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1

Abraham, Ibrahim, and Roland Boer. "'God Doesn't Care': The Contradictions of Christian Zionism." Religion and Theology 16, no. 1-2 (2009): 90–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156973109x450037.

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AbstractDefining Christian Zionism as theological support for Israel as a Zionist state, this article analyses four contradictions in such a theology. Firstly, although Christian Zionism insists it is purely theological, not political, this separation is impossible. Secondly, mainstream Zionist use of Christian Zionism to influence US foreign policy is misguided, since Christian Zionists wish to convert or annihilate all Jews. Thirdly, Christian Zionism is anti-Semitic, wishing to eliminate all non-converted Jews (and Arabs). Finally, since Christian Zionists read the Old and New Testaments in a 'literal' fashion, they resort to the violence of Armageddon to resolve their theological contradictions.
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2

Jamal, Amal. "Neo-Zionism and Palestine: The Unveiling of Settler-Colonial Practices in Mainstream Zionism." Journal of Holy Land and Palestine Studies 16, no. 1 (May 2017): 47–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hlps.2017.0152.

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This article examines the rise and key characteristics of Neo-Zionist political thought in Israel and its relationship with mainstream Zionist thought. It argues that despite the radical and repulsive discourses of Neo-Zionism and the critique expressed by liberal Zionists towards it, the former has always been embodied in classical Zionism. The justifications provided by Neo-Zionists are based on principles propagated by central leaders of mainstream Zionism. Utilising new perspectives in Settler-Colonial Studies, the article demonstrates how both strands encapsulate the Zionist continuum and continuous expansionist drive for new settlements in Palestine based on ‘Biblical right’ of Jews over the land of Palestine. Both advocate supremacist, exclusivist, and volkish rights for Jews with disastrous consequences for the indigenous people of Palestine. The convictions and practices of the Neo-Zionists in the post 1967 period help unveil the camouflaged motivations, justifications and practices of mainstream expansionist Zionism.
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3

Muslih, M. Kholid, Amal Fathullah Zarkasyi, Abdul Rohman, and Rahmat Adi Nur Rifa Da’i. "IDEOLOGI ZIONISME DALAM TIMBANGAN TEOLOGI ISLAM: KAJIAN ATAS RASISME DALAM PEMIKIRAN ZIONISME." TAJDID: Jurnal Ilmu Ushuluddin 20, no. 2 (December 28, 2021): 269–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.30631/tjd.v20i2.178.

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Zionism is one of the great agenda of the Jewish nation to rule the world. The movement can be considered far from human values, all of which originate from their ideology contained in the Talmud and Protocols of Zion. This article aims to reveal the basic ideas of Zionism which became their principle in the movement to conquer the world. Through a search of the literature regarding the theme of the discussion and the descriptive-critical analysis method, it is hoped that it can explain the racism side of the Zionist ideology which is clearly contrary to Islamic Islamic theology and human values. This study shows several important points, including: first, Zionism is a movement of the Jewish people to reclaim Baitul Maqdis; second, the Modern Zionism Movement was initiated by Theodor Herzl through the establishment of the Modern State of Palestine; third, the Zionist movement is based on their ideology taken from the Talmud and the Protocols of Zion. The core ideology in these two sources is to assert that the Jews are the best nation in the world, nations other than them are considered not descendants of Adam and even considered animals, God has given the Jews the rights to rule over all nations other than them, and so on; Fourth, the ideology of Zionism if viewed from the perspective of Islamic theology there are many mistakes because basically Allah views all human beings as equal and the only difference is their piety, there are some confusions in the Zionist conception of God, and some of their ideologies have confusion between argument one and argument. other. Therefore, the author concludes that the ideology of Zionism is contrary to the point of view of Islamic theology, besides that it is also not in accordance with the principles of humanity. Zionisme merupakan salah satu agenda besar bangsa Yahudi untuk menguasai dunia. Gerakannya bisa dianggap jauh dari nilai kemanusiaan, di mana semua itu bersumber dari ideologi mereka yang ada dalam Kitab Talmud dan Protocols of Zion. Artikel ini bertujuan untuk mengungkap dasar-dasar pemikiran Zionisme yang menjadi prinsip mereka dalam gerakan menaklukkan dunia. Melalui penelusuran literatur-literatur berkenaan dengan tema pembahasan dan metode deskriptif-analisis kritis diharapkan dapat menjelaskan tentang sisi rasisme ideologi Zionisme yang itu jelas bertentangan dengan teologi Islam dan nilai kemanusiaan. Penelitian ini menunjukkan beberapa poin penting, di antaranya yaitu: pertama, Zionisme merupakan gerakan bangsa Yahudi untuk merebut kembali Baitul Maqdis; kedua, Gerakan Zionisme modern diprakarsai oleh Theodor Herzl melalui pembentukan Negara Modern Palestina; ketiga, Gerakan Zionisme tersebut didasari oleh ideologi mereka yang diambil dari Kitab Talmud dan Protocols of Zion. Inti ideologi dalam kedua sumber ini adalah menegaskan bahwa bangsa Yahudi merupakan bangsa terbaik di dunia, bangsa selain mereka dianggap bukan keturunan Adam bahkan dianggap hewan, Tuhan telah menganugrahi bangsa Yahudi hak-hak untuk menguasai seluruh bangsa selain mereka, dan lain sebagainya; keempat, ideologi Zionisme tersebut jika ditinjau dari perspektif teologi Islam terdapat banyak kesalahan karena pada dasarnya Allah memandang semua umat manusia itu sama dan yang membedakannya hanyalah ketakwaannya, terdapat beberapa kerancuan dalam konsepsi Zionis tentang Tuhan, dan beberapa ideologi mereka memiliki kerancuan antara argumen satu dengan argument lain. Oleh karena itu, penulis menyimpulkan bahwa ideologi Zionisme bertentangan dengan sudut pandang teologi Islam, selain itu juga banyak tidak sesuai dengan prinsip kemanusiaan.
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4

Berman-Gladstone, Benjamin. "Poet of Zion: Constructing Rabbi Shalom Shabazi as a Forerunner to Zionism." Israel Studies 28, no. 2 (June 2023): 151–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/is.2023.a885233.

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ABSTRACT: This article considers the place of Zionist tropes in the 17th century poems of Rabbi Shalom Shabazi in comparison with those found in medieval Sephardi poetry. Centuries after Shabazi's death, Yisrael Yeshayahu and several other Yemeni Zionists, located Shabazi's messianic poems in the literary and historical canon of Zionism. By correlating Shabazi with Yehudah Halevi and other Sephardi poets as heralds of Zionism before the establishment of the State of Israel, Yeshayahu and his fellow activists sought to determine a leading role for Yemeni Jews alongside what Sami Shalom Chetrit has called "Ashkenazi-Zionist 'history makers.'" In Shabazi, Yemeni Jewish leaders found an exemplar of time-honored Yemeni Judaism in a way that resonated with Zionist ideals. The article posits the existence of a continuum between Hayim Nahman Bialik's use of medieval Sephardi poetry and Yeshayahu's use of Shabazi's work; it explains why Yemeni Zionists chose Shabazi in particular as the linchpin of their argument for a proto-Zionist Yemeni cultural heritage; and also indicates the methods used by Yemeni Zionists, and Yeshayahu in particular, to successfully establish Shabazi as a forerunner to Zionism.
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5

Da'Na, Seif. "Israel's Settler-Colonial Water Regime: The Second Contradiction of Zionism." Holy Land Studies 12, no. 1 (May 2013): 43–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hls.2013.0059.

