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Journal articles on the topic 'Zimbabwe Peace and Security Programme'
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1
Hove, Baldwin, and Bekithemba Dube. "From War Studies to Peace Building and Social Transformation at the University of Zimbabwe in the Post-COVID-19 Era: New Directions." Journal of Culture and Values in Education 5, no. 1 (March 28, 2022): 106–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.46303/jcve.2022.9.
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This paper uses a positive peace lens to examine the evolution of the War and Strategic Studies (WSS) degree curriculum, to the degree in Conflict, Peace Building, and Social Transformation (CPST) at the University of Zimbabwe in the year 2021, by considering the global pandemic and seeking new directions in the field. The paper addresses two questions: 1) What changes and factors provoked the change in direction, from the WSS curriculum to CPST, and 2) What are the potential benefits of repackaging the war and strategic studies degree programme? The paper argues that the paradigm shift accommodates pandemics like the COVID-19 which configured social, political, and economic patterns of life, and a new direction emerged, that is, a change of focus from negative to positive peace. Among the reasons for curriculum changes, from WSS to CPST, was the desire to give the programme a human face, and to align the degree so that it promotes the positive peace and sustainable development needed to address trajectories associated with emerging nonviolent threats to humanity – such as a global pandemics. Lastly, we see the new direction of the CPST as a counterhegemonic strategy to address confrontational and militaristic approaches to human conflict. COVID-19 has reminded us that confrontational politics are slowly becoming irrelevant for addressing the ambivalence of life, and in the struggle to contain global pandemics, which pose new threats to peace, security and development.
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Kurebwa, Jeffrey. "Women, Peace and Security in the SADC Region." International Journal of Civic Engagement and Social Change 5, no. 3 (July 2018): 48–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijcesc.2018070104.
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The Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda is a key part of the international, continental and regional programme for attaining sustainable and durable peace. Conflict and post-conflict situations have a different impact on women, men, boys and girls. During conflicts, women and children are more vulnerable to sexual violence and exploitation, displacement, a change to household relations and poverty. There have been concerted efforts to identify and address the impact of conflict on women and children and to provide for more responsive, representative and inclusive peace and security structures and processes. SADC countries have made great strides in enacting gender sensitive legislations, representation of women in cabinet, parliament, local government, and security sector institutions. Women have not adequately been represented in mediation and peace-building efforts and most peace agreements lack gender sensitivity. Peace agreements do not include reference to specific needs or interests of women.
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Sibanda, Modeni M. "SADC Mediation in Zimbabwe's Global Political Agreement (GPA): A Reflection on Opportunities and Complexities." Africa’s Public Service Delivery and Performance Review 2, no. 2 (June 1, 2014): 21. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/apsdpr.v2i2.51.
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This article analyses the opportunities and complexities of the SADC mediation in Zimbabwe’s Global Political Agreement (GPA) in facilitating and operationalising theprinciples and values of peace, security, human rights and democracy as set out in Article 4 of the SADC treaty. It attempts to interrogate the extent to which the regional grouping’s mechanisms for enforcing its principles and values have been successful. The article argues that despite SADC’s noble commitment to promoting the development of democratic institutions and practices, as well as encouraging the observance of universal human rights, peace and security, the resolution of the Zimbabwe crisis shows that, in practice, the operationalisation of SADC protocol principles and values have been a sorry saga of delays, secrecy, purported agreements and nothing concrete coming out of it. Using the Zimbabwe case study, this article further argues that SADC either lacks appropriate power and authority or is reluctant to hold member states accountable. This seems so, given that as a regional body, it has allowed itself to be utterly inadequate to the task envisioned by the organ in resolving the Zimbabwe crisis. The paper concludes that the sum of all this has had the effect of exposing SADC and it being perceived as a weak regional organisation.
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Kalama, John, and Johnson Sinikiem. "ENHANCING AFRICA’S INTERNAL SECURITY THROUGH NONVIOLENT MEASURES: AN ANALYSIS OF NIGERIA’S AMNESTY PROGRAMME." International Journal of Advanced Research in Public Policy, Social Development and Enterprise Studies 4, no. 1 (March 25, 2021): 51–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.48028/iiprds/ijarppsdes.v4.i1.05.
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This paper stressed the need to enhance peace and internal security in Africa through non-violent measures and approaches with particular reference to Nigeria’s amnesty programme. The study adopted the basic human needs theory as its theoretical framework and derived its data from secondary sources. Data collected were analysed using the qualitative method. The study revealed that conflict resolution through nonviolent measures such as disarmament, demobilization and re-integration (DDR) programmes have helped to enhance sustainable peace and internal security in most African countries including Nigeria, Burundi, Rwanda etc. Further findings also show that the use of military force as a means of conflict resolution by some African states have helped to escalate and prolong conflicts in different parts of Africa. The need for good governance, rule of law and strict adherence to democratic principles by African leaders and states is also fundamental in the process of building peace, internal security and political stability in Africa.
