Journal articles on the topic 'Zollkriminalinstitut (Cologne, West Germany)'

ON THE SAME WEEKEND AS EAST GERMANS OFFICIALLY exchanged East Marx for real Marks, another kind of exchange took place between East and West German professors at the Centre for Interdisciplinary Research in Bielefeld. The recently established Deutsche Gesellschaft zur Erforschung des politischen Denkens, in the person of Volker Gerhardt (Cologne), had invited some sixty senior philosophers, political theorists and political scientists from both sides of the inner-German border to discuss basic questions in political philosophy. The meeting was not a conference. The organizer, recognising the absence of any shared traditions of inquiry and debate, had issued invitations to a mere meeting. It was the first such meeting since the collapse of the East German Communist regime. In fact, it offered the first opportunity after almost six decades of dictatorships in the East for academics from the former front-lines, as it were, to reflect openly together on their subject, on their academic pasts and on their possible academic futures. Initially, the atmosphere was very tense. But, amazingly, the tensions soon evaporated. A strange sort of civility came to characterize the discussions both inside and outside the conference rooms. Conflicts were largely avoided, to the obvious relief of most participants. From an inner- German perspective, the meeting was a great success. At the end, Ernst Vollrath (Cologne) summed up a general view: ‘We have begun to see that we can learn from one another.’ But this reciprocity was not evident in the academic discussions. Something else was involved apart from the surface issue of Marxism-Leninism versus the rest of the world. It is worth reflecting on the development of the meeting and on what this something else was.

Abstract When in 1955/1956, for the first time in divided postwar Germany, a major Picasso exhibition took place in Munich, Cologne, and Hamburg, it came to be a cultural event that reached and emotionalized the German audience, media, and sciences to an unprecedented extent. The exhibition Picasso 1900 – 1955 contributed significantly to the popularization of Picasso at all levels of society and gave the German people access to modern art on a much wider scale than the first documenta held concurrently in Kassel. The undisputed eye-catcher of that spectacular exhibit was Guernica, on display in Germany for the first and only time. Its controversial reception reveals that at that time there was no intention to see the work in Germany in a memorial relationship with Germany’s own historical responsibility. Thus it virtually functioned as a symbol for a collective amnesia of the West German postwar society, whereas the socialist East of the Republic stylized the painting into an anti-fascist icon.

The mid-1970s proved a particularly fertile moment in the encounter between cinema and television in West Germany. Focusing on different editorial units at Cologne-based Westdeutscher Rundfunk (WDR), this dossier traces the sense of experimentation at the public service broadcaster. Commissioning editors like Werner Dütsch at the film unit, Angelika Wittlich and the series Telekritik, but also those at the department ‘Language and Literature’ made it possible for critics and film-makers like Harun Farocki to explore essayistic formats and programmes. The dossier combines a retrospective essay by WDR commissioning editor Dütsch, several archival documents from 1974 to 1976, and starts with a contextualising essay by Pantenburg.

AbstractElectrical resistivity tomography (ERT) and ground magnetic surveys were applied to characterize an old uncontrolled landfill in a former exploited sand and gravel quarry in an area to the north-west of the city of Cologne, Germany. The total magnetic field and its vertical gradient were recorded using a proton precession magnetometer to cover an area of about 43,250 m2. The magnetic data were transferred to the frequency domain and then reduced to the north magnetic pole. The amplitude of the analytical signal was calculated to define the magnetic materials within and outside the landfill. Eight ERT profiles were constructed based on the results of the magnetic survey using different electrode arrays (Wenner, dipole–dipole, and Schlumberger). In order to increase both data coverage and sensitivity and to decrease uncertainty, a non-conventional mixed array was used. The subsurface resistivity distributions were imaged using the robust (L1-norm) inversion method. The resultant inverted subsurface true resistivity data were presented in the form of 2D cross sections and 3D fence diagram. These non-invasive geophysical tools helped us to portray the covering soil, the spatial limits of the landfill, and the depth of the waste body. We also successfully detected low resistivity zones at deeper depths than expected, which probably be associated with migration pathways of the leachate plumes. The findings of the present study provide valuable information for decision makers with regards to environmental monitoring and assessment.