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This paper questions the ecological sustainability of the Zionist colonial scheme in Palestine. It outlines an ecologically-based narrative of the Arab-Israeli struggle by juxtaposing colonial Zionism and ecological Zionism to re-narrate the Arab-Israeli conflict using a recent interpretive mode that assumes as a principle concomitant environmental and colonial histories. Examining both the role of water in the history of the Zionist colonial scheme and Zionist agricultural practices, it argues that, similar to previous colonial European ventures, the sustainability of colonial Zionism is challenged by both Palestine's scarce hydrological resources and their mounting exploitation, spawning what I call the ‘inner tension of Zionism’. Given this dialectic of Zionism – that considering, among other things, the nature of Zionist colonial agriculture and settlers’ Western life style, the necessary increasing exploitation of Palestine's scarce resources challenges the sustainability of the colonial venture – the hydrological challenge, entwining with nationalist conflict, constitutes Zionism's second contradiction.11 Due to size limits and nature of this paper, I deal only with the first stage, 1882–1967. I deal with the next stage, 1967 and thereafter, elsewhere, although the typology employed for the distinction between stages is outlined below.
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6

Boer, Roland, and Ibrahim Abraham. "The antinomies of Christian Zionism." Sociologija 49, no. 3 (2007): 193–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/soc0703193b.

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Defining Christian Zionism as conservative Christian support for the state of Israel, and an influential political force, especially in the United States, this article outlines four antinomies of such a position. Firstly, although Christian Zionism argues that it is purely theological, that it follows God?s will irrespective of any politics, and although mainstream Zionism is resolutely political, we argue that such a separation is impossible. Indeed, mainstream Zionism cannot avoid being influenced by Christian Zionism?s political agenda. Secondly, despite the efforts by mainstream Zionism to use Christian Zionism in order to influence US foreign policy in the Middle East, mainstream Zionism is playing with fire, since Christian Zionists wish to convert or annihilate all Jews. Thirdly, Christian Zionism is the ultimate version of anti-Semitism, for it wishes to get rid of Arabs (as hindrances to the Zionist project) and then dispense with Jews. (Both Arabs and Jews are by definition Semites.) Finally, since Christian Zionists are fundamentalist Christians, they must take the Old and New Testaments at their word. However, this position is impossible to hold, and in order to resolve the tension they must resort to the violence of the final conflict, Armageddon.
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7

Katzir, Lindsay. "Seeking Zion." Religion and the Arts 26, no. 1-2 (March 24, 2022): 61–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685292-02601003.

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Abstract This article looks at Grace Aguilar (1816–1847), a well-known Anglo-Jewish author, as a religious Zionist, and it analyzes Aguilar’s work in order to challenge three scholarly assumptions about the history of Zionism: first, that British Jews have never genuinely supported Zionism; second, that Zionism did not exist before Theodor Herzl, the founder of political Zionism; and third, that Jewish women rarely voiced Zionist ideas before the establishment of the State of Israel. Aguilar, an Anglo-Jewish woman writer who published during the mid-Victorian period, espoused orthodox views about the Jews’ restoration to Palestine. Aguilar’s belief in the biblical precept of Jewish nationhood was a precursor to the thought of later Zionists such as Herzl, as well as the convictions of religious Zionists such as Rav Kook. Her religious nationalism provides an important counterpoint to scholarly claims that Victorian Jews identified only as British, as no different than their Christian neighbors. Instead, Aguilar characterizes the Jews as a nation apart, a people bound together by an ancient religion with roots and a future in Palestine.
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8

Pappe, Ilan. "Israel at a Crossroads between Civic Democracy and Jewish Zealotocracy." Journal of Palestine Studies 29, no. 3 (2000): 33–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2676454.

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Mainstream Zionism (now comprising both Labor and Likud) is increasingly being challenged by the Right and Left. Post-Zionism has exposed the intellectual fallacies underlying traditional Zionism's attempt to combine ethnic segregation with an open society, but it is the moral and ideological substitute offered by neo-Zionism, opting for ethnic segregation as an ultimate goal, that is mounting the real political challenge. This article argues that while mainstream Zionists will delineate the space of a future Israel (by drawing the borders in a settlement with the Palestinians), the neo-Zionists will cast the ideological content into this space (by defining the identity and orientation of Israeli society).
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9

Maor, Zohar. "Stateless Zionism: Old traditions, new ideologies." Review of Nationalities 8, no. 1 (December 1, 2018): 53–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pn-2018-0004.

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Abstract This essay aims at exploring Zionist currents that resisted the establishment of a Jewish nation-state, their non-statist vision of Zionism and its roots in Jewish conditions and political traditions, as well as in European anti-statist ideologies and national patterns. First, the non-Zionist diaspora nationalism of Simon Dubnow will be examined, as an important point of reference of non-statist Zionisms; then, the reservations of Ahad Ha’am, founder of “spiritual Zionism”, from the vision of a nation-state and the Marxian anti-statism of Ber Borochov and his socialist followers will be observed. Thereafter, the anarchism of Martin Buber and his followers in the binational factions “Brit Shalom and Ihud” will be discussed; here anti-statism is manifestly theological. Lastly, the current manifestations of non-statist Jewish nationalism will be succinctly explored, focusing on two religious-Zionist rabbis, the late Menachem Fruman and Shimon Gershon Rosenberg, and the American historian David N. Myers.
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10

Lokshin, Alexander. "Theodor Herzl’s Political Zionism and Modern Israel. Design and Implementation." Oriental Courier, no. 4 (2023): 43. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s268684310029200-8.

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The paper discusses the fundamental ideas of political Zionism. Many of them were presented in the pamphlet “The Jewish State” (1896) and in a fictionalized form in the utopian novel “The Old New Land” (1902). Their author is the Austrian journalist and writer Theodor Herzl (1860–1904). Some facts and events that influenced the formation of Herzl's views are also named; a number of decisions of the first Zionist congresses are analyzed; the role of Russian Zionists in advancing the movement; the attitude of the government and society in Russia and other countries to Zionism; the perception of Zionism in the ruling and intellectual circles of Israel in our time; the correlation of the ideas of political Zionism with modern internal and external foreign policy and realities of the State of Israel. The article attempts to answer the question: to what extent modern Israel meets the ideals of classical Zionism, to what extent its main provisions were implemented in it.
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11

Hirsh, David. "How the Word “Zionist” Functions in Antisemitic Vocabulary." Journal of Contemporary Antisemitism 4, no. 2 (December 1, 2021): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.26613/jca.4.2.83.

