autobiography—I just don’t want to answer any of those questions. I don’t like demystifying the text (qtd. in Wyatt n.p.)Although Ellis refuses to demystify the text, one of the purposes of inserting himself into the text is to trap readers in this very game, and to confuse fact with fiction. Although the text opens with a chapter which reads like Ellis’s autobiography, careful reading of the textual Bret against the extra-textual Ellis reveals that this chapter contains almost as much fiction as the “ghost story” which fills the remaining 400-odd pages. This ghost story could have been told by any first-person narrator. By writing himself into the text, Ellis is writing his public persona into the fictional character of Bret. One of the effects of blurring the lines between public and private, reality and fiction is that Ellis’s real-life disclosures invite the reader to read the fictional text against their extra-textual knowledge of Ellis himself. In this way, Ellis is able to address the many ghosts which have haunted his career—most importantly the public reception of American Psycho and his public persona. A more personal ghost is the ghost of Ellis’s father who has been written into the text, literally haunting Bret’s home with messages from beyond the grave. Closure occurs when these ghosts have been exorcised. The question is: is Lunar Park Ellis’s attempt to close down the public debates, or to add more fuel to the fire?One of the areas in which Ellis seeks to find closure is in the controversy surrounding American Psycho. Ellis uses his fictional voice to re-write the discourse surrounding the creation and reception of the text. There are deliberate contradictions in Bret’s version of writing American Psycho. In Lunar Park, Bret describes the writing process of American Psycho. In an oddly ornate passage for Ellis (who seldom uses adverbs), Bret describes how he would “fearfully watch my hands as the pen swept across the yellow legal pads” (19) blaming the “spirit” of Patrick Bateman for visiting and causing the book to be written. When it was finished, the “spirit” was “disgustingly satisfied” and stopped “gleefully haunting” Bret’s dreams. This shift in writing style may be an indication of a shift from reality into a fictionalised account of the writing of American Psycho. Much of the plot of Lunar Park is taken up with the consequences of American Psycho, when a madman starts replicating crimes exactly as they appear in the novel. It is almost as if Patrick Bateman is haunting Bret and his family. When informed that his fictional violence has disrupted his quiet suburban existence, Bret laments, “this was the moment that detractors of the book had warned me about: if anything happened to anyone as a result of the publication of this novel, Bret Easton Ellis was to blame” (181-2). By the end of Lunar Park Bret decides to “kill” Patrick Bateman once and for all, by writing an epilogue in which Bateman is burnt alive.On the surface, it appears that Lunar Park is the site of an apology about American Psycho. However, this is not entirely the case. Much of Bret’s description of writing American Psycho is contradictory to Ellis’s personal accounts where he consciously researched the gruesome details of Bateman’s crimes using an FBI training manual (Rose). Although Patrick Bateman is destroyed by the end of Lunar Park, extra-textually, neither Bret nor Ellis is not entirely apologetic for his creation. Bret argues that American Psycho was “about society and manners and mores, and not about cutting up women. How could anyone who read the book not see this?” (182). Extra-textually, in an interview Ellis admitted that when he re-read “the violence sequences I was incredibly upset and shocked […] I can't believe that I wrote that. Looking back, I realize, God, you really sort of stepped over a line there” (qtd. in Wyatt n.p.). However, in that same interview, Ellis admits to lying to reporters if he feels that the reporter is “out to get” him. Therefore, Ellis’s apology may not actually be an apology at all.Lunar Park presents an explanation about how and why American Psycho was written. This explanation is much akin to claiming that “the devil made me do it”, by arguing that Bret was possessed by “the spirit of this madman” (18). While it may seem that this explanation is an attempt to close the vast amount of discussion surrounding why American Psycho was written, Ellis is actually using his fictional persona to address the public outcry about his most controversial novel, providing an apology for a text, which is really no apology at all. Ultimately, the reliability of Bret’s account depends on the reader’s knowledge of Ellis’s public persona. This interplay between the fictional Bret and the real-life Ellis can be seen in Lunar Park’s account of the Glamorama publicity tour. In Lunar Park, Bret describes his own version of the Glamorama book tour. For Bret, this tour functions as his personal nadir, the point in his life where he hits rock bottom and looks to Jayne Dennis as his saviour. Throughout the tour, Bret describes taking all manner of drugs. At one point, threatened by his erratic behaviour, Bret’s publishers asked a personal minder to join the book tour, reporting back on Bret’s actions which include picking at nonexistent scabs, sobbing at his appearance in a hotel mirror and locking himself in a bookstore bathroom for over an hour before emerging and claiming that he had a snake living in his mouth (32-33).The reality of the Glamorama book tour is not anywhere near as wild as that described by Bret in Lunar Park. In reviews and articles addressing the real-life Glamorama book tour, there are no descriptions of these events. One article, from the The Observer (Macdonald), does describe a meeting over lunch where Ellis admits to drinking way too much the night before and then having to deal with phone calls from fans he can’t remember giving his phone-number to. However, as previously mentioned, in that same article a friend of Ellis’s is quoted as saying that Ellis frequently lies to reporters. Bret’s fictional actions seem to confirm Ellis’s real life “party boy” persona. For Moran, “the name of the author [him]self can become merely an image, either used to market