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Hatchard, John. "Detention Without Trial and Constitutional Safeguards in Zimbabwe." Journal of African Law 29, no. 1 (1985): 38–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021855300005611.
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There comes a time during the life of almost every nation when situations arise which threaten its peace and security. At such a time the government may need to acquire certain additional powers to help it combat the danger and this is frequently achieved by the declaration of a state of emergency. This enables it to utilise wide-ranging emergency powers and in this situation national security and public order considerations are placed above the constitution. As a result, among the first casualties of an emergency proclamation are the guarantees of personal liberty and protection of the law which are often abrogated or at least severely curtailed.The use of detention without trial during periods of emergency has now become commonplace, particularly in developing countries, a point which is defended by President Nyerere of Tanzania on the grounds that:“Our Union has neither the long tradition of nationhood, nor the strong physical means of national security, which older countries take for granted. While the vast mass of people give full and active support to their country and its government, a handful of individuals can still put our nation in jeopardy, and reduce to ashes the efforts of millions.”The need for a nation to protect itself in this way cannot be denied and this is widely recognised. For example, Article 4 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (1966) recognises the rights of governments
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GEIS, ANNA, and WOLFGANG WAGNER. "How far is it from Königsberg to Kandahar? Democratic peace and democratic violence in International Relations." Review of International Studies 37, no. 4 (September 1, 2010): 1555–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210510000999.
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AbstractOver the last two decades, there has been a ‘democratic turn’ in peace and conflict research, that is, the peculiar impact of democratic politics on a wide range of security issues has attracted more and more attention. Many of these studies are inspired by Immanuel Kant's famous essay on ‘Perpetual Peace’. In this article, we present a critical discussion of the ‘democratic distinctiveness programme’ that emerged from the Democratic Peace debate and soon spread to cover a wider range of foreign policy issues. The bulk of this research has to date been based on an overly optimistic reading of a ‘Kantian peace’. In particular, the manifold forms of violence that democracies have exerted, have been treated either as a challenge to the Democratic Peace proposition or as an undemocratic contaminant and pre-democratic relict. In contrast, we argue that forms of ‘democratic violence’ should no longer be kept at arm's length from the democratic distinctiveness programme but instead should be elevated to a main field of study. While we acknowledge the benefits of this expanding research programme, we also address a number of normative pitfalls implied in this scholarship such as lending legitimacy to highly questionable foreign policy practices by Western democracies. We conclude with suggestions for a more self-reflexive and ‘critical’ research agenda of a ‘democratically turned’ peace and conflict studies, inspired by the Frankfurt school tradition.
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Zvavahera, Promise, and Farai Chigora. "Food and Nutrition Promotion: Feasibility of the Zimbabwe Agenda for Sustainable Socio-Economic Transformation." Business and Management Horizons 3, no. 1 (June 11, 2015): 58. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/bmh.v3i1.7800.
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Zimbabwe has faced persistent droughts from around year 1990 to date posing a structural food security challenge to the populace. Recently, the government of Zimbabwe introduced a blue print to spearhead and map sustainable balance in tapping value from the available natural and man-made resources in the country. This is known as the Zimbabwe Agenda for Sustainable Socio-economic Transformation Programme (Zim Asset). Amongst its prospects, agriculture and nutrition has been reckoned as a sustainable cluster for economic development. This study was undertaken one and half years after the implementation of Zim Asset as an evaluation mechanism on the successes and challenges faced in transforming the Zimbabwean economy with specific reference to the Food and Nutrition Cluster. The study employed both post positivism and interpretivism philosophies applying quantitative and qualitative approaches in gathering research data. The research instruments included documentary evidence, face to face in-depth interviews and focus groups. The in-depth interviews explored issues to do with resources allocation in line with the Zim Asset agriculture sustenance objectives. Focus was therefore, on the four Ministries supporting the Food and Nutrition Cluster. Eighty percent of the respondents reported that the economic blue print has not made any significant strides in improving the country’s agricultural performance and food security since the inception of Zim Asset in October 2013. It was noted that the country continued to import maize from Zambia and other countries in the region. The major reason for its lack of success was due to the unavailability of resources to support the programme and the fact that land was allocated to unproductive and cell phone farmers. There was consensus that land audit and recapitalisation of the agriculture sector were critical in achieving the desired outcomes. The study recommends that the programme be adequately funded, so that the country can become self-sufficient.
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Tatalovic, Sinisa. "Croatia and NATO." Medjunarodni problemi 55, no. 2 (2003): 203–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp0302203t.