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Abstract This paper is a partial response to the intuitive claim that hostility to “Zionists” is not hostility to Jews and so is not antisemitic. It examines ways in which the terms “Zionist” and “Zionism” themselves feature in antisemitic text and discourse. It argues that antisem­itism should be understood as a complex phenomenon that is observable in the social world only with some difficulty, and that understanding should begin in a consideration of that observation data. This paper is critical of the opposite method, which sees the observ­able world only through pre-existing a priori concepts; an example of this is the construction of the concept of Zionism as essentially racist. This method treats observable phenomena, like racism, as inevitable manifestations of the predetermined concept, Zionism. Zionism, and its relationship to racism, should be understood after observing their actuality in the world, not as a priori definitions, which then structure what is observed. Much under­standing of Zionism therefore adds a methodological double standard to the double stan­dards of judgment, which have already been well described. The paper draws on a number of case studies, that is, actualizations of Zionism and antisemitism in the existing world: the opposition to David Unterhalter’s nomination to the Constitution Court in South Africa; the antizionist construction of Zionism as racism without the consent or the col­laboration of people who self-identify as Zionists; statements circulating in academia that define the communities of scholarship and of morality in ways that exclude most Jews; the designation of Israel as apartheid. The paper concludes with a word on how antizionist nostalgia resists facing the material changes to Jewish life, which were enforced during the twentieth century.
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12

Katsman, Hayim. "The Hyphen Cannot Hold." Israel Studies Review 35, no. 2 (September 1, 2020): 154–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/isr.2020.350210.

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This article presents an innovative sociological framework to discuss recent social, ideological, and religious trends within the Religious-Zionist sector in Israel. The article challenges the prevalent conceptualization of Religious-Zionism as a sui generis ideology. Contrary to researchers who emphasize the synthesis of religion and Zionism in the Religious-Zionist ideology, the author argues that the Religious-Zionist identity is based primarily on social connections (kinship, geographical, institutional) between the members of the group. The author uses this approach to make sense of recent Religious-Zionist trends: post-Zionism, the ‘religious-lite’, Orthodox feminism, and neo-liberalism.
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13

Stair, Rose. "Space, Place and Gender in German Cultural Zionism." European Judaism 57, no. 1 (March 1, 2024): 133–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ej.2024.570110.

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Abstract Resisting characterisations of cultural Zionism as a male intellectual movement located in the realm of ideas, Paula Winkler's Zionist writings foreground the role played by Jewish women in the home. Placing her writings in dialogue with those of her partner Martin Buber, this article argues that Winkler's vision of Zionism not only offers a more robust engagement with the concept of space, but also disrupts Buber's gendered division of Zionist labour and his view of the temporal unfolding of Zionism. In a significant contribution to cultural Zionist thought, Winkler anchors the movement in the material environment of the home, wherein the Jewish woman creates a transformative experience of the homeland that anticipates and facilitates the future success of Zionism.
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Utama, Mohamad Rezky. "Zionisme dan Identitas Keyahudian." Journal of Integrative International Relations 6, no. 1 (May 23, 2021): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.15642/jiir.2021.6.1.1-16.

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Zionism is a form of Jewish nationalism that is related with the Jewish identity and the spirit of nationalism between Jews. The concept of identity by Patricia Goff and Kevin Dunn, along with the main theory of ashabiyyah from Ibn Khaldun, are used in this research to analyze and ezplain Zionism as an identity uniting factor among European Jews. Zionist ideology started from the sense of same experience amongst European Jews who started to look for their identity in the middle of anti-Semitism in Europe. Moreover, this ideology become the uniting factor amongst Jews to have their own state and their own land. The wars and conflicts that was happened along the way of the establishment of Israel until it had been established strengthened the Jewish identity that was initiated by Zionists in Israel. And this research found out that Zionism will not disappear in immediate future.
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Omer, Atalia. "Restorative Justice Pathways in Palestine/Israel: Undoing the Settler Colonial Captivity of Jewishness." Shofar: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Jewish Studies 41, no. 2 (2023): 154–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sho.2023.a911223.

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Abstract: Jewish critique of Zionism is not an abstract exercise, but one that is also, and necessarily, about Palestinians and sociopolitical realities in Palestine/Israel, where Zionist sovereignty defines the space in its entirety. This article traces sites of Jewish Israeli decolonial restorative justice potential and argues that some interventions that appear restorative, in effect, obscure and normalize historical injustices. Accordingly, a spectrum of Jewish critics posit Zionism as a form of Jewish "moral exile" or "moral transgression," and they seek Jewish authenticity to return "home" ethically. I argue that, to the degree that restorative justice practices are missing from ethical Jewish reflections on Zionism and Israelism, the sources of such Jewish critiques of Zionism remain diasporic. Focusing on the potentials of Jewish Israeli restorative justice, including those articulated by the feminist organization Zochrot and the petition of Jewish Israelis against Israeli apartheid propelled by the escalation of violence in May 2021, offers a pathway for unsettling and troubling the diasporic as the primary Jewish source of an ethical critique of Israelism as the idolatry of the Jewish State and as Zionism's imbrication in a settler colonial paradigm.
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Bosma, Jaap C. "Plan Dalet in the Context of the Contradictions of Zionism." Holy Land Studies 9, no. 2 (November 2010): 209–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hls.2010.0105.

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Plan Dalet played an important role in the Palestinian mass flight in April and May 1948. The question of the Zionists' intention with regard to this is still the subject of scholarly debate. The central thesis of this article is that Plan Dalet and the Zionists' intention should be evaluated in the context of the contradiction between Zionism's moral and national ideals. This context is introduced with some examples from the history of Zionism in general. The interpretation in this context provides a fuller and more consistent explanation of Plan Dalet than a context that disregards either of Zionism's ideals.
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Halabi, Yakub. "Anti-Semitism, Unhappy Consciousness and the Social Construction of the Palestinian Nakba." International Studies 49, no. 3-4 (July 2012): 397–427. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020881714534039.

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The history of Zionism is composed of two narratives: One is the history of anti-Semitism that begot Zionism, and the other is the history of the Zionist–Palestinian conflict that begot the Palestinian refugee problem (the Nakba). So far, these two narratives have been investigated in parallel and, thus, they were kept artificially disconnected from each other. The history of the Palestinian catastrophe has been examined mainly in the light of the 1947–1949 events that culminated in the 1948 War and the birth of the Nakba. This narrative ignores the identity of the Zionists, especially the link between anti-Semitism and the Nakba. Many Israeli scholars claim that the territorial demands of the two groups had ushered in the 1948 War, the outcome of which was determined by the balance of power between the Zionist forces and the Arabs. Based on theories of social constructivism, this essay claims, however, that the Nakba and the establishment of the state of Israel are a socially constructed enterprise that reflected the shared ideas, the collective unhappy consciousness and the identity of Zionists and their protracted history in Europe. Anti-Semitism shaped the world views of Zionists and their desire to establish a Jewish state on the total area of mandatory Palestine—the area west of the Jordan River under British administration—in which the Jews aspired to live alone with themselves. Finally, in order to uproot the ‘diaspora mentality’ from the Jewish newcomers to Palestine and to construct a Jewish nationality, the Zionists had excluded the Palestinians from the Hebrew labour market.
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Getzoff, Joseph F. "Start-up nationalism: The rationalities of neoliberal Zionism." Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 38, no. 5 (March 19, 2020): 811–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263775820911949.