Ernst Müller and Falko Schmieder, Begriffsgeschichte und historische Semantik: Ein kritisches Kompendium (Berlin: Suhrkamp, 2016), 1,027 pp.Jörn Leonhard and Willibald Steinmetz, eds., Semantiken von Arbeit: Diachrone und vergleichende Perspektive (Cologne: Böhlau Verlag, 2016), 413 pp.Balázs Trencsényi, Maciej Janowski, Mónika Baár, Maria Falina, and Michal Kopeček, A History of Modern Political Thought in East Central Europe, Volume I: Negotiating Modernity in the “Long Nineteenth Century” (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2016), 687 pp.Yasuhiro Matsui, ed., Obshchestvennost’ and Civic Agency in Late Imperial and Soviet Russia: Interface between State and Society (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2015), xi + 234 pp.Riccardo Bavaj and Martina Steber, eds., Germany and “the West”: The History of a Modern Concept (New York: Berghahn Books, 2015), 328 pp.Lauren Banko, The Invention of Palestinian Citizenship, 1918–1947 (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2016), 278 pp.

In 1969 West Germany, the country was abuzz with anticipation of the approaching Beethoven bicentennial. That year the composer and experimental filmmaker Mauricio Raúl Kagel, born in Argentina to Russian- and German-Jewish parents in 1931 and living in Cologne since 1957, was commissioned by the State to commemorate the momentous occasion. What resulted was a film that surely no West German official had anticipated. Entitled Ludwig van: A Report and strongly inflected by Kagel’s absurdist aesthetic, Kagel’s film critiques the fetish object that Beethoven’s music and person had become in twentieth-century West Germany, touching upon, amongst many topics, East German claims of Beethoven’s “misuse” by the West German government, as well as the rise in the 1960s of the theory that Beethoven was Black. While Ludwig van has been recognized for its sendup of bourgeois music culture, it has yet to be analyzed from the perspective of diasporic experience. Simultaneously a love letter to and deconstruction of Beethoven’s cultural legacy, Ludwig van asks its audience to consider the complex diasporic experiences of avant-garde artists in the wake of WWII. Drawing on work by Brigid Cohen, I argue for the centrality of the theme of migration and displacement in Ludwig van. And in reading two central scenes from the film, I consider, in dialogue with Scott Burnham, what light the fifty-one-year-old film’s critique of the fetishization of origins and genealogy might shed on the celebration of Beethoven’s 250th birthday in 2020, and such acts of memorization more generally. [Please note: This article contains embedded video files. These files cannot be played on all PDF readers. Current Musicology recommends Foxit PDF Reader, Adobe Acrobat, or any other PDF reader capable of reading "enriched" media.]

Abstract This article investigates sources of motivation for organisational engagement in different sociopolitical contexts. On the grounds of my own qualitative data, this text aims to answer the main research question: ‘Why do Czech and German university students get involved in political and civic organisations?’ The analysis also shows how the perception and understanding of politics differ according to the types of political motivation. The research draws upon a unique dataset of 60 interviews with university students conducted in former East (Jena) and West Germany (Mannheim, Cologne), and the Czech Republic (Prague, Ostrava and Olomouc). The results identify the notion of influence as a core factor for joining a political group and forming political commitment among the young generation. The article introduces a personal typology of political motivation, which extends existing theories and frames them in the pathways to politics of young Czech and German activists. It distinguishes three main motivations: idealistic, doer and pragmatic with a variety of subtypes. The paper elaborates on classical typologies refraining from membership. These outcomes have practical implications for the recruitment of new party members.

Abstract The Soviet military mapping project was the most comprehensive cartographic endeavour of the twentieth century. The resulting maps have been commercially available to the West since at least 1993, when a Latvian business first offered Soviet plans of Western cities for sale at the 16th International Cartographic Conference in Cologne, Germany. Covering the globe at a range of scales, Soviet military maps provide a fascinating – if disconcerting – view of familiar territory with a striking aesthetic. But they also provide a substantial untapped geospatial resource, often with an unparalleled level of topographic detail. This paper gives an overview of the Soviet global military mapping programme and its coverage of Poland, including the 1:25,000-scale city plan of Warsaw (printed in 1981). By illustrating the extensive topographic symbology employed at various scales of mapping, it suggests how these maps may offer scope for regional studies and how their cartographic language can provide some solutions for addressing the ongoing challenges of mapping the globe.