a literary product directly or as a kind of free floating signifier within contemporary culture” (61). Lunar Park is about all of the connotations of the name Bret Easton Ellis. It is also a subversion of those expectations. The fictional Glamorama book tour shows Ellis’s media persona taken to an extreme until it becomes a self-embodying parody. In Lunar Park, Ellis is deliberately amplifying his public persona, accepting that no amount of truthful disclosure will erase the image of Bret-the-party-boy. However, the remainder of the novel turns this image on its head by removing Bret from New York and placing him in middle-American suburbia, married, and with two children in tow.Ultimately, although the novel appears as a transgression of fact and fiction, Bret may be the most fictional of all of Ellis’s narrators (with the exception of Patrick Bateman). Bret is married where Ellis is single. Bret is heterosexual whereas Ellis is homosexual, and used the site of Lunar Park to confirm his homosexuality. Bret has children whereas Ellis is childless. Bret has settled down into the heartland of American suburbia, a wife and two children in tow whereas Ellis has made it clear that this lifestyle is not one he is seeking. The novel is presented as the site of Ellis’s personal disclosure, and yet only creates more fictional fodder for the public image of Ellis, there are elements of true and personal disclosures from Ellis life, which he is using the text as the site for his own brand of closure. The most genuine and heartfelt closure is achieved through Ellis’s disclosure of his relationship with his father.The death of Ellis’s father, Robert Martin Ellis has an impact on both the textual and extra-textual levels of Lunar Park. Textually, the novel takes the form of a ghost story, and it is Robert himself who is haunting Bret. These spectral disturbances manifest themselves in Bret’s house which slowly transforms into a representation of his childhood home. Bret also receives nightly e-mails from the bank in which his father’s ashes have been stored in a safe-deposit box. These e-mails contain an attached video file showing the last few moments of Robert Martin Ellis’s life. Bret never finds out who filmed the video. Extra-textually, the death of Robert Martin Ellis is clearly signified in the fact that Lunar Park is dedicated to him as well as Michael Wade Kaplan, two men close to Ellis who have died. The trope of fathers haunting their sons is further highlighted by Ellis’s inter-textual references to Shakespeare’s Hamlet including a quote in the epigraph: “From the table of my memory / I’ll wipe away all trivial fond records, / all saws of books, all forms, all pressures past / that youth and observation copied there” (1.5.98-101). The names of various geographical locations in Bret’s neighbourhood: Bret and Jayne live on Elsinore Lane, named for Elsinore castle, Bret also visits Fortinbras Mall, Osric hotel and Ophelia Boulevard. In Hamlet, the son is called upon by the ghost of his father to avenge his death. In Lunar Park, Bret is called upon to avenge himself against the wrongs inflicted upon him by his own father.The ambiguity of the relationships between fathers and sons is summarised in the closing passage of the novel. So, if you should see my son, tell him I say hello, be good, that I am thinking of him and that I know he’s watching over me somewhere, and not to worry: that he can always find me here, whenever he wants, right here, my arms held out and waiting, in the pages, behind the covers, at the end of Lunar Park (453).Although Bret earlier signals the reader to interpret this passage as a message from Bret to his son Robby (45), it is also possible to interpret is as a message from the fictional Robert Martin Ellis to the fictional Bret. In this reading, Lunar Park is not just a novel, a game or a post-modern deconstruction of the fact and fiction binary, it instead becomes an exorcism for the author. The process of writing Lunar Park to casts the spectre of the real-life Robert Martin Ellis out of his life to a place where Bret (and Ellis) can always find him. This relationship is the site not only of disclosure – reflecting Ellis’s own personal angst with his late father – but of closure, where Ellis has channelled his relationship and indeed exorcised his father into the text.Lunar Park contains several forms of disclosures, most of which transgress the line between fiction and fact. Lunar Park does not provide a closure from the tendency to read autobiography into Ellis’s texts, instead, chapter one provides as much fiction as fact, as evident in the discussions of American Psycho and the Glamorama book tour. Although chapter one presents in an autobiographical form, the remainder of the text reveals how fictional “Bret Easton Ellis” really is. Much of Lunar Park can be interpreted as a puzzle whose answer depends on the reader’s knowledge and understanding of the public perception, persona and profile of Bret Easton Ellis himself. Although seeming to provide closure on the surface, by playing with fiction and fact, Lunar Park only opens up more ground for discussion of Ellis, his novels, his persona and his fictional worlds. These are discussions I look forward to participating in, particularly as 2010 will see the publication of Ellis’s sixth novel (and sequel to Less Than Zero), Imperial Bedrooms.Although much of Ellis’s game in Lunar Park is to tease the reader by failing to provide true disclosures or meaningful and finite closure, the ending of the Lunar Park indicates the most honest, heartfelt and abiding closure for the text and for Ellis himself. Devoid of games and extra-textual riddles, the end of the novel is a message from a father to his son. By disclosing details of his troubled relationship with his father, both Ellis and his fictional counterpart Bret are able to exorcise the ghost of Robert Martin Ellis. As the novel closes, the ghost who haunts the text has indeed been exorcised and is now standing, with “arms held out and waiting, in the pages, behind the covers, at the end of Lunar Park” (453). ReferencesAlmond, Steve. "Ellis Masquerades as Ellis, and It Is Not a Pretty Sight." Boston Globe 14 Aug. 2005.Annesley, James. Blank Fictions: Consumerism, Culture and the Contemporary American Novel. London: Pluto Press, 1998."Behind Bret's Mask." Manchester Evening News 10 Oct. 2005.Brien, Donna Lee. "The Real Filth in American Psycho: A Critical Reassessment." M/C Journal 9.5 (2006). 