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The purpose of this article is to study the relations between the Republic of Croatia and NATO. The paper analyses the process of Croatia?s approaching to NATO. By adopting the new strategic concept of NATO at the 1999 Washington summit and conclusions at the 2002 Prague summit the Alliance has confirmed its willingness to enlarge itself through the Partnership for Peace programme. This programme has established itself as a bridge for inclusion of NATO non-member countries into its activities by achieving their interoperability with the Alliance. By all this, the Partnership for Peace has become one of the tools for encouraging defence and security co-operation among European countries, regardless of the fact whether they are NATO members or not. Such a position of NATO in the European security architecture and its enlargement by admitting new member states is of special significance for the Croatian activities taken and directed towards this organisation. Through its activities within the Partnership for Peace Croatia makes preparations to achieve interoperability with NATO. These activities constitute a part of the preparations for its future membership in the Alliance (this also includes the reform of the security and defence system). On the other hand, the co-operation with NATO (together with other mechanisms such as OSCE and the Stability Pact) enables Croatia to exerts its influence towards stabilisation of the situation in this part of South-Eastern Europe, achieving at the same time its key political, economic and security interests in the region.
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Chidembo, Ranganai, Beata Kilonzo, Jethro Zuwarimwe, and Simbarashe Kativhu. "Contribution of Heifer International Programme to Smallholder Households’ Livelihoods in Mberengwa District, Zimbabwe." African Journal of Development Studies (formerly AFFRIKA Journal of Politics, Economics and Society) 12, no. 1 (March 1, 2022): 25–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.31920/2634-3649/2022/v12n1a2.
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Food security, poverty and hunger are some of the 21st century global challenges. An estimated 1.2 billion people live in poverty, and most are in sub-Saharan Africa. Several efforts to reduce the devastating effects of hunger, poverty and hunger worldwide are implemented. One of the prominent intervention strategies is the Heifer International programme. In Zimbabwe, Heifer International (HI) is donating cattle to poverty-stricken and food-insecure households to eliminate food insecurity, hunger and poverty. However, much is not known about the contribution of the HI programme. Notably, HI has been implementing this programme for over a decade now. To unpack and determine the contribution of this programme to the people’s livelihoods, a cross-sectional survey design was adopted to collect data. The data were quantitatively analysed, using IBM SPSS version 26. Results revealed that the programme contributed mainly to the socio-economic well-being of the participating households. Participation in the HI was associated with increased income; training and education programmes; improved yields and land under cultivation; income-generating opportunities; enhanced asset position; and food and nutritional benefits. Consequently, the paper recommended the use of cattle ownership among the poor rural households to eliminate the devastating effects of poverty, food insecurity and poverty because it is a way of empowering poor households with the potential of dismantling perpetual dependence on external support. It also recommended a strategic partnership between the government and other private players for investment in animal feeds since the programme seemed to overlook this aspect.
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Sithole, Wonesai, and Jan K. Coetzee. "Food aid for internally displaced persons in Manicaland, Zimbabwe." Africanus: Journal of Development Studies 43, no. 1 (November 14, 2018): 33–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/0304-615x/5067.
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Internally displaced persons (IDPs) are among the most neglected and vulnerable populations in the world. There are few laws that protect them as the government is the instigator of the displacement and no government can be both perpetrator and protector. Food aid has become one of the major protective interventions aimed to enhance stability in settings of displacement. However, a major question is how food aid affects IDPs. The study on which this article is based, was designed to investigate and evaluate how food aid affects the lives of displaced persons. The focus is on understanding the effects of food aid on households’ food security, migration trends and asset loss during periods of displacement. The study employs the sustainable livelihood framework in analyzing the role of food aid on IDPs. It focuses on the relationship between food aid and livelihoods assets, and indicates how the transforming structures can be linked to food aid interventions. The findings show that food aid plays a significant role in cushioning displaced households provided that it is integrated with other sustainable livelihood interventions (such as those that promote the value of household assets and land holding). Due to denied access to land, IDPs are dependent on food aid for their household food security. Increased school attendance is noted because of food aid to IDPs but the absence of security of tenure hinders community driven effective alternatives to a food aid programme. If security of tenure is not addressed IDPs in Manicaland will find it difficult to deal with their food insecurity.
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Hammed, Hanafi A. "Appraising the Role of African Union: the New Partnership for Africa’s Development in Conflict prevention and Management in Africa." International and Comparative Law Review 15, no. 2 (December 1, 2015): 69–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/iclr-2016-0036.