Robert Mark Spaulding, Osthandel und Ostpolitik. German Foreign Trade Policies in Eastern Europe from Bismarck to Adenauer (Oxford and Providence: Berghahn, 1997), 546 pp., £60, ISBN 1–57181–039–0.Volker R. Berghahn, ed., Quest for Economic Empire. European Strategies of German Big Business in the Twentieth Century (Oxford and Providence: Berghahn, 1996), 224 pp., £35:00 (hb), £16.50 (pb), ISBN 1–57181–027–7.Meung-Hoan Hoh, Westintegration versus Osthandel. Politik und Wirtschaft in den Ost-West-Beziehungen der Bundesrepublik Deutschland, 1949–1958, (Frankfurt: Peter Lang, 1995), ISBN 3–631–49003–8.Friedrich von Heyl, Der innerdeutsche Handel um Eisen- und Stahl, 1945–1972. Deutsch-deutsche Beziehungen im Kalten Krieg. (Cologne: Böhlau, 1997), DM 64, ISBN 3–412–03897–0.Research into the history of foreign trade relations languishes in a grey area between the history of foreign policy and economic history. This is particularly true of German trade relations with eastern Europe during the Cold War, even though this was precisely the time when the topic was the focal point of public interest. Before Chancellor Willy Brandt and Foreign Minister Walter Scheel introduced their New Ostpolitik, the Federal Republic's trade with the East (Osthandel) was one of the most controversial issues in foreign policy. The reasons for this were, in no small measure, historical, closely tied up with the ‘ghost of Rapallo’ and the myth of red trade. The treaty concluded between the German empire and Soviet Russia at the economic conference of Genoa in 1922 created the fatal impression that this was a case of two underdogs in the international community getting together to undermine the status quo established by the Treaty of Versailles. From then on, whenever the ‘ghost of Rapallo’ was invoked what was meant was that Germany could be sure of Soviet support for the implementation of its revisionist claims in the East, and thus have greater room for manoeuvre vis-à-vis the West.

Nadat Hitler in oktober 1939 beslist had een aanval in het Westen te ondernemen, werden in Keulen twee studiegroepen opgericht, die het toekomstig bezettingsregime van België en Nederland moesten voorbereiden. Er was een studiecommissie die geleid werd door de toekomstige leider van het Duits Militair Bestuur in België, Regierungspräsident Reeder, en daarnaast bestond een geheime studiegroep die de Sondergruppe Student werd genoemd. Deze bijdrage belicht het voorbereidend werk van de leden van deze studiegroep op het gebied van handel, industrie, recht, Volkstum en cultuur in België. De groep legde een grote belangstelling voor de Flamenfrage aan de dag en trok daarbij lessen uit de ervaringen met de bezetting van België tijdens de Eerste Wereldoorlog. Ofschoon er van diverse zijden in Duitsland werd op aangestuurd, hebben zowel de 'commissie Reeder' als de Sondergruppe de wederinvoering van de bestuurlijke scheiding van het Vlaams en Franstalig landsgedeelte, één van de 'verworvenheden' van het Vlaams activisme uit 1914-18, beslist afgewezen. De bijdrage laat ook de tegenstellingen zien die in Duitsland bestonden op het gebied van de beïnvloeding (ten voordele van Duitsland) in de te bezetten gebieden. ________ A German network in the preparation of the Militärverwaltung (Army administration) in Belgium (1939-1940)After Hitler had decided in October 1939 to carry out an attack on the West, two study groups were set up in Cologne in order to prepare the future occupational regime of Belgium and the Netherlands. The future leader of the German Army Administration in Belgium, President of the Government Reeder chaired the study group, and in addition there was a secret study group called the Sondergruppe Student (Special Student Group).This contribution illuminates the preparatory work of the members of this study group in the area of trade, industry, law, Volkstum (nationality) and culture in Belgium. The group demonstrated a lot of interest in the Flamenfrage (Flemish question) and in doing so drew lessons from the experience of the occupation of Belgium during the First World War.Although people from various quarters in Germany aimed for the reintroduction of the governmental separation between the Flemish and French speaking parts of the country, one of the 'achievements' of Flemish activism from the period of 1914-1918, both the 'Reeder committee' and the 'Sondergruppe' definitely dismissed it. This contribution also demonstrates the contradictions present in Germany in the area of influencing the territories to be occupied (in favour of Germany).