30 Nov. 2009 < http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0610/01-brien.php >.Ellis, Bret Easton. Less than Zero. London: Vintage, 1985.–––. The Rules of Attraction. London: Vintage, 1987.–––. American Psycho. London: Picador, 1991.–––. Glamorama. New York: Knopf, 1998.–––. Lunar Park. New York: Knopf, 2005.Freese, Peter. "Bret Easton Ellis, Less than Zero; Entropy in the 'Mtv Novel'?" Modes of Narrative: Approaches to American, Canadian and British Fiction. Eds. Reingard Nishik and Barbara Korts. Wurzburg: Konighausen and Naumann, 1990. 68–87. Hand, Elizabeth. "House of Horrors; Bret Easton Ellis, the Author of 'American Psycho,' Rips into His Most Frightening Subject Yet—Himself." The Washington Post 21 Aug. 2005.Klein, Joshua. "Interview with Bret Easton Ellis." The Onion AV Club 17 Mar.(1999). 5 Sep. 2009 < http://www.avclub.com/articles/bret-easton-ellis,13586/ >.Macdonald, Marianna. “Interview—Bret Easton Ellis—All Cut Up.” The Observer 28 June 1998.Moran, Joe. Star Authors. London: Pluto Press, 2000.Murphet, Julian. Bret Easton Ellis's American Psycho: A Reader's Guide. New York: Continuum, 2002.Murray, Noel. "Lunar Park [Review]." The Onion AV Club 2 Aug. 2005. 1 Nov. 2009 < http://www.avclub.com/articles/lunar-park,4393/ >.Phillips, Jennifer. "Unreliable Narration in Bret Easton Ellis’ American Psycho: Interaction between Narrative Form and Thematic Content." Current Narratives 1.1 (2009): 60–68.Rose, Charlie. “A Conversation with Bret Easton Ellis”. The Charlie Rose Show. Prod. Charlie Rose and Yvette Vega. PBS. 7 Sep. 1994. Rosenblatt, Roger. "Snuff This Book! Will Bret Easton Ellis Get Away with Murder?" The New York Times 16 Dec. 1990: Arts.Shakespeare, William. Hamlet. Ed. Graham Holderness and Bryan Loughrey. Hemel Hempstead: Harvester Wheatsheaf, 1992.Tobias, Scott. "Bret Easton Ellis (Interview)". The Onion AV Club 22 Apr. 2009. 31 Aug. 2009 < http://www.avclub.com/articles/bret-easton-ellis%2C26988/1/ >.Wyatt, Edward. "Bret Easton Ellis: The Man in the Mirror." The New York Times 7 Aug. 2005: Arts.

Hotspots of Cultural InnovationIn the 1960s, a long list of poets, writers, and musicians flocked to the Chelsea Hotel, 222 West 23rd Street, New York (Tippins). Among them Bob Dylan, who moved in at the end of 1964, Leonard Cohen, who wrote Take This Longing dedicated to singer Nico there, and Patti Smith who rented a room there together with Robert Mapplethorpe in 1969 (Smith; Bell; Simmons). They all benefited not just from the low rents, but also from the close, often intimate, presence of other residents who inspired them to explore new creative paths. Around the same time, across the Atlantic, the Indica Bookshop and Gallery, 6 Mason’s Yard, London played a similar role as a meeting place for musicians, artists and hangers-on. It was there, on the evening of 9 November 1966, that John Lennon attended a preview of Yoko Ono's first big solo exhibition, Unfinished Paintings and Objects. Legend has it that the two met as Lennon was climbing up the ladder of Ono’s installation work ‘Ceiling Painting’, and reaching out to a dangling magnifying glass in order to take a closer look at the single word ‘YES’ scribbled on a suspended placard (Campbell). It was not just Lennon’s first meeting with Yoko Ono, but also his first run into conceptual art. After this fateful evening, both Lennon’s private life and his artistry would never be the same again. There is already a rich body of literature on the geography of music production (Scott; Kloosterman; Watson Global Music City; Verboord and Brandellero). In most cases, these studies deal with the city or neighbourhood scales. Micro-geographies of concrete places are rarer, with some notable exceptions that focus on recording studios and on specific venues (cf. Gibson; Watson et al.; Watson Cultural Production; van Klyton). Our approach focuses on concrete places that act more like third spaces – something in between or even combining living and working. Such places enable frequent face-to-face meetings, both planned and serendipitous, which are crucial for the exchange of knowledge. These two spaces represent iconic cultural hotspots where innovative artists, notably (pop) musicians, came together in the 1960s. Because of their many famous visitors and residents, both spaces are well documented in (auto)biographies, monographs on art scenes in London and New York, as well as in newspapers. Below, we will explore how these two spaces played an important role at a time of cultural revolution, by connecting people and scenes to the micro geography of concrete places and by functioning as nodes of knowledge exchange and, hence, as milieus of innovation.Art Worlds, Scenes and Places The romantic view that artists are solitary geniuses was discarded already long ago and replaced by a conceptualization that sees them as part of broader social configurations, or art worlds. According to Howard Becker (34), these art worlds consist “of all the people necessary to the production of the characteristic works” – in other words, not just artists, but also “support personnel” such as sound engineers, editors, critics, and managers. Without this “resource pool” the production of art would be virtually impossible. Art worlds are also about the consumption of art. The concept of scene has been used to articulate the local processes of taste making and reputation building, as they “provide ways of social belonging attuned to the demands of a culture in which individuals increasingly define themselves” (Silver et al. 2295). Individuals who share certain aesthetic preferences come together, both socially and spatially (Currid) and locations such as cafés and nightclubs offer important settings where members of an art world may drink, eat, meet, gossip, and exchange knowledge. The urban fabric provides an important backdrop for these exchanges: as Jane Jacobs (181) observed, “old ideas can sometimes use new buildings. New ideas must come from old buildings.” In order to function as relational spaces, these