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This article examines current manifestations of Zionist political-economy by analyzing discourses that frame Israel as a “Start-Up Nation”—that is, a unique economic achievement that offers a successful business model for the world. By focusing on the 2009 book from the Council of Foreign Relations, Start-Up Nation, this article theorizes “neoliberal Zionism” as a manifestation of Zionism that valorizes specific kinds of neoliberal rationalities in order to garner support for the State of Israel. In particular, neoliberal Zionism produces an entrepreneurial Israeli citizen-subject whose unique cultural attributes derive from compulsory military service and a Zionist past sanitized of conflict with Palestinians. Further, these discourses position this neoliberal Zionist subject as economically out-competing Arabs and Palestinians. At stake is how neoliberalism and exclusionary nationalism potentially mobilize each other and operate as “management” models for other states to adopt.
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Gross, Zehavit. "Religious-Zionist Attitudes Towards the Peace Process." International Journal of Public Theology 7, no. 2 (2013): 174–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15697320-12341280.

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Abstract The aim of this article is to analyse the attitudes of Religious-Zionists toward the Middle East peace process. The Religious-Zionist movement served as the flag-bearer for Jewish settlement in the occupied territories of Judea, Samaria and Gaza and the principal reserve of the settler population. The tragedy of Religious-Zionism may well be its desire to integrate within and benefit from historical realities originating in relative, pragmatic conceptions, along with its refusal or inability to liberate itself of thinking tools, conceptions and norms belonging to a theological, a-historical world controlled by absolute values and dreams. The dominant trend in Religious-Zionism was found to have a direct influence on the nature of Jewish public discourse and is expected to influence the shaping of Jewish society and culture in the State of Israel after the peace agreements are signed.
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Almog, Yael. "Jewish Diaspora and the Stakes of Nationalism: Margarete Susman’s Theodicy." Religions 10, no. 2 (February 12, 2019): 103. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel10020103.

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This article unpacks Margarete Susman’s political and theological arguments at the core of her reading of the Book of Job. As I show through a reading of her oeuvre, Susman rejects political projects that she takes to be based on eschatology such as political Zionism. However, Susman should not be viewed merely as a critic of Zionism. I argue that an analysis tuned to the historical circumstances of her writing should recognize her stance on the nation-building project in Palestine as ambivalent rather than antagonistic. Susman’s conception of the Jewish spirit as rooted in self-sacrifice allows her to appreciate the national aspirations at the core of the Zionist project while rejecting Zionism’s exclusion of other Jewish national projects. I contend that Susman’s understanding of Jewish messianism as immanent rather than teleological informs her ambivalence toward Zionism as well as her original vision of Jewish political action. I argue in closing that Susman’s theodicy offers a novel vision for Jewish ethics that is not limited to the historical moment of its formulation. Susman’s theodicy also resonates within contemporary debates on Jewish diaspora in providing a non-centralized vision of Jewish national projects.
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Ochman, Jerzy. "Religia w służbie polityki. Mistyka syjonizmu religijnego." Studia Europaea Gnesnensia, no. 13 (June 15, 2016): 121–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/seg.2016.13.7.

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The aim of this article is to present the contribution of Religious Zionism to the strategy and ideology of Zionism. This contribution consisted in conferring a halo of sanctity upon Zionism, nation, state and the territory of Palestine, by means of quotes from the Torah, Jewish prophets, poets and mystics. Thanks to the efforts of Religious Zionists, Zionism as a whole gained its nationalist-religious specificity and later imparted these traits to the state Israel.
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Elmaliach, Tal. "Americans for Progressive Israel: Radical Zionism in the United States, 1967–1973." Hebrew Union College Annual 93 (June 1, 2023): 199–222. http://dx.doi.org/10.15650/hebruniocollannu.93.2022/0199.

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Americans for Progressive Israel (API) was one of the prominent forces in the larger Radical Zionist movement in the US. The chronicle of its rise, the way it established itself as a social, political, and ideological movement, and the causes of its decline offer valuable insights into how the encounter between Zionism and the New Left played out in North America. My perspective on API is based on two historical theses, both of which challenge major elements of current scholarship on Radical Zionism. First, I argue, the tension between the New Left and Zionism in the United States in the late 1960s and early 1970s had its origin in a dissonance between established ways of thinking in both the New Left and in Zionism, and in newly emergent political and social conditions. Radical Zionism, the ideology on which API was founded, had dropped out of sight at the end of World War II, only to gain new relevance after the Six-Day War. My second claim is that, as an ongoing historical phenomenon, Radical Zionism in the United States was born of the interaction between three theaters of events – the United States, the Jewish world, and the Zionist establishment. As such, it cannot be understood only on the basis of one of those arenas. I will show how the interactions between these three social spaces shaped API between 1967 and 1973.
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23

Bernstein, Judah M. "‘It Brings Generation to Generation:’ An Introduction and Annotated Translation of Ben-Zion Mossinson’s ‘Land and Language in the Evolution of Zionism’." Zutot 14, no. 1 (November 9, 2017): 99–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18750214-12141069.

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Abstract In 1916, Hebrew educator and Zionist official Ben-Zion Mossinson embarked on a multiyear stay in America following his expulsion from Ottoman Palestine. He joined forces there with other prominent Eastern European and Palestinian Zionist envoys – Shemaryahu Levin, Menachem Sheinkin, and Baer Epshtein, to name a few – all of whom worked as itinerant propagandists, crisscrossing the country in search of potential donors and new recruits. While in America, Mossinson published his brief reflections on the history of Zionism and the essence of Jewish culture, ‘Land and Language in the Evolution of Zionism,’ and delivered speeches based on this article. ‘Land and Language,’ translated below from the original Yiddish, sheds light on the contours of Zionism in America during the war.
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Gribetz, Jonathan Marc. "WHENTHE ZIONIST IDEACAME TO BEIRUT: JUDAISM, CHRISTIANITY, AND THE PALESTINE LIBERATION ORGANIZATION'S TRANSLATION OF ZIONISM." International Journal of Middle East Studies 48, no. 2 (April 7, 2016): 243–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743816000015.

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AbstractIn 1970, the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) Research Center in Beirut published an Arabic translation ofThe Zionist Idea, an anthology of classic Zionist texts compiled originally by Arthur Hertzberg in 1959. This article compares how the two versions present the biographies and motivations of key Zionist ideologues. It suggests that, in contrast to Hertzberg, the PLO researchers tended to present Zionism, especially at its roots, as a Jewishreligiousmovement. Attempting to discern what might lie behind this conception of Zionism, the article considers the significance of the religious backgrounds of the leadership of the PLO Research Center and of those involved in the translation project. It argues that the researchers’ concern about the status of Christians as a religious minority among Palestinians and other Arabs and certain deeply rooted Christian ideas about the nature of Judaism may help account for the particular view of Zionism that the Research Center developed in its—and in the PLO's—foundational years.
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Greenstein, Tony. "Zionist-Nazi Collaboration and the Holocaust-A Historical Aberration? Lenni Brenner Revisited." Holy Land Studies 13, no. 2 (November 2014): 187–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hls.2014.0089.