The development of the economy in the territories of modern Germany, the peninsulas of Jutland and Scandinavia, inhabited since ancient times by tribes that spoke Germanic languages, required the use of various measures, the units of which must be related to each other. Since primitive times, the Germans, like other peoples of the world, used the so-called primitive natural measures, the standards of which were borrowed from nature itself. The political disunity of the Germanic tribes led to their lack of a single system of measures. However, a generally accepted standard of weight measures appeared with them. It was a mass of wheat or barley grain. When using units of measure in production and trade, the calculation was based on the numbers of ten and twenty adopted by the Indo-European peoples. In the II–I century B.C., the Romans conquered the territory of modern Germany to the west bank of the Rhine River. Roman colonies were founded there; the Roman system of measures and the monetary system were put into use. The Germanic lands to the east of the Rhine were not part of the Roman Empire. However, due to political ties and trade exchange with the Roman Empire, Roman monetary and weight measures gradually came into use in these lands. In the first centuries A.D., Germanic tribes attacked the Romans. In the 5th century, the Western Roman Empire fell. The territory of its provinces was conquered by Germanic tribes who created independent kingdoms here. In the 8th century, Charlemagne, the ruler of one of them, namely Frankish, united the former territories of the Western Roman Empire under his authority. In the empire of Charlemagne, a single system of measures was created, in which Roman and German measures were combined. In particular, instead of the Roman siliqua, which is a carob bean, the mass of a barley grain was adopted as the standard of weight. The calculation of units according to this system was conducted not only with the help of Roman numerals for 6 and 12, but also by dividing by the two system and using the decimal system. Charlemagne’s weight measures included units of coin and trade weight. Subsequently, as the analysis of the sources shows, it was on the basis of the Carolingian units of trade weight that systems of weight measures were created in the territories of Germany, Austria and the Scandinavian countries during the Middle Ages. In the 9th century, the Carolingian empire fell apart. In the 10th century, Otto I, the king of Germany, having united under his authority certain territories of Western Europe, announced the foundation of the Holy Roman Empire of the German nation. Later, this state gradually fell apart into separate possessions, the rulers of which introduced their own monetary and weight measures. They were based on the division into marks. Initially, this monetary weight unit was equal to 2/3 of a Roman pound. Subsequently, various stamp weight standards appeared in German lands. From the 15th century, the gold and silver mass standards of the Cologne mark are being distributed in Western Europe. In the second half of the XIX century, the political unification of Germany took place, which coincided with the introduction of the international metric system in the territories of Germany, Austria and the Scandinavian countries.

Abstract. As the frequency of extreme heat events in cities is significantly increasing due to climate change, the implementation of adaptation measures is important for urban planning. Microclimate modelling approaches enable scenario analyses and evaluations of adaptation potentials. An ENVI-met microclimate model was setup for a heterogeneous urban study area in Cologne/Germany characterized by closed building structures in the eastern part and an urban park area in the western part. The goal of this paper is to evaluate the model sensitivity and performance to different wind direction forcing and demonstrate the importance of accurate wind forcing data for precise microclimate modelling evaluated with sensor measurements. To this end, we compared simulated air temperatures at 3 m height level using measured wind direction forcing data with simulated air temperatures using constant wind direction forcing from west, north, east and south direction. All other forcing data like wind speed were kept exactly the same as in the reference run. This sensitivity study was performed for a warm summer day in 2022. The model results of all five model runs (reference plus four scenarios) were compared to microclimatological measurements derived from one station of a dense meteorological sensor network located in the study area using the simulated mean air temperatures. We found significant temperature differences between the four sensitivity tests and the reference run as well as to the sensor measurements. Temperature differences between the reference run and the measurements were small and a high statistical model fit could be determined (Nash Sutcliffe Model Efficiency Coefficient/NSE = 0.91). The four model runs with constant wind directions showed significantly larger differences to measurement data and a worse statistical correlation between simulated and observed data (NSE between 0.62 and 0.15). For constant west winds, cooler air temperatures and higher wind speeds were found in the urban park and in the streets and courtyards east of the park. Constant east wind causes warmer air temperatures in the urban park area and lower wind speeds in the street canyons and inner courtyards. This shows that cooling effects in adjacent building blocks due to the greened urban park largely depend on the wind direction. The sensitivity tests show that the wind direction effect can result in local air temperature differences of up to 4 K on average. These results shows that even on summer days with low wind speeds, accurate wind direction data is highly relevant for accurate air temperature simulation. This finding can have important implications for urban planning and the design of green infrastructures in cities, e. g. for the design of fresh air corridors.