amenities have to meet two sets of conditions. The first set comprises the locational characteristics, which Durmaz identifies as centrality and proximity. The second set relates to socio-economic characteristics. From an economic perspective, the amenity has to be viable– either independently or through patronage or state subsidies. Becoming a cultural hotspot is not just a matter of good bookkeeping. The atmosphere of an amenity has to be tolerant towards forms of cultural and social experimentation and, arguably, even transgression. In addition, a successful space has to have attractors: persons who fulfil key roles in a particular art world in evaluation, curation, and gatekeeping. To what extent did the Indica Gallery and the Chelsea Hotel meet these two sets of conditions in the 1960s? We turn to this question now.A Hotel and a GalleryThe Indica Gallery and the Chelsea Hotel were both highly central – the former located right in the middle of St. James’s in the central London Borough of Westminster (cf. Kloosterman) and the latter close to Greenwich Village in Manhattan. In the post-war, these locations provided a vacant and fertile ground for artists, who moved in as firms and wealthier residents headed for the green suburbs. As Ramanathan recounts, “For artists, downtown New York, from Chambers Street in Tribeca to the Meatpacking District and Chelsea, was an ideal stomping ground. The neighbourhoods were full of old factories that had emptied out in the postwar years; they had room for art, if not crown molding and prewar charm” (Ramanathan). Similarly in London, “Despite its posh address the area [the area surrounding the Indica Gallery] then had a boho feel. William Burroughs, Brion Gysin and Anthony Blunt all had flats in the same street.” (Perry no pagination). Such central locations were essential to attract the desired attention and interest of key gatekeepers, as Barry Miles – one of Indica’s founding members - states: “In those days a gallery virtually had to be in Mayfair or else critics and buyers would not visit” (Miles 73). In addition, the Indica Gallery’s next-door neighbour was the Scotch of St James club. The then up and coming singer Marianne Faithfull, married to Indica founder John Dunbar, reportedly “needed to be seen” in this “trendy ‘in’ club for the new rock aristocracy” (Miles 73). Undoubtedly, their cultural importance was also linked to the fact that they were both located in well-connected budding global cities with a strong media presence (Krätke).Over and above location, these spaces also met important socio-economic conditions. In the 1960s, the neighbourhood surrounding the Chelsea Hotel was in transition with an abundance of available and affordable space. After moving out of the Chelsea Hotel, Patti Smith and Robert Mapplethorpe (Smith) had no difficulty finding a cheap loft to rent nearby. Rates in the Chelsea Hotel – when they were settled, that is - were incredibly low to current standards. According to Tippins (350), the typical Chelsea Hotel room rate in 1967 was $ 10 per week, which would amount to some $ 67.30 per week in 2013. Again, a more or less similar story can be told for the Indica Gallery. When Barry Miles, Peter Asher and John Dunbar founded the Gallery in September 1965, the premises were empty and the rent was low: "We paid 19 quid a week rent" according to John Dunbar (Perry). These cheap spaces provided fruitful economic conditions for cultural experimentation. Innovative relational spaces require not only accessibility in spatial and financial terms, but also an atmosphere conducive to cultural experimentation. This implies some kind of benevolent, preferably even stimulating, management that is willing and able to create such an atmosphere. At the Chelsea Hotel and Indica Gallery alike, those in charge were certainly not first and foremost focused on profit maximisation. Instead they were very much active members of the art worlds themselves, displaying a “taste for creative work” (Caves) and looking for ways in which their spaces could make a contribution to culture in a wider sense. This holds for Stanley Bard who ran the Chelsea Hotel for decades: “Working besides his father, Stanley {Bard} had gotten to know many of these people. He had attended their performances and exhibitions, read their books, and had been invited to their parties. Young and malleable, he soon came to see the world largely from their point of view” (Tippins 166). Such affinity with the artistic scene meant that Bard was more than accommodating. As Patti Smith recalls (100), “you weren’t immediately kicked out if you got behind on the rent … Mostly everybody owed Bard something”. While others recall a slightly less flexible attitude towards missed rents - “… the residents greatly appreciated a landlord who tolerated everything, except, quite naturally, a deficit” (Tippins 132) – the progressive atmosphere at the Chelsea was acknowledged by many others. For example, “[t]he greatest advantage of life at the Chelsea, [Arthur] Miller had to acknowledge, was that no one gave a damn what anyone else chose to do sexually” (Tippins 155).Similarly at the Indica Gallery, Miles, Asher and Dunbar were not first and foremost interested in making as much money as possible. The trio was itself drawn from various artistic fields: John Dunbar, an art critic for The Scotsman, wanted to set up an experimental gallery with Peter Asher (half of the pop duo Peter & Gordon) and Barry Miles (painter and writer). When asked about Indica's origins, Dunbar said: "There was a reason why we did Indica in the first place: to have fun" (Nevin). Recollections of the Gallery mention “a brew pot for the counterculture movement”, (Ramanathan) or “a haven for the free-wheeling imagination, a land of free expression and cultural collaboration where underground seeds were allowed to take root” (Campbell-Johnston).Part of the attraction of both spaces was the almost assured presence of interesting and famous persons, whom by virtue of their fame and appeal contributed to drawing others in. The roll calls of the Chelsea Hotel (Tippins) and of the Indica Gallery are impressive and partly overlapping: for instance, Allen Ginsberg was a notable visitor of the Indica Gallery and a prominent