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Journal articles on the topic 'Zimbabwe People's Revolutionary Army'
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1
Chakawa, Joshua, and V. Z. Nyawo-Shava. "Guerrilla warfare and the environment in Southern Africa: Impediments faced by ZIPRA and Umkhonto Wesizwe." Oral History Journal of South Africa 2, no. 2 (February 4, 2015): 36–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2309-5792/6.
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Zimbabwe Peoples’ Revolutionary Army (ZIPRA) was the armed wing of Zimbabwe African People’s Union (ZAPU) which waged the war to liberate Zimbabwe. It operated from its bases in Zambia between 1964 and 1980. Umkhonto Wesizwe (MK) was ANC’s armed wing which sought to liberate South Africa from minority rule. Both forces (MK and ZIPRA) worked side by side until the attainment of independence by Zimbabwe when ANC guerrillas were sent back to Zambia by the new Zimbabwean government. This paper argues that the failure of ZIPRA and Umkhonto Wesizwe to deploy larger numbers of guerrillas to the war front in Zimbabwe (then Rhodesia) and South Africa was mainly caused by bio-physical challenges. ZAPU and ANC guerrillas faced the difficult task of crossing the Zambezi River and then walking through the sparsely vegetated areas, game reserves and parks until they reached villages deep in the country. Rhodesian and South African Defense Forces found it relatively easy to disrupt guerrilla movements along these routes. Even after entering into Rhodesia, ANC guerrillas had environmental challenges in crossing to South Africa. As such, they could not effectively launch protracted rural guerrilla warfare. Studies on ZIPRA and ANC guerrilla warfare have tended to ignore these environmental problems across inhospitable territories. For the ANC, surveillance along Limpopo River and in Kruger National Park acted more as impediments than conduits. ANC also had to cope with almost all challenges which confronted ZIPRA guerrillas such as the Zambezi, Lake Kariba and various parks which Rhodesians always used as a first line of defense but had a geographically difficult task in South Africa where the environment was not attractive for a guerrilla warfare.
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Tsigo, Evans B., and Enock Ndawana. "Unsung Heroes? The Rhodesian Defence Regiment and Counterinsurgency, 1973–80." International Journal of Military History and Historiography 39, no. 1 (April 30, 2019): 88–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24683302-03901005.
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This article examines the Rhodesian Defence Regiment’s role in the Rhodesian Security Forces’ counterinsurgency efforts against the Zimbabwe African National Liberation Army and Zimbabwe People’s Revolutionary Army guerrillas. It argues that the two guerrilla armies successfully used sabotage targeting installations of strategic and economic significance to Rhodesia. This compelled the Rhodesian regime to change its policy of restricting the conscription of Coloured and Asian minorities into the Rhodesian Security Forces to undertake combat duties beyond defensive roles. However, the Rhodesian Defence Regiment largely failed to serve its key duty of countering the guerrilla tactic of sabotage against all major installations and centres of strategic and economic importance. The article concludes that the failure was due to the many challenges the majority members, Coloureds and Asians, that constituted the Rhodesian Defence Regiment faced, including discrimination and mistrust. These challenges derailed the Rhodesian Defence Regiment operations and partly contributed to the overall end of the Ian Smith regime.
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Alexander, Jocelyn, and Joann McGregor. "Adelante! Military Imaginaries, the Cold War, and Southern Africa's Liberation Armies." Comparative Studies in Society and History 62, no. 3 (July 2020): 619–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417520000195.
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AbstractStudies of southern Africa's liberation movements have turned attention to the great importance of their transnational lives, but have rarely focused on the effects of the military training Cold War-era allies provided in sites across the globe. This is a significant omission in the history of these movements: training turns civilians into soldiers and creates armies with not only military but also social and political effects, as scholarship on conventional militaries has long emphasized. Liberation movement armies were however different in that they were not subordinated to a single state, instead receiving training under the flexible rubric of international solidarity in a host of foreign sites and in interaction with a great variety of military traditions. The training provided in this context produced multiple “military imaginaries” within liberation movement armies, at once creating deep tensions and enabling innovation. The article is based on oral histories of Zimbabwe People's Revolutionary Army (ZIPRA) veterans trained by Cuban and Soviet instructors in Angola in the late 1970s. These soldiers emerged from the Angolan camps with a military imaginary they summed up in the Cuban exhortation “Adelante!” (Forward!). Forty years later, they stressed how different their training had made them from other ZIPRA cadres, in terms of their military strategy, mastery of advanced Soviet weaponry, and aggressive disposition, as well as their “revolutionary” performance of politics and masculinity in modes of address, salute, and drill. Such military imaginaries powerfully shaped the southern African battlefield. They offer novel insight into the distinctive institutions, identities, and memories forged through Cold War-era military exchanges.