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Abstract The New Partnership for Africa’s Development is the latest in a long line of initiatives or framework intended by African leaders to place African continent on a path of growth and sustainable development. The development challenges that face Africa are enormous and varied. Th e crisis of political instability, bad governance, lack of peace and security, poverty and diseases like HIV/AIDs. NEPAD recognized peace and security as condition for good governance and sustainable development. Therefore, in absence of peace and security, democracy and good governance cannot strive and where there is no good governance, we cannot witness sustainable development. This paper argues that peace and security has been elusive in much of Africa. The failure of the Organisation of African Unity to ensure peace and security in Africa and to address Africa’s post-cold war legion of challenges, the successor organisation, the African Union and its attendant development programme, the NEPAD were established. The first issue which is critical to NEPAD is, solving armed conflict and civil unrest on the continent. Currently, twenty percent of the people of Africa are living in condition of conflict. These conditions cause terrible suffering and hold back economic development in the affected countries. The extent of conflict is so great that the whole continent is affected and this creates a major barrier to inward investment. On the resolution, NEPAD is in a position to make considerable progress. It was learnt in Sierra Lone that with concentrated international eff ort, conflict can be successfully ended and institutions of a properly functioning state can begin to be rebuilt. The paper therefore examines the origin of the NEPAD, NEPAD and challenges of peace and security in Africa and involvement of AU/NEPAD in Darfur and Cote D’Ivoire crises. It further discusses the AU/NEPAD conflict mechanisms for conflict prevention, management and resolution and draw conclusion.
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Mutanda, Darlington. "Post-Colonial Violence in Zimbabwe and the Significance of Peacebuilding Premised on Civilian Survival Strategies." Journal of Peacebuilding & Development 14, no. 2 (May 27, 2019): 179–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1542316619850159.
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Guided by the theory of conflict transformation, this article contributes to knowledge through articulating the significance of peacebuilding that is centred on civilian survival strategies (CSS) of flight, silence, voice, and joining the perpetrators of violence. The purpose is to articulate what could be done to promote reconciliation and build peace in a heavily polarised environment. CSS aid in identifying, from the perspective of the victims and even witnesses, the aspects that need to be built into the reconciliation process in Zimbabwe, and how these can enable reconciliation to take place. The CSS model demonstrated that citizens wanted reconciliation to be effected through truth-telling, ending political violence, and eliminating structural factors that lead to political violence, tolerance, and the mending of relationships. This article thus reveals the utility of reconciliation that benefits from CSS. Zimbabwe can potentially benefit from civilian input in carrying out a locally initiated and durable reconciliation programme.
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Babar, Summar Iqbal Babar, Imran Ali Sandano, and Syed Fraz Hussain Naqvi Syed. "PEACE PROCESS IN KOREAN PENINSULA: PROSPECTS AND CHALLENGES." Asia-Pacific - Annual Research Journal of Far East & South East Asia 38 (February 5, 2021): 38–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.47781/asia-pacific.vol38.iss0.2433.
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The peace process in the Korean Peninsula is one of the pivotal issues for international security. The burgeoning nuclear programme of North Korea, relief in sanctions and the presence of US forces are the daunting challenges for the peace and strategic stability in the Korean Peninsula. For that purpose, different measures, ranging from diplomatic efforts to global sanctions, have been taken. The reinitiating of the peace process in 2017, which involved the intra-Korean negotiations and Trump-Kim Summits have given a positive yet fragile signal. However, the peace process involves various steps, compromises, and flexibilities. For the peace process, the normalisation of relations between North Korea and the US is of colossal significance. The confidence-building measures need to be adopted by both sides. This paper aims at highlighting the issues and evaluating the possible outcomes of the peace process in the Korean Peninsula.
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Baiden, Regina Akosua Dede. "In the Aftermath of Reparations: The Experiences of Female Beneficiaries of Ghana’s Reparations Programme." Journal of Peacebuilding & Development 14, no. 1 (April 2019): 22–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1542316619835124.
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With increased attention to the needs of women in conflict and post-conflict situations, a multitude of resolutions on Women, Peace and Security have been adopted at the international level. Security Council Resolutions 1325, 1820, and 2122 all reflect an increased recognition of the need to engage, monitor, and increase women’s participation in post-conflict recovery process. Although scholars on reparations have focused on the benefits that a gendered perspective brings to reparations programmes, scare research exists on the experiences of women years after the acquisition of reparation. This article investigates the lived experiences of female beneficiaries of Ghana’s reparations programme 8 years after completion of the programme. It highlights the violence experienced by four female beneficiaries of the programme, showing the long-term impacts of violence on their lives. The article reveals the reparations programme’s inability to adequately address the effect of violence on the lives of female beneficiaries.
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Nyang’ara, Naftal Michira, and Roselyne nyamoita Nyakoe. "The Influence of Training Teachers on the Implementation of Peace Education Programme in Selected Primary Schools at Nakuru County, Kenya." International Journal of Research and Innovation in Social Science VIII, no. VI (2024): 2145–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.47772/ijriss.2024.806161.