Hydrogen (H2) produced using renewable energy could be used to reduce greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions in industrial sectors such as steel, chemicals, transportation, and energy storage. Knowing the delivered cost of renewable H2 is essential to decision-makers looking to utilize it. The cheapest location to source it from, as well as the transport method and medium, are also crucial information. This study presents a Monte Carlo simulation to determine the delivered cost for renewable H2 for any usage location globally, as well as the most cost-effective production location and transport route from nearly 6,000 global locations. Several industrially dense locations are selected for case studies, the primary two being Cologne, Germany and Houston, United States. The minimum delivered H2 cost to Cologne is 9.4 €/kg for small scale (no pipelines considered), shipped from northern Egypt as a liquid organic hydrogen carrier (LOHC), and 7.6 €/kg piped directly as H2 gas from southern France for large scale (pipelines considered). For small-scale H2 in Houston, the minimum delivered cost is 8.6 €/kg trucked as H2 gas from the western Gulf of Mexico, and 7.6 €/kg for large-scale demand piped as H2 gas from southern California. The south-west United States and Mexico, northern Chile, the Middle East and north Africa, south-west Africa, and north-west Australia are identified as the regions with the lowest renewable H2 cost potential, with production costs ranging from 6.7—7.8 €/kg in these regions. Each is able to supply differing industrially dominant areas. Furthermore, the effect of parameters such as year of construction, electrolyser, and H2 demand is analysed. For the case studies in Houston and Cologne, the delivered H2 cost is expected to reduce to about 7.8 €/kg by 2050 in Cologne (no pipelines considered, PEM electrolyser) and 6.8 €/kg in Houston.

AbstractAfter the Second World War centralized economic planning was seen as more or less unavoidable for economic recovery in most European countries including West Germany, with its destruction of all kinds and millions of destitute refugees. But as early as in 1945 Alfred Miiller-Armack proposed quite another remedy for recovery: West Germany should abolish its repressed inflation by a currency reform and at the same time return to a market economy. He called his concept “Social Market Economy” as a new type of economic order. It was intended to harmonize economic progress and free competitive markets with social stability and security in a more comprehensive sense. He became professor economics at the universities of Munster and Cologne. In 1952 the German reformer of economic policy and minister of economic affairs Ludwig Erhard appointed him as head of the department for principal issues in his ministry and in 1958 as secretary of state for European affairs. Miiller-Armack got the chance to apply his concept in political practice. This proved to be very successful, if one takes into account the difficulties and irrationalities of the political process. He became one of the leading German negotiators in the conferences establishing the European Economic Community, but resigned after de Gaulle’s veto against the admission of Denmark and the United Kingdom. The author examines in detail the controversial term “social” in Muller-Armack’s concept of a market economy. He concludes that seeming conflicts between socalled social aims and a free market can be made irrelevant to a large extent, if certain principles and limits are observed and aspects beyond supply and demand are included.