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Chatambudza, Takawira, and Mediel Hove. "The Zimbabwe people’s revolutionary army military operations in Makonde district and the attack on Salisbury’s fuel storage tanks, 1965-1979." Small Wars & Insurgencies 30, no. 2 (February 23, 2019): 367–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592318.2019.1603181.
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MARTÍN ÁLVAREZ, ALBERTO, and EUDALD CORTINA ORERO. "The Genesis and Internal Dynamics of El Salvador's People's Revolutionary Army, 1970–1976." Journal of Latin American Studies 46, no. 4 (July 30, 2014): 663–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x14001084.
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AbstractUsing interviews with former militants and previously unpublished documents, this article traces the genesis and internal dynamics of the Ejército Revolucionario del Pueblo (People's Revolutionary Army, ERP) in El Salvador during the early years of its existence (1970–6). This period was marked by the inability of the ERP to maintain internal coherence or any consensus on revolutionary strategy, which led to a series of splits and internal fights over control of the organisation. The evidence marshalled in this case study sheds new light on the origins of the armed Salvadorean Left and thus contributes to a wider understanding of the processes of formation and internal dynamics of armed left-wing groups that emerged from the 1960s onwards in Latin America.
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MARTÍN ÁLVAREZ, ALBERTO, and EUDALD CORTINA ORERO. "The Genesis and Internal Dynamics of El Salvador's People's Revolutionary Army, 1970–1976." Behavioral and Brain Sciences 38, no. 01 (December 2014): 102–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0140525x13009850.
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AbstractUsing interviews with former militants and previously unpublished documents, this article traces the genesis and internal dynamics of the Ejército Revolucionario del Pueblo (People's Revolutionary Army, ERP) in El Salvador during the early years of its existence (1970–6). This period was marked by the inability of the ERP to maintain internal coherence or any consensus on revolutionary strategy, which led to a series of splits and internal fights over control of the organisation. The evidence marshalled in this case study sheds new light on the origins of the armed Salvadorean Left and thus contributes to a wider understanding of the processes of formation and internal dynamics of armed left-wing groups that emerged from the 1960s onwards in Latin America.
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KRAVETS, Nataliia. "THE ARCHIVAL-INVESTIGATIVE CASE OF VASYL PROKHODA AS A HISTORICAL SOURCE." Ukraine: Cultural Heritage, National Identity, Statehood 33 (2020): 331–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/ukr.2020-33-331-341.
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The archival-investigative case of Vasyl Prokhoda, a Ukrainian military, public and political figure, Lieutenant Colonel of the Ukrainian People's Republic Army, military historian, is analyzed, as it is not only an important source for studying his life but also for studying totalitarianism in the Ukrainian SSR and the USSR. The investigation clarified the circumstances of the detention and arrest of V. Prokhoda in late January - early February 1945, the vicissitudes of the investigation from February 2, 1945, to September 10, 1945. Working methods of employees of the SMERSH counterintelligence administrative departments are highlighted. Some facts of V. Prokhoda's biography are characterized: his participation in the Ukrainian revolution of 1917–1921, public activity during emigration to Czechoslovakia, work in construction companies during World War II. The author analyzed topics of questions of interest to investigators: military service in the Russian tsarist army on the eve and beginning of World War І; national-cultural activities in POW camps in the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy; participation in Ukrainian military structures during the Ukrainian Revolution of 1917–1921; struggle against the Bolshevik government in Ukraine; activities in public societies and organizations in exile in Czechoslovakia and Germany (as «Sokil», «Society of Former Soldiers of the Ukrainian People's Republic Army», «Ukrainian National Union»); work in construction companies «in favor of Germany» during World War ІІ; information on the activities of the emigration government of the Ukrainian People's Republic and relations with its leaders; «counter-revolutionary nationalist» activities of the leaders of Ukrainian emigrant organizations. The facts of V. Prokhoda's biography in the archival-investigative case and his memoirs «Zapysky nepokirlyvoho» («Notes of the Rebellious») are compared. Keywords: Vasyl Prokhoda, Ukrainian People's Republic, archival-investigative case, public activity, SMERSH, People's Commissariat for Internal Affairs.
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Behdad, Sohrab. "Islamization of Economics in Iranian Universities." International Journal of Middle East Studies 27, no. 2 (May 1995): 193–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800061882.