resident of the Chelsea Hotel, whereas Barry Miles was also a long-term resident of the Chelsea Hotel. The guest books read as a cultural who-is-who of the 1960s, spanning multiple artistic fields: there are not just (pop) musicians, but also writers, poets, actors, film makers, fashion designers, and assorted support personnel. If innovation in culture, as anywhere else, is coming up with new combinations and crossovers, then the cross-fertilisation fostered by the coming together of different art worlds in these spaces was conducive to these new combinations. Moreover, as the especially the biographies of Bob Dylan, Paul McCartney, Leonard Cohen, and Patti Smith testify, these spaces served as repositories of accessible cultural capital and as incubators for new ideas. Both Leonard Cohen and Patti Smith benefited from the presence of Harry Smith who curated the Anthology of American Music at the Chelsea Hotel. As Patti Smith (115) recalls: “We met a lot of intriguing people at the Chelsea but somehow when I close my eyes to think of them, Harry is always the first person I see”. Leonard Cohen was also drawn to Harry Smith: “Along with other assorted Chelsea residents and writers and music celebrities who were passing through, he would sit at Smith’s feet and listen to his labyrinthine monologue” (Simmons 197).Paul McCartney, actively scanning the city for new and different forms of cultural capital (Miles; Kloosterman) could tap into different art worlds through the networks centred on the Indica Gallery. Indeed he was credited with lending more than a helping hand to Indica over the years: “Miles and Dunbar bridged the gap between the avant-garde rebels and the rock stars of the day, principally through their friendship with Paul McCartney, who helped to put up the shop’s bookshelves, drew its flyers and designed its wrapping paper. Later when Indica ran into difficulties, he lent his friends several thousands of pounds to pay their creditors” (Sandbrook 526).Sheltered Spaces Inevitably, the rather lenient attitude towards money among those who managed these cultural breeding spaces led them to serious financial difficulties. The Indica Gallery closed two years after opening its doors. The Chelsea Hotel held out much longer, but the place went into a long period of decline and deterioration culminating in the removal of Stanley Bard as manager and banishment from the building in 2007 (Tippins). Notwithstanding their patchy record as viable business models, their role as cultural hotspots is beyond doubt. It is possibly because they offered a different kind of environment, partly sheltered from more mundane moneymaking considerations, that they could thrive as cultural hotspots (Brandellero and Kloosterman). Their central location, close to other amenities (such as night clubs, venues, cafés), the tolerant atmosphere towards deviant lifestyles (drugs, sex), and the continuous flow of key actors – musicians of course, but also other artists, managers and critics – also fostered cultural innovation. Reflecting on these two spaces nowadays brings a number of questions to the fore. We are witnessing an increasing upward pressure on rents in global cities – notably in London and New York. As cheap spaces become rarer, one may question the impact this will have on the gestation of new ideas (cf. Currid). If the examples of the Indica Gallery and the Chelsea Hotel are anything to go by, their instrumental role as cultural hotspots turned out to be financially unsustainable against the backdrop of a changing urban milieu. The question then is how can cities continue to provide the right set of conditions that allow such spaces to bud and thrive? As the Chelsea Hotel undergoes an alleged $40 million dollar renovation, which will turn it into a boutique hotel (Rich), the jury is still out on whether central urban locations are destined to become - to paraphrase John Lennon’s ‘In my life’, places which ‘had their moments’ – or mere repositories of past cultural achievements.ReferencesAnderson, P. “Watch this Space.” Sydney Morning Herald, 19 Apr. 2014.Becker, H.S. Art Worlds. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1982.Bell, I. Once upon a Time: The Lives of Bob Dylan. Edinburgh/London: Mainstream Publishing, 2012.Brandellero, A.M.C. The Art of Being Different: Exploring Diversity in the Cultural Industries. Dissertation. Amsterdam: University of Amsterdam, 2011.Brandellero, A.M.C., and R.C. Kloosterman. “Keeping the Market at Bay: Exploring the Loci of Innovation in the Cultural Industries.” Creative Industries Journal 3.1 (2010): 61-77.Campbell, J. “Review: A Life in Books: Barry Miles.” The Guardian, 20 Mar. 2010.Campbell-Johnston, R. “They All Wanted to Change the World.” The Times, 22 Nov. 2006Caves, R.E. Creative Industries: Contracts between Art and Commerce. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2000.Currid, E. The Warhol Economy: How Fashion, Art, and Music Drive New York City. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2007.Durmaz, S.B. “Analyzing the Quality of Place: Creative Clusters in Soho and Beyoğlu.” Journal of Urban Design 20.1 (2015): 93-124.Gibson, C. “Recording Studios: Relational Spaces of Creativity in the City.” Built Environment 31.3 (2005): 192-207.Hutton, T.A. Cities and the Cultural Economy. London/New York: Routledge, 2016.Jacobs, J. The Death and Life of Great American Cities, New York: Vintage Books, 1961.Jury, L. “Sixties Art Swings Back into London: Exhibition Brings to Life Decade of the 'Original Young British Artists'.” London Evening Standard, 3 Sep. 2013 Kloosterman, R.C. “Come Together: An Introduction to Music and the City.” Built Environment 31.3 (2005): 181-191.Krätke, S. “Global Media Cities in a World-Wide Urban Network.” European Planning Studies 11.6 (2003): 605-628.Miles, B. In the Sixties. London: Pimlico, 2003.Nevin, C. “Happening, Man!” The Independent, 21 Nov. 2006Norman, P. John Lennon: The Life. London: HarperCollins Publishers, 2008.Perry, G. “In This Humble Yard Our Art Boom was Born.” The Times, 11 Oct. 2006Ramanathan, L. “I, Y O K O.” The Washington Post, 10 May 2015.Rich, N. “Where the Walls Still Talk.” Vanity Fair, 8 Oct. 2013. Sandbrook, Dominic. White Heat: A History of Britain in the Swinging