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Over thirty years ago Lenni Brenner's Zionism in the Age of the Dictators awakened the ghosts of Nazi-Zionist collaboration. This collaboration was an extension of Zionism's historical attitude to anti-Semitism in Europe, which saw anti-Semitism as the natural reaction of non-Jews to the abnormal presence of Jews. The Zionist movement was outraged by these public revelations of collaboration and sought to censor them. Brenner brought together some of the most damning evidence of Zionism's collaboration with the Nazis and their obstruction of the rescue of European Jews to anywhere but Palestine. This essay critiques Brenner's thesis, especially its failure to analyse the Holocaust in depth. Brenner rightly denounced this collaboration, but, as in the case of the Israeli Holocaust Memorial Museum Yad Vashem, he produced no analysis of this official Israeli memorial project. This essay furthermore explores the implications of Zionist collaboration as in the case of Argentina under the Junta and for a future resurgence of anti-Semitism.
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Rapoport, Tamar. "Haim Hazan. Simulated Dreams: Israeli Youth and Virtual Zionism. New York: Berghahn Books, 2001. xi, 166 pp." AJS Review 28, no. 2 (November 2004): 383–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009404340213.

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Zionism—the Israeli national constitutive myth that powerfully shapes that country's politics, society, and culture—is currently under attack from Israeli social scientists. An academic–political stream known as post-Zionism is reexamining and questioning nearly all of Israeli society's “sacred cows” as it exposes the coercive, silencing, and exclusionary force of the Zionist master narrative and its contribution to intense conflicts and cultural and social distortions. This is the context in which the book at hand should be read. It critically examines the Zionist ethos from a cultural anthropological perspective, and explores the cultural mediums through which the Zionist narrative passes as it undergoes a process of fragmentation through simulation.
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Kelemen, Paul. "In the Name of Socialism: Zionism and European Social Democracy in the Inter-War Years." International Review of Social History 41, no. 3 (December 1996): 331–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002085900011404x.

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SummarySince 1917, the European social democratic movement has given fulsome support to Zionism. The article examines the ideological basis on which Zionism and, in particular, Labour Zionism gained, from 1917, the backing of social democratic parties and prominent socialists. It argues that Labour Zionism's appeal to socialists derived from the notion of “positive colonialism”. In the 1930s, as the number of Jewish refugees from Nazi persecution increased considerably, social democratic pro-Zionism also came to be sustained by the fear that the resettlement of Jews in Europe would strengthen anti-Semitism and the extreme right.
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Chapnick, Max L. "George Eliot, Edward Said, and Romantic Zionism." Studies in Romanticism 62, no. 2 (June 2023): 297–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/srm.2023.a903038.

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Abstract: This essay re-examines George Eliot’s Daniel Deronda by way of Edward’s Said’s readings, and argues that in this novel Eliot helps usher into being a Zionism infused with the ideas and feelings of an earlier generation of British Romantics. With allusions to Romantics like Walter Scott and William Wordsworth, Eliot’s literary rendering of Zionism includes Romanticism’s elements of fellow-feeling and providential futurity. The novel’s reception by European Zionists facilitated the mixing of Romantic ideology into Zionism; understanding these future-oriented and sympathetic elements helps us better understand Zionism more generally.
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CAPLAN, NEIL. "TALKING ZIONISM, DOING ZIONISM, STUDYING ZIONISM." Historical Journal 44, no. 4 (December 2001): 1083–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x01002199.

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Zionism and the creation of a new society. By Ben Halpern and Jehuda Reinharz. New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998. Pp. 293. ISBN 0-19-509209-0.Land and power: the Zionist resort to force, 1881–1948. By Anita Shapira. Translated by William Templer. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992. Reissued Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1999. Pp. x+446. ISBN 0-8047-3776-2.The founding myths of Israel: nationalism, socialism, and the making of the Jewish state. By Zeev Sternhell. Translated by David Maisel. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1998. Pp. xv+419. ISBN 0-691-00967-8.
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Bruno, Francesco. "What Was the Impact of Zionism on Displaced Jewish Refugees in Germany in the Aftermath of the Second World War?" Journal of Public Administration and Governance 8, no. 4 (November 18, 2018): 127. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jpag.v8i4.13931.

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This paper explores the birth of the state of Israel with particular emphasis on the role of the Zionist ideology. Zionism as an ideology can be seen not only as a singular ideological view, but as a confluence of multiple ideas that trace back to the 19th century and even earlier to the diaspora of the Jewish people. The final product of the Zionist idea is the state of Israel. Great emphasis in this paper Is given to the role of Zionism after the end of World War II, which saw the mass murder of over 6 million Jewish. Zionism posed the dilemma to the Jewish people in the following terms: the creation of a state where Jewish people could have been represented as the majority with their own rules and legislation and the complete assimilation within other countries. In other words, Zionism aimed to give the Jewish people a nationalistic identity and remains a strong factor that influenced the Jewish people within the DP camps in the aftermath of the Second World conflict. The paper begins with the analysis of Zionism as an ideology from the 19th century onward and the conditions of the Jewish people in the aftermath of World War II. These two points are then analysed to demonstrate two main points. The first is the resiliency and adaptability of the Zionist ideology as the only way forward for the Jewish people and second, the status of the Jewish people as “victims” and this idea gave them the freedom to approach the creation of a new society with a general “benevolence” from the international community.
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Gupta, Anoop Kumar. "Indian Strategic Thinking towards Israel." Jindal Journal of International Affairs 1, no. 3 (July 1, 2019): 62–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.54945/jjia.v1i3.84.

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Indian strategic thinking towards Israel is not monolithic. It is diverse and plural. There have been many voices in India towards Zionism and Israel. Questions related to Palestine, Zionism and Israel have been discussed in detail in India since the beginning of the twentieth century. Mahatma Gandhi was against Zionism in general and its methods particularly. Jawaharlal Nehru was also against Zionism but seemed ambiguous on the question of Israel which made him hesitant in engaging the Jewish state. Indian Left has demonstrated very critical approach towards Zionism and Israel. Hindu nationalist Vinayak Damodar Savarkar was sympathetic of the Zionist project and was supportive of the movement to establish a national home for the Jews. Political realists like J. N. Dixit and Brijesh Mishra and conservative strategist like Bharat Karnard in India were in favour of Israel and advocated mutually beneficial bilateral strategic cooperation between both the countries. Contemporary Indian debate on Israel is still polarised though the dominant view is supportive of Israel.
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Graubart, Jonathan. "Reimagining Zionism and Coexistence after Oslo’s Death." Arendt Studies 3 (2019): 69–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/arendtstudies201810915.