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The revolutionary “spring of freedom” did not last long in the Iranian universities. The revolutionary movement had turned the universities into centers of political activity, where crowds gathered and rival political groups clashed. Control over the Tehran University soccer field for mass rallies became a sign of a political organization's power. On 11 February 1979, the first tank liberated from the Shah's army was driven to the campus of Tehran University; the Organization of the People's Mujahedin set up its headquarters in the Faculty of Sciences, and the Organization of People's Fadaʾian Guerrillas in the Faculty of Engineering. Between them, the university mosque became the headquarters for an “Imam's committee,” where fourteen- and fifteen-year-olds stored weapons captured from the Shah's artillery. When the universities reopened shortly after the February insurrection, similar divides were made within academic buildings of all universities. Various groups partitioned public areas, claimed various rooms, and even parceled out the walls for poster space. Life was as chaotic in the universities as it was outside. However, the difference was that while the Islamic Republic was gaining political hegemony in Iranian society, it was losing the ideological battle in the universities, where radical groups were recruiting and training student activists, many of whom were political organizers in factories, farms, and neighborhoods. The students and faculty who supported the Islamic regime constituted only a small minority.
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Parkhomenko, Vladislav. "Memoirs of P. Bilon on the revolutionary events of 1918-1919. In Ukraine." Scientific Visnyk V. O. Sukhomlynskyi Mykolaiv National University. Historical Sciences 48, no. 2 (2019): 119–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.33310/2519-2809-2019-48-2-119-123.
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The article, based on the memoirs of P. Bilon, highlights the process of formation and development of the armed forces of the UPR (Ukrainian People's Republic) Directory (1918-1919). Such phenomena as “atamanism”, the unification of the Galician army and the UPR army, and the creation of Ukrainian military aviation are considered. The importance of studying memoirs as a unique source on the history of the Ukrainian revolution is noted. Military memoirs in fact often is the only source for the history of certain military units, conducting combat operations and their direct participants. Considered is the degree of understanding in the memoirs transformational processes of the Ukrainian revolution under the influence of domestic- and foreign-policy situation during of 1918-1919. Lighting of the period of the Ukrainian revolution of 1917-1921 through the prism of memoir literature, comparing it with data from other information sources, and most importantly with official historical doctrine of both the Soviet and modern periods, not only provide a qualitative highlight the main aspects of the research, but also to reveal the "moral feature" of the era. Namely, the mood of specific individuals who have left us memoirs. Thanks to them you can see the many facets of the mentality of that society, which fell into the whirlpool of tumultuous political events. It is noted that the active involvement of the memoir heritage will contribute to a maximum of an objective picture of historical events, to intensify the study of processes in early XX century by representatives of academic historical scholarship.
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Mathews, William Carl. "The Economic Origins of the Noskepolitik." Central European History 27, no. 1 (March 1994): 65–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900009687.
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On 29 December 1918 Gustav Noske was appointed as a People's Commissar and charged with command of the armed forces in Germany. Within days Noske was confronted with an armed in surrection in Berlin, the so-called Spartacist Uprising, and subsequent revolutionary outbreaks in Bremen, Braunschweig, and the Ruhr, where sympathy for the events in Berlin existed. Relying on volunteer units, the Free Corps (drawn from war veterans, students, and the middle classes), Noske developed a powerful army on which he could rely to suppress the revolutionary violence from the Left. Using military force and martial law, he reestablished order throughout Germany in 1919 and 1920. The results of the so-called Noskepolitik were at best mixed. Mass movements based on the councils (Räte), often identified as “bolshevism’ by Noske and his contemporaries, were indeed suppressed, but the price was very high: counterrevolution and right-wing terror developed to the point that massive protests were provoked among wide segments of the working class. Bloodshed ensued, including the political murders of Rosa Luxemburg and Karl Liebknecht by members of the Free Corps. Many workers became alienated from the newly formed Weimar Republic, while the Reichswehr drifted into hostility toward the young democracy, and some units joined in the Kapp-Lüttwitz Putsch in March 1920. Noske, already under serious criticism from his own party, the Social Democrats, was forced to resign because of his inability to control the army and guarantee its loyalty to the Republic.
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Slocomb, Margaret. "Chikreng Rebellion: Coup and Its Aftermath in Democratic Kampuchea." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland 16, no. 1 (March 15, 2006): 59–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186305005651.
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AbstractThe history of the regime of Democratic Kampuchea (DK) which ruled Cambodia from 1975 to 1979 in the name of social revolution made on behalf of Cambodia's poor peasants has been researched and documented according to many sources. When the leaders of the counter-revolutionary Kampuchean United Front for National Salvation, spearheaded by a massive force of the People's Army of Vietnam, took back the capital, Phnom Penh, on 7 January 1979, they captured official documents, particularly the forced confessions of thousands of political prisoners, which threw light on the nature of the regime and its catastrophic course after victory in April 1975. Other contemporary sources included monitored radio broadcasts of the regime, the dossiers of Khmer Rouge defectors to Thailand compiled by the US State Department, and the rich vein of information provided to western scholars of Cambodian history by refugees in the Thai camps and in other countries which received them after 1979.