Sixties. London: Abacus, 2009. Scott, A.J. “The US Recorded Music Industry: On the Relations between Organization, Location, and Creativity in the Cultural Economy.” Environment and Planning A 31.11 (1999): 1965-1984.Silver, D., T.N. Clark, and C.J.N. Yanez . “Scenes: Social Context in an Age of Contingency.” Social Forces 88.5 (2010): 293-324.Simmons, S. I’m Your Man: The Life of Leonard Cohen. London: Jonathan Cape, 2012.Smith, P. Just Kids. London: Bloomsbury, 2010.Tippins, S. Inside the Dream Palace: The Life and Times of New York’s Legendary Chelsea Hotel. London/New York: Simon & Schuster, 2013.Van Klyton, A.C. “Space and Place in World Music Production.” City, Culture and Society 6.4 (2015): 101-108.Verboord, M., and A.M.C. Brandellero. “The Globalization of Popular Music, 1960-2010: A Multilevel Analysis of Music Flows.” Communication Research 2016. DOI: 10.1177/0093650215623834.Watson, A. “Global Music City: Knowledge and Geographical Proximity in London's Recorded Music Industry.” Area 40.1 (2008): 12-23.Watson, A. Cultural Production in and beyond the Recording Studio. London: Routledge, 2014.Watson, A., M. Hoyler, and C. Mager. “Spaces and Networks of Musical Creativity in the City.” Geography Compass 3.2 (2009): 856–878.

IntroductionThe death of Chris Cornell in the spring of 2017 shook me. As the lead singer of Soundgarden and a pioneer of early 1990s grunge music, his voice revealed an unbridled pain and joy backed up by the raw, guitar-driven rock emanating from the Seattle, Washington music scene. I remember thinking, there’s only one left, referring to Eddie Vedder, lead singer for Pearl Jam, and lone survivor of the four seminal grunge bands that rose to fame in the early 1990s whose lead singers passed away much too soon. Alice in Chains singer Layne Staley died in 2002 at the age of 35, and Nirvana front man Kurt Cobain’s death in 1994 had resonated around the globe. I thought about when Cornell and Staley said goodbye to their friend Andy Wood, lead singer of Mother Love Bone, after he overdosed on heroine in 1990. Wood’s untimely death at the age of 24, only days before his band’s debut album release, shook the close-knit Seattle music scene and remained a source of angst and inspiration for a genre of music that shaped youth culture of the 1990s.When grunge first exploded on the pop culture scene, I was a college student flailing around in pursuit of an English degree I had less passion for than I did for music. I grew up listening to The Beatles and Prince; Led Zeppelin and Miles Davis; David Bowie and Willie Nelson, along with a litany of other artists and musicians crafting the kind of meaningful music I responded to. I didn’t just listen to music, I devoured stories about the musicians, their often hedonistic lifestyles; their processes and epiphanies. The music spoke to my being in the world more than the promise of any college degree. I ran with friends who shared this love of music, often turning me on to new bands or suggesting some obscure song from the past to track down. I picked up my first guitar when John Lennon died on the eve of my eleventh birthday and have played for the past 37 years. I rely on music to relocate my sense of self. Rhythm and melody play out like characters in my life, colluding to make me feel something apart from the mundane, moving me from within. So, when I took notice of grunge music in the fall of 1991, it was love at first listen. As a pop cultural phenomenon, grunge ruptured the music and fashion industries caught off guard by its sudden commercial appeal while the media struggled to galvanize its relevance. As a subculture, grunge rallied around a set of attitudes and values that set the movement apart from mainstream (Latysheva). The grunge sound drew from the nihilism of punk and the head banging gospel of heavy metal, tinged with the swagger of 1970s FM rock running counter to the sleek production of pop radio and hair metal bands. Grunge artists wrote emotionally-laden songs that spoke to a particular generation of youth who identified with lyrics about isolation, anger, and death. Grunge set off new fashion trends in favor of dressing down and sporting the latest in second-hand, thrift store apparel, ripping away the Reagan-era starched white-collared working-class aesthetic of the 1980’s corporate culture. Like their punk forbearers who railed against the status quo and the trappings of success incurred through the mass appeal of their art, Kurt Cobain, Eddie Vedder, and the rest of the grunge cohort often wrestled with the momentum of their success. Fortunes rained down and the media ordained them rock stars.This auto-ethnography revisits some of the cultural impacts of grunge during its rise to cultural relevance and includes my own reflexive interpretation positioned as a fan of grunge music. I use a particular auto-ethnographic orientation called “interpretive-humanistic autoethnography” (Manning and Adams 192) where, along with archival research (i.e. media articles and journal articles), I will use my own reflexive voice to interpret and describe my personal experiences as a fan of grunge music during its peak of popularity from 1991 up to the death of Cobain in 1994. It is a methodology that works to bridge the personal and popular where “the individual story leaves traces of at least one path through a shifting, transforming, and disappearing cultural landscape” (Neumann 183). Grunge RootsThere are many conflicting stories as to when the word “grunge” was first used to describe the sound of a particular style of alternative music seeping from the dank basements and shoddy rehearsal spaces in towns like Olympia, Aberdeen, and Seattle. Lester Bangs, the preeminent cultural writer and critic of all things punk, pop, and rock in the 1970s was said to have used the word at one time (Yarm), and several musicians lay claim to their use of the word in the 1980s. But it was a small Seattle record label founded in 1988 called Sub Pop Records that first included grunge in their marketing materials to describe “the grittiness of the music and the energy” (Yarm 195).This particular sound grew out of the Pacific Northwest blue-collar environment of logging towns, coastal fisheries, and airplane manufacturing. Seattle’s