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Peace is a critical component for the development of human beings in the whole world, without peace there can be no development. An atmosphere of no peace is a major cause of physical and economic suffering upon individuals, families, communities, businesses, nations and regions in many countries. In 2007 Kenya experienced incidents of conflicts which led to loss of workforce, learning time and disruption of education services which negatively affected the quality of education across in the county of Nakuru formerly Rift Valley Province. Since then Kenya has put several strategies to promote peace with deep recognition that it is the only vehicle to development, it was on this basis that Kenya introduced peace education programme in the primary schools curriculum since 2008. Peace education sets out to redress this culture of violence and aggression and to inculcate values of peace, the concept of human dignity and human rights with specific reference to economic equity, political participation and ecological balance that could be employed through counseling strategies. This therefore reveals that development of peace education was timely and critical in addressing both short term and long-term societal and national issues that promote conflicts. Peace education is in tandem with the Kenya vision 2030 under the political pillar on security, peace building and conflict management. The purpose of this study therefore was to determine “the influence of training teachers on the implementation of peace education programme in selected Primary schools at Nakuru County, Kenya. The study was carried out amongst standard 8 pupils and teachers. To achieve this objective, the study adopted descriptive survey design and used probability sampling technique in the selection of the study sample. A study sample made up of 138 pupils and 45 teachers was used for the study. Primary data was collected by use of self administered questionnaires and interview schedules, while secondary data was collected from Nakuru County Education offices and libraries. Data collected was analyzed with the aid of Statistical Package for Social Sciences and Microsoft Excel software. The results of the data analysis were presented in form of tabular summaries. Teacher training, resource availability and curriculum content emerged from the study as highly influential factors in the implementation of peace education programme in the schools. The study also revealed the key challenges hindering successful implementation of peace education programme in primary schools which included: lack of trained teachers on peace education, lack of sufficient time and lack of learning and teaching materials. The teachers and pupils’ suggestions were that the Government facilitate training of teachers on peace education and provide sufficient teaching and learning materials. Following this, the study recommended that, the Government of Kenya puts in place policies and measures that could facilitate training of teachers on peace education provide sufficient teaching and learning materials and strengthen programme supervision. The study gave further recommendation to the Kenya Government which could facilitate more uptake and adoption of peace education from primary schools up to university level as well as the entire society as a very important vehicle to foster development and national cohesion. The findings of this study are quite critical and of significant benefit to the Kenya government, communities, policy makers and the teachers in addressing some of the peace education curriculum initiatives and school best practices which will enhance peace promotion and national cohesion among Kenyan people. The implementation of this programme will enable people re-evaluate their behavior and develop commitment and endeavor to promote national values and peaceful coexistence.
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OKOLIE-OSEMENE, James. "SIERRA LEONE: MAPPING THE DISARMAMENT, DEMOBILISATION-REMOBILISATION AND REINTEGRATION OF EX-COMBATANTS. PROSPECTS FOR SUSTAINABLE PEACE." Conflict Studies Quarterly, no. 34 (January 5, 2021): 20–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/csq.34.2.
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Disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration (DDR) programmes are necessary in states that experience armed conflict. Several post-conflict societies are usually characterised by the activities of individuals who undermine state-building efforts and prefer to work against joint problem solving aimed at sustaining peace. The study explores the change and continuity in the DDR programme and prospects for sustainable peace in Sierra Leone. With primary and secondary sources, including key informant interview with a former Minister, the paper responds to these questions: To what extent did remobilisation undermine peace agreements? How were the weapons and ex-combatants controlled by the government? What were the lessons and challenges of the DDR programme? How are the stakeholders sustaining post-DDR peace at the community level? The success of the state-building was occasioned by the joint problem-solving approach adopted by the National Committee for Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration (NCDDR), ECOMOG troops, the UN Observer Mission in Sierra Leon, and other stakeholders at the community level. This paper stresses that the remobilisation of ex-combatants increased the intensity of the war which necessitated more external intervention to create enabling environment for state-building and security sector reforms. Sustaining peace in Sierra Leone demands continuous empowerment of youths and their active involvement in informal peace education. Post-DDR peacebuilding should be more youth-focused and development-oriented to prevent the resurgence of armed conflicts. Keywords:DDR, Ex-combatants, Peace agreement, Remobilisation, State building.
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Schirch, Lisa. "Social Cohesion and Conflict Dynamics on Social Media." Journal of Intelligence, Conflict, and Warfare 4, no. 2 (November 23, 2021): 68–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.21810/jicw.v4i2.2953.