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Kupchenko, Konstantin, and Nikolay Fedoskin. "TRANSFORMATIONS IN THE JUDICIAL SYSTEM OF THE SMOLENSK REGION (1917–1922)." Izvestia of Smolensk State University, no. 1 (49) (May 26, 2020): 165–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.35785/2072-9464-2020-49-1-165-175.
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The article analyzes the results of the state policy implementation withing the formation and development of the Soviet judicial system on the example of Smolensk Governoral Court. The authors set the goal, based on the analysis of sources not introduced
into a wide scientific circulation, primarily stored at the State Archive of the Smolensk Region to restore the history of the creation and operation of justice institutions in the Smolensk region in the 1918s–1923s. The source base of the study was composed of documents stored at Smolensk State Regional Archive, materials on the history of the judiciary,
statistical materials of the period under the study, documents on the history of the party-state bodies of the Smolensk region.
The article studies current office documentation of both the higher and regional state bodies (Workers 'and Peasants' Government, People's Commissariat of Justice, Smolensk Governoral Executive Committee) and local authorities (Smolensk Council of Working People's Deputies, Executive
Committee of Smolensk Governoral Council of Workers, Peasants' and Red Army Deputies), as well as Smolensk Governoral Court.
The authors analyze the Soviet experience in the formation and development of judicial bodies under specific historical conditions; they consider transformations in the judicial system of the Smolensk Governorate in the 1917s–1922s, as well as the formation of Smolensk Governoral Court. The article studies
legal foundations of the Soviet judicial system formation, characterizes processes of creating a judicial apparatus in the first years of Soviet power and analyzes activities of Smolensk Governoral Court during its formation. The authors reveal the essence, degree of efficiency, concrete results,
political and socio-economic consequences, positive and negative lessons from the Soviet judicial system existed in Russia.
The authors assume that the development of new legislation system in the 1920s was caused by the need to reform legal sources as the main means of socialism building.
The authors conclude that the transformation of the Soviet judicial system completed the transition from the principle of «revolutionary expediency» to the principle of «revolutionary legality».
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Vukotić-Lazar, Marta, and Olivera Marković-Savić. "Cultural policy and memory of the fighters of the People's Liberation War: The central role of the army in political legitimation of the new political structure." Зборник радова Филозофског факултета у Приштини 50, no. 3 (2020): 27–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/zrffp50-28005.
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The fighters of the People's Liberation War (PLW) enjoyed the social prestige and the monuments of the killed fighters served the role of the ideological interests of the ruling class at the time. The aim of this paper is to show the link between the alive social actors and the chosen dead ones (fighters of the PLW, partisans) through the use of the anthropological anxiety of the cessation of life through metaphorical immortality and eternal memory. Essentially, this was the illusion for ideological foundation, special thematic and ideological orientation of sculptures within the public space. Via symbolic contents, such as monuments in this case, death is shown as the transition, that is, new beginning of life and not its end. Active involvement of a number of artists from all parts of former Yugoslavia within the units of the Partisan army in the PLW is the phenomenon which unequivocally testifies about the link of their political commitment and artistic creation, which also got particularly strong momentum immediately after the Liberation. The most important social task in the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY) was nurturing of the revolutionary tradition, especially seen in the erection of memorials, then in (re)naming of the towns with Tito's name or the names of the local heroes, as well as streets, schools, factories, but also in organizing marches to places where the famous battles and Partisan sessions during the PLW occurred, etc. This paper, among other things, deals with extremely fruitful production of the sculptors in the liberated country, especially from the aspect of extensive social orders, which at the same time encouraged and enabled fast and diverse development of the public monuments within urban areas on the ground of the whole former Yugoslavia, whose modus operandi was reshaping of the political and ideological map of The New Yugoslavia and ideological and political battle with "relapses of the past".
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Voytikov, Sergey S. "Materials of the Serpukhov Uezd Committee of the RCP(B) as a Source on the History of the Soviet Military Construction in 1918–19, on the “Stavka” Case on the “Conspiracy in the Field Staff” of the Revolutionary Military Council of the Republic, and on the Reaction of the Bolshevik Leadership to the Explosion in Leontievsky Lane." Herald of an archivist, no. 4 (2020): 1168–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2020-4-1168-1183.