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Zionism needs a fundamental overhaul given both the collapse of the Oslo-initiated peace process and the erosion of liberal values in Israeli society. There is no better guide than Hannah Arendt for such an undertaking. On the one hand, she provided a searing diagnosis of mainstream Zionism’s foundational shortcomings, which persist to the present. One is a creed that assumes an eternal anti-Semitism. Two is a corresponding insular nationalism, which rejects affirmative engagement with the outside. On the other hand, Arendt articulated an affirmative humanist Zionism based on three elements. First, is a Jewish self-determination aimed at cultural enrichment and emancipation. Second, is an outward-oriented Zionism that embraces internationalism. Third, is substantive coexistence with Palestinians based on an innovative alternative to the homogenous nation-state model. This article retrieves and updates Arendt’s humanist Zionism. I emphasize her plea to confront Zionism’s pathologies, break from an insular nationalist mindset, and foster new political channels for attaining genuine reconciliation between Israelis and Palestinians.
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Musthafa, Sabiq. "REVISITING ZIONISM AS A STATE IDEOLOGY OF ISRAEL: A CRITICAL EXAMINATION OF THE ISRAEL—PALESTINE CONFLICT." Jurnal CMES 17, no. 1 (June 29, 2024): 23. http://dx.doi.org/10.20961/cmes.17.1.53721.

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<p>This paper critically examines Zionism as the state ideology of Israel, with a particular focus on its role and impact within the Israel-Palestine conflict. Zionism, originally a movement for the re-establishment of a Jewish homeland, has evolved into a complex and contentious political ideology. This study revisits its historical roots, ideological foundations, and contemporary interpretations. By exploring the intersection of Zionism with nationalism, religion, and politics, the paper aims to provide a nuanced understanding of how Zionism shapes Israeli policies and influences the ongoing conflict with Palestine. The analysis delves into the narratives and counter-narratives surrounding Zionism, addressing the perspectives of various stakeholders, including Israeli Jews, Palestinians, and the international community. Through a critical lens, the paper assesses the implications of Zionist ideology for peace prospects, human rights, and regional stability. The findings underscore the need to re-evaluate Zionism in light of its practical outcomes and ethical considerations. This study contributes to the broader discourse on state ideologies, conflict resolution, and Middle Eastern politics, offering insights into the possibilities for a just and sustainable resolution to the Israel-Palestine conflict.</p>
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Ben-Dor, Oren. "Occupied Minds: Philosophical Reflections on Zionism, Anti-Zionism and the Jewish Prison." Holy Land Studies 11, no. 1 (May 2012): 33–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hls.2012.0028.

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This article employs philosophical existentialism to argue that anti-Zionism as currently configured avoid's existential pathologies of political Zionism – pathologies that pertain to Jewish being and thinking. Such anti-Zionism, whether advocated by secular or orthodox Jews, is complicit with the preservation of the same existential denial that imprisons the minds of Zionists – denial that has the collective stake of preserving these pathologies. The truncated discourses of anti-Semitism and ‘Jewish self-hatred’ are examined and critiqued. The article also calls for a bold assessment and reconfiguration of anti-Zionism and its transformation into a genuine and effective ethical discourse that can challenge and liberate current Jewish mental imprisonment.
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Kelemen, Paul. "The ‘New Antisemitism’, the Left and Palestine: The ‘Anti-Imperialism of Fools’ or an Invention of Imperial Reason?" Journal of Holy Land and Palestine Studies 17, no. 2 (November 2018): 235–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hlps.2018.0193.

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Fine and Spencer's 2017 publication, Antisemitism and the Left reprises many of the arguments that accuse the left of masquerading its anti-semitism as anti-Zionism. It has the novelty, however, of seeking to uphold this charge by laying claim to contributions on the ‘Jewish question’ by left wing social theorists, notably Marx, the Frankfurt School and Hanna Arendt. The article explores the attempt to distil from these writers a Zionist critique of anti-Zionism. The resulting interpretation of anti-semitism, self-determination, imperialism and several other key concepts helps to shed light on the theoretical and political basis of the case against left-wing anti-Zionism.
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Bitunjac, Martina. "Der Wiener Studentenverein Bar Giora und sein Einfluss auf die Entstehungsgeschichte des Zionismus im kroatischen und südosteuropäischen Raum des Habsburgerreiches." Aschkenas 31, no. 2 (November 1, 2021): 375–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/asch-2021-0014.

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Abstract The establishment of the Bar Giora Zionist student association at the University of Vienna in 1904 was an important factor in the development of Zionism in the territory of the former Yugoslavia. The Verein jüdischer Akademiker aus den südslavischen Ländern (Association of Jewish Alumni from the South Slavic Countries) and its committed members had great influence on the transfer of the idea of a Jewish nation-state to the South Slavic region by creating multicultural supra-regional networks, organising conferences and publishing nationally oriented journals. The young Zionists from the Balkans also faced strong criticism from assimilated Jews. This paper explores the origins of Bar Giora, its self-understanding and its impact, as well as the assimilationist challenges faced by the Zionists.
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Biale, David. "Ehud Luz. Wrestling with an Angel: Power, Morality and Jewish Identity, trans. Michael Swirsky. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2003. 350 pp." AJS Review 29, no. 1 (April 2005): 192–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009405380093.

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Perhaps no subject is more actual than the relationship of Zionism and the State of Israel to the exercise of military power. Ehud Luz's passionate cri de coeur appears, at first glance, to cover much the same ground as Anita Shapira's earlier Land and Power: The Zionist Resort to Force, 1881–1948: both books analyze comprehensively the way Zionist thinkers, writers, and activists struggled with the moral limitations on the use of force and violence in the acquisition of Jewish sovereignty. But Shapira's focus is more on political history, while Luz treats primarily writers and rabbis, ranging from the ultra-Orthodox pacifist Aharon Shmuel Tamares, the Labor Zionist poet Natan Alterman, the messianic Zionist Zvi Yehuda Kook, and the secular apocalyptic Uri Zvi Greenberg. Where Shapira ends her story with what she describes as the emergence of a new Israeli mentality in the wake of the 1948 war, Luz brings the debates up to virtually the present day. Shapira leaves readers—perhaps unwittingly—with the impression that the values of havlagah (self-restraint) which characterized Labor Zionism in the 1930s were largely replaced by a more ruthless ethos of retaliation: after 1948, Labor Zionism came to adopt the position of its Revisionist archrival. Yet, as Luz demonstrates, the debates of the prewar period continued, if in a new key, in the half-century after Israeli sovereignty.
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Berezhanskaya, Irina Yu. "ARCHIVAL CRIMINAL CASES AS A SOURCE ON THE HISTORY OF THE ZIONIST MOVEMENT IN RUSSIA IN THE 1920S." RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series Political Sciences. History. International Relations, no. 4 (2021): 132–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-6339-2021-4-132-141.

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Before Perestroika, the topic of Zionism in this country was negative. Only in the 1990s – early 2000s, there began to appear the works aimed at an objective study of Zionism in general, and in Russia, in particular. To objectively examine some aspects of the Zionist movement activities, the article analyzes archival criminal cases as a source on its history. Those cases were initiated by the Soviet security agencies when carrying out arrests of the movement activists. In most cases, the documents and archives of the Zionist organizations and parties were attached to these materials. All of them represent a unique historical source, access to which has been closed to researchers for a considerable time. These materials make it possible to trace the work of the Zionist movements during their particularly stressful years, when the Cheka–GPU–OGPU organs persecuted them alongside other counter-revolutionary parties. Historical and comparative historical methods were used as the main ones. These documents’ publication, promulgation and analysis will make it possible to replenish the source base on the socialist Zionism history in this country, to give an objective assessment of the events that have taken place, to present the previously unknown facts – all of which are currently acquiring special relevance.
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Carpenedo, Manoela. "Christian Zionist religiouscapes in Brazil: Understanding Judaizing practices and Zionist inclinations in Brazilian Charismatic Evangelicalism." Social Compass 68, no. 2 (June 2021): 204–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00377686211014843.