alternative music scene unfolded as a community of musicians responding to the tucked away isolation of their musty surroundings, apart from the outside world, free to submerge themselves in their own cultural milieu of rock music, rain, and youthful rebellion.Where Seattle stood as a major metropolitan city soaked in rainclouds for much of the year, I was soaking up the desert sun in a rural college town when grunge first leapt into the mainstream. Cattle ranches and cotton fields spread across the open plains of West Texas, painted with pickup trucks, starched Wrangler Jeans, and cowboy hats. This was not my world. I’d arrived the year prior from Houston, Texas, an urban sprawl of four million people, but I found the wide-open landscape a welcome change from the concrete jungle of the big city. Along with cowboy boots and western shirts came country music, and lots of it. Garth Brooks, Reba McEntire, George Straight; some of the voices that captured the lifestyle of my small rural town, twangy guitars and fiddles blaring on local radio. While popular country artists recorded for behemoth record labels like Warner Brothers and Sony, the tiny Sub Pop Records championed the grunge sound coming out of the Seattle music scene. Sub Pop became a playground for those who cared about their music and little else. The label cultivated an early following through their Sub Pop Singles Club, mailing seven-inch records to subscribers on a monthly basis promoting new releases from up-and-coming bands. Sub Pop’s stark, black and white logo showed up on records sleeves, posters, and t-shirts, reflecting a no-nonsense DIY-attitude rooted in in the production of loud guitars and heavy drums.Like the bands it represented, Sub Pop did not take itself too seriously when one of their best-selling t-shirts simply read “Loser” embracing the slacker mood of newly minted Generation X’ers born between 1961 and 1981. A July 1990 Time Magazine article described this twenty-something demographic as having “few heroes, no anthems, no style to call their own” suggesting they “possess only a hazy sense of their own identity” (Gross & Scott). As a member of this generation, I purchased and wore my “Loser” t-shirt with pride, especially in ironic response to the local cowboy way of life. I didn’t hold anything personal against the Wrangler wearing Garth Brooks fan but as a twenty-one-year-old reluctant college student, I wanted to rage with contempt for the status quo of my environment with an ambivalent snarl.Grunge in the MainstreamIn 1991, the Seattle sound exploded onto the international music scene with the release of four seminal grunge-era albums over a six-month period. The first arrived in April, Temple of the Dog, a tribute album of sorts to the late Andy Wood, led by his close friend, Soundgarden singer/songwriter, Chris Cornell. In August, Pearl Jam released their debut album, Ten, with its “surprising and refreshing, melodic restraint” (Fricke). The following month, Nirvana’s Nevermind landed in stores. Now on a major record label, DGC Records, the band had arrived “at the crossroads—scrappy garageland warriors setting their sights on a land of giants” (Robbins). October saw the release of Soundgarden’s Badmotorfinger as “a runaway train ride of stammering guitar and psycho-jungle telegraph rhythms” (Fricke). These four albums sent grunge culture into the ether with a wall of sound that would upend the music charts and galvanize a depressed concert ticket market.In fall of 1991, grunge landed like a hammer when I witnessed Nirvana’s video for “Smells Like Teen Spirit” on MTV for the first time. Sonically, the song rang like an anthem for the Gen Xers with its jangly four-chord opening guitar riff signaling the arrival of a youth-oriented call to arms, “here we are now, entertain us” (Nirvana). It was the visual power of seeing a skinny white kid with stringy hair wearing baggy jeans, a striped T-shirt and tennis shoes belting out choruses with a ferociousness typically reserved for black-clad heavy metal headbangers. Cobain’s sound and look didn’t match up. I felt discombobulated, turned sideways, as if vertigo had taken hold and I couldn’t right myself. Stopped in the middle of my tracks on that day, frozen in front of the TV, the subculture of grunge music slammed into my world while I was on my way to the fridge.Suddenly, grunge was everywhere, As Soundgarden, Nirvana, and Pearl Jam albums and performances infiltrated radio, television, and concert halls, there was no shortage of media coverage. From 1992 through 1994, grunge bands were mentioned or featured on the cover of Rolling Stone 33 times (Hillburn). That same year, The New York Times ran the article “Grunge: A Success Story” featuring a short history of the Seattle sound, along with a “lexicon of grunge speak” (Marin), a joke perpetrated by a former 25-year-old Sub Pop employee, Megan Jasper, who never imagined her list of made-up vocabulary given to a New York Times reporter would grace the front page of the style section (Yarm). In their rush to keep up with pervasiveness of grunge culture, even The New York Times fell prey to Gen Xer’s comical cynicism.The circle of friends I ran with were split down the middle between Nirvana and Pearl Jam, a preference for one over the other, as the two bands and their respective front men garnered much of the media attention. Nirvana seemed to appeal to people’s sense of authenticity, perhaps more relatable in their aloofness to mainstream popularity, backed up with Cobain’s simple-yet-brilliant song arrangements and revealing lyrics. Lawrence Grossberg suggests that music fans recognise the difference between authentic and homogenised rock, interpreting and aligning these differences with rock and roll’s association with “resistance, refusal, alienation, marginality, and so on” (62). I tended to gravitate toward Nirvana’s sound, mostly for technical reasons. Nevermind sparkled with aggressive guitar tones while capturing the power and fragility of Cobain’s voice. For many critics, the brilliance of Pearl Jam’s first album suffered from too much echo and reverb muddling the overall production value, but twenty years later they would remix and re-release Ten, correcting these production issues.Grunge