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The Central State Archive of the City of Moscow (TsGA of Moscow) holds documents that expand existing notions on the Soviet military construction of 1918-19, the formation of military intelligence and counterintelligence in Soviet Russia, and the “third wave” of mass Red terror in 1919. These documents are mostly found in the seemingly insignificant fond of the Serpukhov uezd committee of the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks). Since in the autumn 1918 – summer 1919, the Field Staff of the Revolutionary Military Council of the Republic was located in Serpukhov and its military commissar, head of the registration department, and founder of the Soviet military intelligence, S. I. Aralov actively worked in the Serpukhov uezd committee, the committee protocols are of great importance for studying the formation of the Red Army and its special services. The documents on admission to the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks) and party registration of the Field Staff senior officials, brothers Alexei and Pavel Vasiliev contain new information on the personnel continuity in the Operational Department of the People's Commissariat for Military Affairs of the RSFSR and the Field Staff. Protocols of the reports of the old Bolshevik A.A. Antonov at sessions of the Serpukhov uezd bodies of the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks) clarify the existing notions on the calamity of June 1919, which took place on the eve of the events associated with the arrest of the first Commander-in-Chief of all the armed forces of the Republic J. J. V?cietis and some of his employees in July 1919, the cleaning of the Field Staff initiated by the old Bolshevik, longtime associate of Lenin S.I. Gusev who replaced S.I. Aralov at his posts. There are also documents containing information on the Bolshevik leadership reaction to the events related to the explosion in the building of the Moscow Committee of the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks) on September 25, 1919, when 12 Bolsheviks were killed and 55 received wounds of varying severity. These materials complement and correct data from the documents stored in the federal archives, in particular, in the Russian State Military Archive, which keeps documents on the history of the Red Army in 1918-41. For instance, it turns out that it was decided to arrest the bourgeoisie and other “counter-revolutionaries” with their subsequent imprisonment in a concentration camp created specifically for this purpose in Serpukhov district.
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Andreev, Mikhail A. "The First Performances and Concerts of the Soviet Theatre in the Fronts of the Civil War in Late 1918." Herald of an archivist, no. 1 (2020): 156–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2020-1-156-168.
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The article reveals as yet little-studied problem of organizing performances and concerts in celebration of the first anniversary of the October Revolution on the fronts of the Civil War in November-December 1918. The author identifies reasons why this topic has fallen out of the sphere of scientific interest of national and foreign historians. The key reason springs from great enthusiasm for studying urban Soviet celebrations of October Revolution anniversaries, May Day demonstrations, etc., which allows to reveal the aims of Soviet leadership in using holidays to legitimize the new state and to enhance their prestige, as well as to throw light on the shaping of masses to be not an independent actor in the celebrations, but an obedient performer of the festivities scriptwriters’ and directors’ will. Meanwhile, the study of the issue allows not only to shed light on the early period of organizing cultural and educational work within the ranks of the Workers 'and Peasants' Red Army, but also to reveal some features and difficulties of early Soviet holiday culture as an element of the emerging Soviet ideology and a means of interaction between the state apparatus and the population. The source base for the article has been provided by the archival fond of the People's Commissariat for Education of the RSFSR (fond A-2306) stored in the State Archive of the Russian Federation (GARF) and by the archival fond of the All-Russian Bureau of Military Commissars (fond 8) from the Russian State Military Archive (RFVA). Particular emphasis is placed on the analysis of the scope of concerts and performances; the article reveals theater troupes’ reasons for choosing their repertoire and difficulties they faced when conducting concerts and performances. The author gives examples of organization and design of performances and concerts; these often included an opening speech followed by revolutionary songs and appeals, dramatic as well as satirical. Moreover, the author assesses the contents of concerts and performances and specifics of their execution by certain artists and troupe directors as reflected in their reports and explanatory notes and also in certificates and commendations from military and civilian institutions that hosted performers. The article ends in representation of main results of performances and concerts in Soviet military units and formations, comments of soldiers and their commanders on professionalism of the actors and importance of organizing these cultural events. It is suggested that the campaign to commemorate the October Revolution on the lines was a major factor in the formation of systematic cultural, educational, and ideological work in the Red Army.
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Khumalo, Njabulo Bruce. "ZPRA this, ZPRA that!! Where are the records to prove ZPRAs Role in the Liberation Struggle in Zimbabwe?" Oral History Journal of South Africa 6, no. 2 (January 15, 2019). http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2309-5792/2055.