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On May 20, 2021, the Canadian Association for Security and Intelligence Studies (CASIS) Vancouver hosted a digital roundtable where Dr. Lisa Schirch, Senior Research Fellow and Social Media, Technology and Peacebuilding Programme Director at the Toda Peace Institute, presented on Social Cohesion and Conflict Dynamics on Social Media. The presentation was followed by a question-and-answer period with questions from the audience and CASIS Vancouver executives.
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SELAN, ALJOŠA. "SLOVENIA'S CONTRIBUTION TO AFGHANISTAN PEACE AND REINTEGRATION PROGRAMME – POLICY ADVISOR'S PERSPECTIVE." CONTEMPORARY MILITARY CHALLENGES, VOLUME 2014/ ISSUE 16/3 (September 30, 2014): 77–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.33179//bsv.99.svi.11.cmc.16.3.5.
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This article uses theoretical framework of the changing nature of war, peace-building and counterinsurgency as a foundation for explaining a unique disarmament, demobilization and reintegration (DDR) programme – Afghanistan Peace and Reintegration Programme. It explains basic concepts, structures and processes of the Afghanistan Peace and Reintegration Programme. Additionally, it presents the role of the Slovenian policy advisor in the International Security and Assistance Force Headquarters' Force Reintegration Cell. Main challenges and the dynamics of the unique and complex programme and of the policy advisor’s work are laid out. Afghanistan Peace and Reintegration Programme is an important internationally funded project which has removed thousands of former fighters from the field and has helped to provide support to local communities and reintegrees. The lack of adequate transparency and measurability of the Programme’s achievements has been addressed but not yet resolved. ISAF has been playing a very positive supporting, expert and facilitating role in an effort to help further develop a more effective and efficient programme. In the final analysis the overall success of the programme is significantly correlated to the Afghan authorities’ credibility and the need for improved governance. Članek izhaja iz teoretičnega okvira spreminjajoče se narave vojne, gradnje miru in protiuporniškega delovanja in je uporabljen kot temelj za razlago enotnega programa za razorožitev, demobilizacijo in reintegracijo (DDR) Programa za reintegracijo in spravo v Afganistanu. Razloženi so temeljni koncepti, strukture in procesi tega programa, predstavljena pa je tudi vloga slovenskega političnega svetovalca v Celici za reintegracijo pri poveljstvu Mednarodnih varnostnih sil za pomoč (Isaf). V prispevku so pojasnjeni glavni izzivi in dinamika enotnega in kompleksnega programa ter delovanja političnega svetovalca. Program za reintegracijo in spravo v Afganistanu je pomemben mednarodno financiran projekt, ki je pripomogel k vrnitvi tisočev nekdanjih borcev s terena ter k podpori lokalnim skupnostim in reintegraciji. Članek obravnava pomanjkanje ustrezne preglednosti in merljivosti dosežkov programa, ki še ni odpravljeno. Pri prizadevanjih za nadaljnje oblikovanje učinkovitega in smotrnega programa ima Isaf zelo pozitivno podporno, strokovno in izvršilno vlogo. Končna analiza razkriva, da je uspešnost programa tesno povezana z verodostojnostjo afganistanskih oblasti in potrebo po boljšem upravljanju.
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Berkman, Paul Arthur. "Arctic Ocean Geopolitics Programme, Scott Polar Research Institute." Polar Record 45, no. 4 (October 2009): 383. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s003224740900864x.
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The Arctic Ocean is crossing an environmental threshold from a permanently ice covered to seasonally ice free ocean during summer, with emerging geopolitical interactions of relevance to international peace and stability. In response, the Arctic Ocean Geopolitics Programme was initiated at the Scott Polar Research Institute, University of Cambridge, in September 2008 with the following objectives: 1)to enhance cooperation in an international, interdisciplinary and inclusive manner among existing research teams that are focusing on Arctic Ocean geopolitics;2)to provide parliamentary, governmental, civil-society and industry audiences with objective analyses of environmental security issues and alternative responses in the Arctic Ocean; and3)to identify lessons from the Arctic Ocean regarding the governance dynamics of nation states and international spaces beyond national jurisdiction.
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Martin, Philip A. "Insurgent Armies: Military Obedience and State Formation after Rebel Victory." International Security 46, no. 3 (February 25, 2022): 87–127. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00427.
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Abstract Why do some winning rebel groups build obedient and effective state militaries after civil war, while others suffer military defections? When winning rebels face intense security threats during civil wars, rebel field commanders are more likely to remain obedient during war-to-peace transitions. Intense security threats incentivize militants to create more inclusive leadership structures, reducing field commanders’ incentives to defect in the postwar period. Intense security threats also reduce commanders’ capacity for postwar resistance by forcing insurgents to remain mobile and adopt shorter time horizons in rebel-governed territory, reducing the likelihood that field commanders will develop local ties and independent support bases. The plausibility of the argument is examined using a new list of winning rebel groups since 1946. Two case studies—Zimbabwe and Côte d'Ivoire—probe the causal mechanisms of the theory. The study contributes to debates about the consequences of military victory in civil war, the postwar trajectories of armed groups, and the conditions necessary for civil-military cohesion in fragile states.