FashionAs the music carved out a huge section of the charts, the grunge look was appropriated on fashion runways. When Cobain appeared on MTV wearing a ragged olive green cardigan he’d created a style simply by rummaging through his closet. Vedder and Cornell sported army boots, cargo shorts, and flannel shirts, suitable attire for the overcast climate of the Pacific Northwest, but their everyday garb turned into a fashion trend for Gen Xers that was then milked by designers. In 1992, the editor of Details magazine, James Truman, called grunge “un fashion” (Marin) as stepping out in second-hand clothes ran “counter to the shellacked, flashy aesthetic of 1980s” (Nnadi) for those who preferred “the waif-like look of put-on poverty” (Brady). But it was MTV’s relentless airing of Nirvana, Pearl Jam, and Soundgarden videos that sent Gen Xers flocking to malls and thrift-stores in search grunge-like apparel. I purchased a pair of giant, heavyweight Red Wing boots that looked like small cars on my feet, making it difficult to walk, but at least I was prepared for any terrain in all types of weather. The flannel came next; I still wear flannos. Despite its association with dark, murky musical themes, grunge kept me warm and dry.Much of grunge’s appeal to the masses was that it was not gender-specific; men and women dressed to appear unimpressed, sharing a taste for shapeless garments and muted colors without reference to stereotypical masculine or feminine styles. Cobain “allowed his own sexuality to be called into question by often wearing dresses and/or makeup on stage, in film clips, and on photo shoots, and wrote explicitly feminist songs, such as ‘Sappy’ or ‘Been a Son’” (Strong 403). I remember watching Pearl Jam’s 1992 performance on MTV Unplugged, seeing Eddie Vedder scrawl the words “Pro Choice” in black marker on his arm in support of women’s rights while his lyrics in songs like “Daughter”, “Better Man”, and “Why Go” reflected an equitable, humanistic if somewhat tragic perspective. Females and males moshed alongside one another, sharing the same spaces while experiencing and voicing their own response to grunge’s aggressive sound. Unlike the hypersexualised hair-metal bands of the 1980s whose aesthetic motifs often portrayed women as conquests or as powerless décor, the message of grunge rock avoided gender exploitation. As the ‘90s unfolded, underground feminist punk bands of the riot grrrl movement like Bikini Kill, L7, and Babes in Toyland expressed female empowerment with raging vocals and buzz-saw guitars that paved the way for Hole, Sleater-Kinney and other successful female-fronted grunge-era bands. The Decline of GrungeIn 1994, Kurt Cobain appeared on the cover of Newsweek magazine in memoriam after committing suicide in the greenhouse of his Seattle home. Mass media quickly spread the news of his passing internationally. Two days after his death, 7,000 fans gathered at Seattle Center to listen to a taped recording of Courtney Love, Cobain’s wife, a rock star in her own right, reading the suicide note he left behind.A few days after Cobain’s suicide, I found myself rolling down the highway with a carload of friends, one of my favorite Nirvana tunes, “Come As You Are” fighting through static. I fiddled with the radio to clear up the signal. The conversation turned to Cobain as we cobbled together the details of his death. I remember the chatter quieting down, Cobain’s voice fading as we gazed out the window at the empty terrain passing. In that reflective moment, I felt like I had experienced an intense, emotional relationship that came to an abrupt end. This “illusion of intimacy” (Horton and Wohl 217) between myself and Cobain elevated the loss I felt with his passing even though I had no intimate, personal ties to him. I counted this person as a friend (Giles 284) because I so closely identified with his words and music. I could not help but feel sad, even angry that he’d decided to end his life.Fueled by depression and a heroin addiction, Cobain’s death signaled an end to grunge’s collective appeal while shining a spotlight on one of the more dangerous aspects of its ethos. A 1992 Rolling Stone article mentioned that several of Seattle’s now-famous international musicians used heroin and “The feeling around town is, the drug is a disaster waiting to happen” (Azzerad). In 2002, eight years to the day of Cobain’s death, Layne Staley, lead singer of Alice In Chains, another seminal grunge outfit, was found dead of a suspected heroin overdose (Wiederhorn). When Cornell took his own life in 2017 after a long battle with depression, The Washington Post said, “The story of grunge is also one of death” (Andrews). The article included a Tweet from a grieving fan that read “The voices I grew up with: Andy Wood, Layne Staley, Chris Cornell, Kurt Cobain…only Eddie Vedder is left. Let that sink in” (@ThatEricAlper).ConclusionThe grunge movement of the early 1990s emerged out of musical friendships content to be on their own, on the outside, reflecting a sense of isolation and alienation in the music they made. As Cornell said, “We’ve always been fairly reclusive and damaged” (Foege). I felt much the same way in those days, sequestered in the desert, planting my grunge flag in the middle of country music territory, doing what I could to resist the status quo. Cobain, Cornell, Staley, and Vedder wrote about their own anxieties in a way that felt intimate and relatable, forging a bond with their fan base. Christopher Perricone suggests, “the relationship of an artist and audience is a collaborative one, a love relationship in the sense, a friendship” (200). In this way, grunge would become a shared memory among friends who rode the wave of this cultural phenomenon all the way through to its tragic consequences. But the music has survived. Along with my flannel shirts and Red Wing boots.References@ThatEricAlper (Eric Alper). “The voices I grew up with: Andy Wood, Layne Staley, Chris Cornell, Kurt Cobain…only Eddie Vedder is left. Let that sink in.” Twitter, 18 May 2017, 02:41. 15 Sep. 2018 <https://twitter.com/ThatEricAlper/status/865140400704675840?ref_src>.Andrews, Travis M. “After Chris Cornell’s Death: ‘Only Eddie Vedder Is Left. 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