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In the liberation of Zimbabwe, the contribution of two liberation fronts, the Zimbabwe People’s Revolutionary Army (ZPRA) and the Zimbabwe African National Liberation Army (ZANLA), cannot be ignored. However, documentation relating to the contribution made by ZPRA in the liberation struggle is scarce. Future generations have to know and understand the role played by ZPRA; and thus, there is a need for memory in the form of documents to highlight the role and contribution of ZPRA. The ZPRA Trust has highlighted the need to document its role in the liberation of Zimbabwe. This study, therefore, sought to find out what documentation exists on ZPRA’s contribution to the liberation of Zimbabwe, what documentation gaps exist on ZPRA’s contribution to the liberation struggle, and how ZPRA intends to fill gaps in its archives or memory. It also sought to find out what challenges stand in ZPRA’s way as it seeks to document its contribution to the liberation struggle, and where ZPRA’s liberation documentation and archives are. The ZPRA Trust is the unit of analysis for this study; as it is responsible for the administration of ZPRA’s affairs. This study was qualitative in nature, and a case study research design was applied. Purposive sampling was used as ZPRA cadres who lead the ZPRA Trust made up the population of the study
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Dube, Thembani. "Gukurahundi Remembered: The Police, Opacity and the Gukurahundi Genocide in Bulilimamangwe District, 1982–1988." Journal of Asian and African Studies, February 12, 2021, 002190962199278. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909621992789.
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The liberation struggle for Zimbabwe culminated in the attainment of independence from the autocratic rule of minority white settlers on 18 April 1980. Peace prevailed only for a short period after independence, followed by a harrowing genocide which affected the Matabeleland and Midlands regions. Much attention has been given to the role of the Fifth Brigade during this genocide. Thus, an emphasis on the actions of the Fifth Brigade soldiers leads us to negate all violence that took place during the period. Therefore, this article seeks to explore the role of the police as partners in crime with the Fifth Brigade during the Gukurahundi genocide. Further, the article raises questions of state opacity and how this was used by the police to eliminate the so-called enemies of the independent state. It draws from interviews conducted with the people of Bulilimamangwe, ex-Zimbabwe People’s Revolutionary Army cadres and ex-policemen who served during the period and other documentary evidence to engage with the role of the police during the genocide.
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Chakawa, Joshua S. "Indigenous Medical Knowledge and the Experiences of ZIPRA Guerrillas in Zimbabwe’s Liberation Strugg." Oral History Journal of South Africa 7, no. 1 (April 17, 2019). http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2309-5792/3878.
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This article aims to examine the importance of indigenous medical knowledge during the 1970s when guerrillas from the Zimbabwe People’s Revolutionary Army (ZIPRA) negotiated their way to the front to fight the Rhodesian white minority regime. From the 1960s until the ceasefire at the end of 1979, ZIPRA was one of the two liberation movements that waged war to liberate Zimbabwe. This article traces the experiences of guerrillas who moved from the Zambian side of the Zambezi Valley into Rhodesia. The terrain that the guerrillas had to navigate on foot was punctuated by many devastating and life-threatening challenges. Some of these included malaria, sleeping sickness, venereal diseases, snake bites, mental disorders, injuries and even fatigue. Given that the guerrillas had no hospitals and other medical facilities at their disposal, it is important to establish how local knowledge assisted them to survive, especially when ailments struck them. The purpose of this study was to determine the role the fighters’ knowledge of indigenous medicines played in dealing with these difficulties. The author collected information by conducting interviews with former ZIPRA guerrillas who had operated in Zimbabwe during the war. Some civilians who were in ZIPRA operational areas were also interviewed. The importance of the study lies in understanding the continued use and existence of indigenous medical remedies in Zimbabwe. Findings from the study are valuable in widening knowledge horizons on indigenous medical knowledge as a useful alternative in times of need.
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"Correction." Journal of Historical Research in Music Education 30, no. 1 (October 2008): 3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/153660060803000102.
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In the last issue (Vol. 29, No.2), there was a mistake in Wai-Tong Lau's article, “Songs Tied onto the Chariot—Revolutionary Songs of the Cultural Revolution in China (1966–1976)” on page 106. JHRME regrets the inaccuracies. The corrected paragraph reads as follows: A number of revolutionary songs of the Cultural Revolution are written in the musical styles of the Chinese minorities. “The Great Beijing” (Wei Da De Beijing by Nu Er Mai Mai Ti), a song written by a Xinjiang composer, was very popular during the Cultural Revolution. This song is filled with syncopated rhythm typical of the Xinjiang minority dances. Another classic revolutionary song of the Cultural Revolution, “A Song within My Heart for the People's Liberation Army” (Wo Xin Zhong De Ge Xian Gei Jie Fang Jun by Chang Liuzhu), composed by a Han composer, is written with rhythmic patterns characteristic of the Tibetan dances. Other similar songs are one for the Bei Minority, “Never-Ending Singing of the Zhan Mountain” (Zhan Shan Ge Sheng Yong Bu Luo by Zhang Wen); one for the Korean minority, “Yanbian People Love Chairman Mao” (Yanbian Ren Ming Re Ai Mao Zhu Xi by Jin Fenghao); one for the Zhuang minority, “Zhuang People Sing for Chairman Mao” (Zhaung Zu Ren Ming Ge Chang Mao Zhu Xi by the Creation Group of the Department of Culture of Guangxi Zhaung Autonomous Region); and one for the Wa minority, “Ah Wa People Sing New Songs” (Ah Wa Ren Ming Chang in Ge by Yang Zhengren). These revolutionary songs of the minorities enriched the genre of revolutionary songs of the Cultural Revolution with a variety of rhythmic and tonal idioms different from those of the mainstream Han music.