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The increasing appropriation by Charismatic Evangelicals of Jewish narratives, rituals, and even Zionist anxieties is now evident in many parts of the globe. Drawing on two cases, one based on a Brazilian Neo-Pentecostal church and another based on an ethnographic investigation of a ‘Judaizing Evangelical’ community in Brazil this study interrogates to what extent we can comprehend this emerging tendency within Brazilian Charismatic Evangelicalism as a result of the spread of Anglo-American Christian Zionism. The article contends that while there are significant overlaps between Anglo-American Christian Zionism and the Zionist and Judaizing tendencies within Brazilian Charismatic Evangelicalism, it is reductionist to comprehend the Brazilian case exclusively through Anglo-American frameworks. Given the particularities of the Brazilian Charismatic evangelical context, the article points to the unique ways in which Christian Zionist tendencies are being ‘glocalized’ in this country.
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CHARVIT, YOSSEF. "The Sabbatean syndrome, the messianic idea and Zionism." Journal of Jewish Studies 75, no. 1 (April 3, 2024): 137–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/jjs.2024.75.1.137.

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My research, still in its early stages, proposes a basic methodological and historiographic perspective that transcends particularistic analysis. This perspective challenges the crisis orientation that has dominated Zionist historiography and examines the roots of Zionism that are integral to the Sephardic diaspora. The purpose, conscious or otherwise, of Zionist historiography that detaches the sixteenth from the nineteenth century is to ensure that the mighty process of return to the Jewish homeland is attributed exclusively to Zionism of the modern era. This ignores all the momentous accomplishments of the sixteenth century that heralded a new age in the settlement of Eretz Israel. Most Zionist historiographers attempt to ‘normalize’ history so that anything hinting at redemption is summarily excised. This is the meaning of the historiographic dispute taking place over the past few decades concerning messianism and the history of Jewish settlement of Eretz Israel in the modern era.
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Muhammad, Fida, Muhammad Ayaz Khan, and Saif Ul Islam. "Role of religion in American politics: An analysis of the influence of Evangelical Church in Israeli Palestinian conflict." Journal of Humanities, Social and Management Sciences (JHSMS) 2, no. 2 (November 23, 2021): 168–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.47264/idea.jhsms/2.2.12.

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The politics of the Holy land is of crucial importance to the followers of the three Abrahamic religions in terms of religious beliefs, which metamorphosed into military and political significance in the 20th Century. The United States (U.S) support for Israel is especially visible during the republican presidencies. The U.S had five republican presidents from 1980 to 2020, and their evangelical beliefs shaped American foreign policy toward this region, a policy that may loosely be termed as affected by Christian Zionism, which was originally a 16th Century religious Puritan movement, who latter shaped into Christian political movement. U.S Christian Zionism reiterates favourable images of Jews and is pessimistic about peace in Holy land. Christian Zionists believe Lord has bestowed the land of Palestine to Jews and have held up this claim since the turn of the 20th Century. This paper first describes the fundamental nature of Christian Zionism, their view of the modern Israel and resultant political and military policies. This also focuses Christian Zionists support of republican presidents and specially President Trump relationship with Christian Zionism. The shifting of U.S embassy to Jerusalem, the formal approval to Jerusalem as the capital of Israel by President Trump are studied.
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42

Benbaji, Yitzhak. "Kantian Rights and the Zionist Settlement in Palestine." Analyse & Kritik 46, no. 1 (May 1, 2024): 165–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/auk-2024-2012.

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Abstract Zionism aimed to establish a national home for Jews in Palestine. It involved settlement of Zionist Jews in the region, despite facing resistance from many local Arabs. Was the unilateral Zionist settlement morally permissible, or was it an instance of wrongful colonialism? Three objections will be discussed here and they all stem from the Kantian ethics of state-building and the minimalistic conception of statehood that follows from it. According to the ‘neutralist objection’, the establishment of a national home is not a just cause for a state building project. The ‘cosmopolitan’ objection argues that unilateral settlement is permissible only in extreme circumstances and that typically, it violates the locals’ right to self-rule. Finally, the imperialist objection argues that Zionist unilateralism exploited the wrongful colonial rule to which Arab Palestinians were subject. I will show that no Kantian objection to Zionism is decisive.
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Frank, Jeannine (Levana). "Classic Socialist Zionism and the Emergence of Radical Socialist Zionism in France in the 1960s." Hebrew Union College Annual 93 (June 1, 2023): 223–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.15650/hebruniocollannu.93.2022/0223.

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The awakening of Jewish identity that followed the 1967 war and the student rebellion of May 1968 brought on a major metamorphosis in the socialist Zionist Left in France. Left-wing Zionist groups at this time found themselves facing off not only against the traditional Marxist Left, with its at best ambiguous and at worst hostile attitude to Jewish nationalism, but also against a stridently anti-Zionist New Left. The result was the emergence of a new revolutionary Zionist Left that grew out of the politicization and radicalization of the younger generation during the struggle against the colonial wars in Algeria and Vietnam. Its principal agents were two members of Israel’s Marxist-Zionist Mapam party, Simha Flapan and Ely Ben-Gal, who were dispatched to Paris. Their and the party’s impact on Zionism in France at this critical juncture in the history of the New Left has long been underestimated.
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44

Shamis, Asaf. "A. D. Gordon’s Green Zionism." IYUNIM Multidisciplinary Studies in Israeli and Modern Jewish Society 37 (July 15, 2022): 255–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.51854/bguy-37a140.

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The article seeks to identify A. D. Gordon’s thought as a distinctive type of ‘green’ Zionism. As opposed to the common tendency in Gordon scholarship to focus on symbolic aspects of his conception of ‘nature’, the analysis here focuses on its concrete values. Refocusing the analysis on biophysical ‘nature’, suggests that very much like contemporary environmental thinkers, Gordon sought to shift the ontological and ethical weight from the human realm to the interrelationship between the human and the non-human environment. Yet, unlike present-day environmentalists, Gordon anchored this shift in a comprehensive theory of nationalism. The Jewish nation he believed must transform its characteristic alienation from nature into an avant-garde force that will leads the human effort to rehabilitate the relationship with the natural world. In broader terms, my analysis calls for a reassessment of Gordon’s relationship to Zionism and indicates that while he shared the Zionist desire to return the Jewish people to Eretz Israel, he was highly critical of the widespread Zionist view of the land as a readily available resource for use by the Jewish nation. The analysis thus identifies an eco-nationalist approach underpinning Gordon’s critique of the utilitarian, statist and militaristic bent of the Zionist movement. It suggests that Gordon saw these trends as indicative of an ill-intentioned drive to subjugate and exploit the natural environment. To rectify this, Gordon developed an eco-Zionist ideology which held that the primary means for Jewish national revival is the protection and conservation of nature in Eretz Israel.
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45

Mousavi, Hamed. "Zionist Approaches to the Palestinian Question." Journal of Politics and Law 11, no. 2 (May 26, 2018): 37. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v11n2p37.