В мировой практике Глобальные Навигационные Спутниковые Системы (ГНСС) исполь- зуются как измерительное средство при решении локальных и глобальных задач геодинамики. С 1991 г. они начали использоваться при изучении современной геодинамики Большого Кавказа (БК). Анализ предварительных результатов (проведено две эпохи измерений, 06.1993 г. и 09.1994 г.) на 21 станции GPS-TRIMBLE по Российско-Германскому проекту “WEGENER” (руководитель P. Wilson, IFAG г. Кельн ФРГ) приведен в данной статье. Станции располагались в структурно-формационных зонах (СФЗ) Бе- часынской, Передового и Главного хребтов и Южного склона БК так, чтобы были получены измерения скоростей и векторов направленности перемещений блоков в каждой СФЗ. Реперный пункт в станице Зеленчукской стабилен по сравнению с международным реперным пунктом на Скандинавском щите. Известно, что большие (10–17 мм/год) скорости горизонтальных смещений с векторами смещений с СЗ и ССЗ ориентировками характерны для Аравийской плиты и смежных частей Средиземноморского подвижного пояса. Векторы перемещений с ССВ ориентировкой (скорости 9–12 мм/год) характерны для ЮВ части Малого Кавказа, что подтверждает северный дрейф Аравийской плиты. Перед фрон- тальной частью выступа Аравийской плиты векторы скоростей (2–4 мм/год) имеют СВ ориенти- ровку. На севере БК в Ставропольском сводовом поднятии установлены величины векторов СВ и СЗ ориентировок в пределах 2.5–3 мм/год, что свидетельствует о неощутимом влиянии здесь северного дрейфа Аравийской плиты. Характер распределения векторов скоростей горизонтальных смещений в пунктах измерений подтверждает наличие Транскавказского поперечного поднятия (ТПП). По скорости аплифта БК четко подразделяется на два крупных блока: Западный – от г. Геленджик на западе до долины р. Баксан на востоке, и Восточный – от долины р. Баксан до долины р. Урух на вос- токе. В Западном блоке максимальные скорости аплифта (5–6 мм/год) установлены только в районе г. Геленджик, что может быть обусловлено воздыманием в пределах Туапсинской поперечной структуры. В Восточном блоке установлено, что на южной окраине Скифской платформы, в районе лакколитов Кавминвод, скорость подъема достигает 6 мм/год, а значительно южнее, в СФЗ Передового и Главного хребтов БК, средняя скорость подъема центральной части блока составляет 13 мм/год. Близкие к нашим данные о скоростях современных поднятий на БК были получены Д.А. Лилиенбергом с соавторами в результате трех эпох (1925/27–1946/50; 1946/50–1970/75 и 1970/75–1985/92 гг.) повтор- ного нивелирования. In world practice, the Global Navigation Satellite System (GNSS) is used as a measuring tool for solving local and global problems of geodynamics. Since 1991, it has been used to study the modern geodynamics of the Greater Caucasus (GC). Analysis of preliminary results (two measurement epochs were carried out - 06.1993 and 09.1994) at 21 GPS-TRIMBLE stations according to the Russian-German project “WEGENER” (head P. Wilson, IFAG Cologne, Germany) is provided in this article. The stations were located in the structural-formational zones (SFZ): Bechasynskaya, Peredovoy and Glavnoy Ridges and the southern slope of the BC in such a way that the measurements of the velocities and direction vectors of displacements of blocks will characterize those in each SFZ. The reference point in the village of Zelenchukskaya is stable compared to the international reference point on the Scandinavian shield. It is known that large (10-17 mm / yr) rates of horizontal displacements with displacement vectors with NW and NNW orientations are characteristic of the Arabian plate and adjacent parts of the Mediterranean mobile belt. Displacement vectors with NNE orientation (velocity of 9-12 mm / year) are typical for the southeastern part of the Lesser Caucasus, which confirms the northern drift of the Arabian plate. In front of the frontal part of the Arabian plate protrusion, the velocity vectors (2-4 mm / yr) have a NE orientation. In the north of the GC in the Stavropol arch uplift, the values of the NE and NW vectors are established orientations within the range of 2.5-3 mm / year, which indicates that the influence of the northern drift of the Arabian plate is not perceptible here. The nature of the distribution of the horizontal displacement velocity vectors at the measurement points confirms the presence of the Transcaucasian transverse uplift (TTU).. According to the uplift velocities, the GC is clearly divided into two large blocks. Western block - from the city of Gelengik in the west and to the valley of the river. Baksan in the east. Eastern block - from the river valley. Baksan and to the valley of the river. Urukh in the east. In the Western block, the maximum uplift rates, 5-6 mm / year, were established only in the area of Gelengik, which is probably due to the uplift of the transverse structure in the Tuapse. In the Eastern block, it was found that on the southern edge of the Scythian platform, in the area of laccoliths Kavminvod, the ascent rate reaches 6 mm / year, and much further to the south, in the SFZ of the Peredovoy and Glavnoy Ridges, the average rate of ascent of the central part of the block is 13 mm / year. Lilienberg D.A. with co-authors as a result of three epochs (1925 \ 27-1946 / 50; 1946 / 50-1970 / 75 and 1970 / 75-1985 / 92) of repeated leveling.