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"U.S. Department of Justice Indicts Venezuelan Leader Nicolás Maduro on Narcotrafficking Charges." American Journal of International Law 114, no. 3 (July 2020): 511–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ajil.2020.42.
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On March 26, 2020, the U.S. Department of Justice (DOJ) announced the indictment of Venezuelan leader Nicolás Maduro, along with fourteen current and former regime officials, on charges mostly related to drug trafficking. Specifically, an indictment unsealed in the Southern District of New York charges Maduro with leading the Venezuelan narcotrafficking group Cártel de Los Soles and conspiring with the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia—People's Army (FARC) guerilla group to “‘flood’ the United States with cocaine” and “us[e] cocaine as a weapon against America.” Although the United States, consistent with international law, normally treats sitting heads of state as immune from prosecution, U.S. Attorney General Barr indicated that Maduro did not qualify for head-of-state immunity because the United States does not recognize him as the president of Venezuela. Instead, the United States and fifty-seven other countries recognize Interim President Juan Guaidó. The indictment may mark a shift in the broader U.S. policy toward Venezuela, which had largely relied on targeted sanctions against key Maduro allies to encourage defection.
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Panfilova, T. "National issue in the West Ukrainian People's Republic. The 100th Anniversary of the achievements of Ukrainian state-building." Democratic governance, no. 25 (June 21, 2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.33990/2070-4038.25.2020.213661.
Full textAbstract:
Problem setting. In different epochs, the state-building processes in Ukraine had characteristic features that should be taken into account today. The achievements of the Central Rada, the Hetmanate, the Directory, and the Soviet government in Ukraine reveal the complex external and internal circumstances of state-building. Political leaders of this period pursued their own principles of governance, often ignoring the lessons of the past. Under each government, there were different views among the political electorate on this issue, which did not always reflect the interests of the people of Ukraine, and important decisions were generally made to please Western Europe.Recent research and publications analysis. Historical events of the early XXth century in Eastern Galicia are interesting for researchers of various specialities. In particular, V. Velykochyi, L. Volosianko, Yu. Zaitsev, S. Kobuta, O. Krasivskyi, M. Lytvyn, K. Mytsan, I. Pater, H. Poslavska, O. Rublov, O. Reient, Yu. Slyvka, V. Soldatenko, I. Soliar and others.Highlighting previously unsettled parts of the general problem. Modern problems of state-building in Ukraine and the participation of representatives of national minorities in them need a thorough scientific substantiation. In this regard, the direction of previously unresolved issues concerning the current state-building practices of the past years is singled out.Taking into account the lessons of national history, identifying the relationship between historical experience and modern problems, ensuring certain heredity, combining Ukrainian achievements with the achievements of world practice of state-building determines the topicality of the problem.Paper main body. Meaningful experience of state-building must be taken into account when reforming modern state structures and, in particular, regarding the definition of powers, tasks, cooperation of various branches of government. Nevertheless, the events of 1917 – 1920ies haven’t been studied enough, because the understanding of the achievements and miscalculations of Ukrainian state-building of the revolutionary era would help to outline the strategic understanding of Ukraine’s tasks at the present stage.In October 1918 after the collapse of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, the Ukrainians of Western Ukraine began preparations to create their own independent state. In the western Ukrainian lands, although the state revival took place under the significant influence of the events in the Dnieper region, in almost all aspects the desire of Western Ukrainians to gain state independence was radically different from the attempts of Eastern Ukrainians.In a short time, the West Ukrainian People's Republic managed to create a fairly effective system of public administration, based on the constitutional practice of Austria.Already in the first months in Western Ukraine, central and local public administration bodies were formed: the Ukrainian National Council, the State Secretariat, State Secretaries, County National Councils, County Commissioners, Public and City Councils, and Public and City Commissioners.The courts were independent of other branches of government, according to the law of November 21, 1918, and the Highest State Court in Lviv, following the Austrian model, was the Supreme court institution.The West Ukrainian People's Republic managed to ensure stability and order on its territory, despite the war, and it was even passed the Law on Land (April 14, 1919) and introduced its own currency – hryvnia and karbovantsi. Prompt and effective creation of public administration is a unique achievement in the whole of Eastern Europe. It was an ideal model of a modern European democratic state governed by the rule