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Liberal Zionists blame Israel’s five decade long occupation of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip primarily on Revisionist Zionist ideology and its manifestation in right wing parties such as the Likud. They also argue that the “Two State Solution”, the creation of a Palestinian state alongside Israel, will forever solve this issue. This paper on the other hand argues that while the Israeli left have divergent opinions from the revisionists on many issues, with regards to the “Palestinian question” and particularly on the prospects of allowing the formation of a Palestinian state, liberal Zionists have much closer views to the right wing than would most like to admit. To demonstrate this, the views of Theodore Herzl, the founder of political Zionism, David Ben-Gurion, the most important actor in the founding years of the state, as well as the approach of left wing Israeli political parties are examined. Finally, it is argued that none of the mainstream Zionist political movements will allow the creation of a Palestinian state even on a small part of Palestine.
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Halperin, Liora R. "The Children of Death Never Die: Specters of the Early Zionist Past." Shofar: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Jewish Studies 41, no. 2 (2023): 80–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sho.2023.a911220.

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Abstract: This chapter considers the curious and perennial recurrence, in Zionist periodicals, memoirs and historiographic literature, of the claim that Palestinian Arabs referred to Jews in Palestine in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century as " Awlad al-mawt " (Children of Death). Invocations of this term are typically paired with ideologically laden statements of Zionists overcoming this characterization by demonstrating their capacity for physical strength and willingness to employ violence. Evoking a legacy of conflict with Palestinian Arabs, a longstanding European trope of Jews lacking vitality, and the promise of Jewish revival, Awlad al-mawt , in multiple dialectical variations and transliterations, became a byword for Jewish transformation but also for a lingering anxiety about its ultimate impossibility. By tracing the usages and context of this term throughout the twentieth century, from its first known appearances just before the Kishinev Pogrom of 1903 through 1948, it argues that ambivalence about early Zionist strength informs evolving anxieties about the Zionist-Palestinian conflict, the inherent precarity of Zionism as a settler project, and the attendant militarization of Zionist and Israeli society.
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Fruitman, Stephen. "Cultural Zionism in Sweden: Daniel Brick's Judisk krönika." Nordisk Judaistik/Scandinavian Jewish Studies 9, no. 2 (September 1, 1988): 108–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.30752/nj.69431.

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The present study examines the content of the Swedish-Jewish Zionist periodical Judisk Krönika during its earliest years of publication, 1932 to 1950, under the editorship of its founder, Daniel Brick. The focus will be on how the magazine in its brightest and most ambitious years, acted as a conduit through which the ideas of cultural Zionism flowed into Sweden. Through essays, reports, editorial comments, book reviews and debates, the circle of intellectuals grouped around Brick clamored for a revivification of what they considered to be the moribund cultural life of Swedish Jewry, the result (in their eyes) of decades of Reform dominance in communal life. Not wishing to make themselves any less “Swedish”, the cultural Zionists nevertheless insisted that Jews in Sweden and other Nordic countries needed to adopt an international perspective, integrating the proposed idea for a Jewish national home in Palestine into their lives as a source of cultural pride and spiritual renewal.
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Docker, John. "Re-‘Femminising’ Diaspora: Contemporary Jewish Cultural Studies and Post-Zionism." Holy Land Studies 4, no. 2 (November 2005): 71–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hls.2005.4.2.71.

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This essay creates a conversation between diaspora theory, the New Jewish Cultural Studies, post-Zionism, and colonialism. In this conversation, I focus on Jonathan Boyarin and Daniel Boyarin's Powers of Diaspora (2002), new thinking about Josephus, the myth of Masada, and rabbinic Judaism in antiquity, and on Ephraim Nimni's collection The Challenge of Post-Zionism (2003). The essay discusses the question of gender in Zionist mythology. It also probes the question of what internal powers diaspora communities, in multicultural societies, should ideally possess; for example, should Jewish diaspora communities around the world possess internal legal powers?
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Gorbacheva, Margarita A. "THE FIFTH CHABAD RABBI AND ZIONISM: THE ARGUMENTS AGAINST." Journal of the Institute of Oriental Studies RAS, no. 4 (18) (2021): 145–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2618-7302-2021-4-145-150.

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The 1880s marked the beginning of the politicization of East European Jewry. The phenomenon is specified by the common politicization of the society, but also it is a reaction to anti-Semitism. One form of Jewish politicization was the creation of “Hibbat Zion”, in which the religious actors also took part. With the participation of hovevei-Zion, in 1897 was established the World Zionist Organization (WZO). Closer to the Third Zionist Congress in 1899 intensified secular tendencies, and the part of religious leaders (including the 5th Chabad Rebbe) tried to form an independent political camp. In 1899, as a result of traditional establishment’s leaders meeting, convened by Schneerson, it was decided to begin the promotion of tradition. In 1900, the anti-Zionist brochure “Or la-Yesharim” was published in Warsaw, which rhetoric was based on satire. The Orthodox rejection of Zionism was explained by the ideological differences between religion and nationalism. Schneerson’s letter stands out on the general background of the anti-Zionist rhetoric, but also refers to the conflict of interest between the Orthodox and the Zionists. In the first decade of the 20th century Orthodoxy was modernized. The modernization expressed itself in politicization and partisanship. So, in 1907 appeared the Jewish orthodox party, Knesset Israel, and some rabbis, the authors of “Or la-Yesharim”, supported it. Nevertheless, Schneerson, continued to adhere to the principle of complete isolation. Thus, there is a certain duality in the status of Eastern European Jewish orthodoxy in the early 20th century. On the one hand, the Orthodoxy, in particular Hasidism, tries to present itself as an anti-modernization camp, on the other hand, the methods of conducting political activity are not characteristic of the traditional society, but were dictated by modernization.
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Hirsch, Dafna. "“Interpreters of Occident to the Awakening Orient”: The Jewish Public Health Nurse in Mandate Palestine." Comparative Studies in Society and History 50, no. 1 (January 2008): 227–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s001041750800011x.

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Recent scholarship on Zionism has shown Orientalism to be a pregnant concept through which to study the formation of Jewish society and culture in Palestine and later Israel. As this body of scholarship suggests, Zionist self-perception as an outpost of Western civilization in the Orient has played a fundamental role in shaping both Zionism's relations to the Palestinians and to its “internal Others”—mizrahi, literally, Oriental Jews. Indeed, it was Zioinist Orientalism which created the mizrahi category in the first place, turning heterogeneous Asian, North African, and Palestine's Sephardic Jewish communities into a single, supposedly coherent group in need of modernization and civilization, against which the ‘westernness’ of European ashkenazi Jews was repeatedly asserted. What these studies often overlook is that the Zionist ‘civilizing mission’ was initially directed at (east) European Jews. Thus, for many of the “culture builders” who during the mandate years operated in the yishuv—the Jewish community of Palestine—Jewish westernness was deemed a project, something yet to be achieved.
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