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Briefel, Charles, and Ignacio Tredici. "The United Nations Prosecution Support Cell Programme in the Democratic Republic of Congo – A Strategy to Combat Impunity for Serious Crimes." Max Planck Yearbook of United Nations Law Online 19, no. 1 (May 30, 2016): 337–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18757413-00190012.
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The Prosecutions Support Cells is a programme of the United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of Congo (MONUSCO), aimed at improving the capacity of the military judicial authorities to investigate and prosecute the commission of war crimes, crimes against humanity and acts of sexual violence perpetrated in the eastern provinces of the country. Notwithstanding the challenges faced by the pscs and, subject to a number of adjustments and improvements, this model of assistance in the fight against impunity for international and other serious crimes (including transnational crimes) could be replicated in similar post-conflict contexts where United Nations peace operations are mandated to support efforts to achieve peace, stability and security.
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Wright, Jim, Prabhat Vaze, and Stephen Gundry. "The Role of Policy in the Encroachment of Maize Cultivation in Semi-Arid Zimbabwe." Outlook on Agriculture 27, no. 2 (June 1998): 95–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/003072709802700206.
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For many areas of smallholder dryland agriculture in Sub-Saharan Africa, cultivation of drought-resistant small grains such as millets and sorghum offer reliable harvests and food security. Despite this, the area given over to maize in such semi-arid areas has been increasing, although there is a risk of crop failure associated with its longer growing season. The influence of agricultural policy on this change in cropping patterns is examined here in the context of Zimbabwe. It is argued that despite the official extension advice discouraging maize cultivation, other aspects of policy have indirectly contributed to this change in cropping patterns. These aspects include seed supply, changes in producer prices, and the operation of the drought relief programme.
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Ogechi, Nkemjika, and Ugwuoke Ngozika Josphine. "Security Education in Adult Education Curriculum for Sustainable Development." Edumania-An International Multidisciplinary Journal 01, no. 02 (July 10, 2023): 70–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.59231/edumania/8975.
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Insecurity poses colossal peril in carrying out meaningful sustainability. And education that embraces security concepts, skills and knowledge is one of the veritable tools in curbing insecurity. This type of education could be most effective if it draws its learners from adult, as adults are the pillar behind any meaningful peace, security and sustainable development in any community. It is on this note that the paper examined security education in adult education curriculum for sustainable development. The population of the study was four hundred and sixty-five (465) facilitators of Adult Basic Education Programme in three out of the six education zones in Enugu State. Purposive sample was used to select 242 (129 males and 113 females) adult education facilitators who participated at NMEC (National Commission for Mass Literacy, adult and Non-Formal Education) organized capacity building programme for Nsukka education zone. Instrument for data collection was adult educators’ perception questionnaire titled” Adult educators’ Perception on Integrating Security education in Adult Education Curriculum for Sustainable Development (SEAECSD)” The instrument was validated and has a reliability coefficient of 0.86 determined through Cronbach alpha. The data collected were analyzed using mean and standard deviation in answering the two research questions posed to guide the study and a t- test statistic was used to test the null hypothesis. The findings revealed that adult education facilitators have a positive perception on integrating security education in adult education curriculum for sustainable development. It was recommended among others that relevant authorities in adult education programme and adult curriculum planning should endeavor to integrate security education in adult education curriculum for sustainable develop as no society can develop in a state of heighten insecurity.
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T. Fajji, Grace, and Tendayi C. Garutsa. "Experiences of Female-headed Households in the ADRA Cash Transfer Programme in Zvishavane, Zimbabwe." African Journal of Gender, Society and Development (formerly Journal of Gender, Information and Development in Africa) 12, no. 1 (March 1, 2023): 157–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.31920/2634-3622/2023/v12n1a8.