of law – the result of the propensity of Galicians to social organization, which developed significantly in the pre-war decade.The Act of Unity became a powerful manifestation of the will of Ukrainians to ethnic and territorial consolidation, evidence of their dynamic self-identification, and the formation of a political nation.Conclusions of the research and prospects for further studies. The experience of Ukrainian state-building is important for today, as it makes it possible to anticipate similar situations and avoid mistakes. The West Ukrainian People's Republic has left a noticeable mark in the development of Ukrainian national statehood. For the first time since the Galician-Volyn era, Western Ukrainians gained national independence. Important reforms have been carried out in many spheres of public life. An effective system of central and local authorities and administration, health care, education, publishing, and a capable Ukrainian Galician Army was created.The main achievement of the events of 1917 – 1920 was the revival of the idea of Ukrainian statehood and national-state consciousness of the population of Ukraine, and a new generation of Ukrainian intellectuals picked up the concept of the national-state building.
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Beke, Dirk. "The Algerian Constitution of 1989: a Bridge between Socialism and Islamism?" Afrika Focus 7, no. 3 (September 13, 1991). http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/af.v7i3.6120.
Full textAbstract:
The riots of October 1988, the most violent uprising since independence against FLN-rule, forced president Chadli Bendjedid to accelerate and to extend the constitutional reforms announced earlier. An adaption of the constitutional law to the ongoing economic liberalization-process had become a necessity, but the popular pressure now not only asked economic changes, but also profound political reform. The new constitutional text was rapidly elaborated by a small circle of persons around the President and then submitted directly to a popular referendum. In contradiction with the procedure fixed by the previous constitution, the National Assembly was not involved nor even consulted. The constitution of 1989 generates an entirely new political regime. The word "socialism", basis of the official doctrine since independence and largely confirmed by the provisions of the constitution of 1976, is banned completely. The new constitution also provides for the political responsibility of the Head of the Government and the members of the Government to the National People's Assembly, and not any more to the President only. In the chapter on fundamental freedoms and the rights of man, it is explicitly provided that the State guarantees the right to form political associations. This new timorous formulation entails the end of the one-party system and the FLN's exclusive hold on power.Some basic principles remain: Algeria is still considered a popular democratic state. Islam is the state religion and the official language is Arabic. No reference is made to the Berber language or culture. New is that the exercise of the guaranteed fundamental freedoms and rights can not be submitted any more to the imperatives of a socialist revolution. It is also stated that judges only obey to the law, they are not submitted any more to the revolutionary legality. A Constitutional Council is created to ensure that the constitution is respected but citizens have no right to submit a case, only the President and the President of the Assembly have. The tasks of the army are limited to safeguard the national independence and sovereignty; the army has no duties any more to safeguard the socialist revolution. The introduction of a responsible Government affects the presidential powers only in a minor way. The President presides over the Council of ministers, where bills are discussed. The President can ask the Assembly for a second reading of a law and this new vote requires a two-thirds majority. Only the President has the initiative for a constitutional revision. The President chairs a number of other councils. Finally the declaration of the state of emergency is depending only on the decision of the President; this attributes him large exceptional powers. Thus, the constitution of 1989 confirms a strong presidential regime but on the other hand it has introduced a real multi-party system in Algeria. More than 20 political parties are recognised. During the local elections of1990 the ruling FLN was defeated in most places by a massive victory of the islamic fundamentalist party, the FIS. A new electorial law, voted by the - still exclusive FLN - National Assembly beginning 1991, had to ensure a better result for the FLN during the forthcoming first free national elections. In June 1991 violent and even armed protest, organised by the fundamentalists against the law forced president Bendjedid to postpone elections, to declare the state of emergency but also to promise early presidential elections. Meanwhile many fundamentalists, and between them the main party-leaders, were arrested. The army played a crucial role in re- establishing public order and as a consequence gained more importance, but there were no signs that it exceeded its authority. Under present difficulties one wonders whether the constitution of 1989 will help to create a representative democratic multi-partyism, with an equitable liberal economy, whether it will help to open the way for a regime dominated by islamic fundamentalists?KEY WORDS: Algeria, constitution, internal politics