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The social, economic, and political crises in Zimbabwe have resulted in extreme poverty and the female-headed families are no exception. The COVID-19 pandemic exacerbated poverty and food insecurity in rural households. This sudden shock was not anticipated, and many governments failed to sustain livelihoods for smallholder farmers who relied solely on farming activities and selling of farm produce. The state has failed to fulfil its basic mandate of social service provision to the most vulnerable sections of society. Consequently, the Basic Agricultural Assistance programme was introduced as a microeconomic stability tool to buffer income risks faced by the poor. The article aimed to discuss the experiences of female-headed households in the Adventist Development and Relief Agency cash transfer Programme in Nganunu Village in Zvishavane. A phenomenological research approach through an exploratory qualitative research design was used to get in-depth insights on the experiences of female-headed households. In-depth interviews and focus group discussions were used to collect data. Content thematic analysis was used to analyse data. Findings indicated that despite health, political and economic crises, the implementation of the Adventist Development and Relief Agency cash transfer was a success in bridging the gap left by the collapse of the social welfare system. The cash transfer programme empowered female-headed households to access agricultural inputs timeously. Female-headed households were capacitated to make decisions and improve food security in and to initiate social cohesion with other beneficiaries. The study recommended inter-sectoral collaborations between state and non-state actors for more effective programmes that cushion female-headed households from poverty.
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Ncube-Murakwani, Pamela, Shamiso Alice Moyo, Mackson Maphosa, Mutsa Dzimba, Sijabulisiwe Beatrice Dube, and Craig Nyathi. "Implementing Care Groups for improved maternal and child nutrition: Critical factors for success from the Amalima program in rural Zimbabwe." World Nutrition 11, no. 2 (June 29, 2020): 90–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.26596/wn.202011290-107.
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Over the last decade Zimbabwe has made noteworthy progress in reducing both underweight and wasting in children under the age of five years, however one in four children in Zimbabwe is stunted. The rate in the decline of the number of children stunted still falls short of meeting the World Health Assembly target, and it goes without saying that effective, innovative community-based strategies are required by the government and development partners to accelerate the rate of stunting reduction. This paper presents experiences from using the Care Group approach for promoting improved maternal, infant and young child nutrition (MIYCN) and care based on lessons from the Amalima program, a seven-year United States Agency for International Development (USAID) Office of Food for Peace intervention. The Amalima program has been promoting Care Groups as a community and family centred approach to improve maternal and child nutrition in Zimbabwe. Care Groups are an innovative community-based strategy that has been rolled out as part of the Amalima program activities in four food and nutrition insecure districts in Zimbabwe. The final programme evaluation suggested the program succeeded in increasing the exclusive breastfeeding rate and reducing levels of nutritional stunting among children under two years. In the present discussion paper, we present the key lessons learned and strategies we believe may have contributed to making Care Group implementation effective; we highlight the modifications that we made in Care Group implementation to ensure a context appropriate approach; and we discuss how Care Groups can be integrated into the Ministry of Health and Child Care structure. The critical factors for successful Care Group implementation have been grouped into five broad categories: conduct formative research; ensure context specific approaches & adaptive management; leverage on social capital and cohesion; invest in human capital; prioritise quality assurance & reviews.
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Levchenko, Y. V. "Inspections and evaluations as part of United Nations internal oversight." Uzhhorod National University Herald. Series: Law 2, no. 80 (January 20, 2024): 330–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2307-3322.2023.80.2.53.
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The article deals with the issue of inspections and evaluations as part of the internal oversight of the United Nations. It is described the powers and activities of the Inspection and Evaluation Division (IED), which operates within the structure of the Office of Internal Oversight Services. In particular, it is indicated that the Inspection and Evaluation Division conducts programme evaluations to conduct analytical and critical assessments of programme implementation and legal frameworks, checking whether changes in them require a review of implementation methods and the relevance of administrative procedures. The main functions of the Division include: preparing a report on programme implementation at the end of each biennium containing qualitative and quantitative information; assessing, on a systematic and objective basis, the relevance, effectiveness, efficiency and efficiency of the Organisation’s activities in achieving its objectives; submitting a report to the UN General Assembly on strengthening the evaluation function and related oversight activities within the UN; conducting special inspections of programmes and organisational units to identify problems affecting the efficiency and effectiveness of the implementation of programmed activities and recommending corrective measures to improve programme delivery; providing internal management advisory services to programme managers, upon request etc. It is stated that the Division carries out several types of evaluation activities, including: programme evaluations; thematic evaluations; inspections; biennial studies on evaluation; evaluation dashboard etc. Themes covered by evaluations include: peace and security; sustainable development; human rights and humanitarian assistance; and organisational management and support. The main target audiences and users of the IED evaluation materials are: the Secretary-General, UN programme managers and staff, member states, primarily the Committee for Programme and Coordination (CPC) and the Administrative and Budgetary Committee (Fifth Committee) of the General Assembly and Security Council, UN stakeholders and partners.
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Madimu, Tapiwa. "Food Imports, Hunger and State Making in Zimbabwe, 2000–2009." Journal of Asian and African Studies 55, no. 1 (August 15, 2019): 128–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909619868735.
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This article uses hunger as a lens to explore how the process of state making in Zimbabwe between 2000 and 2009 negatively affected the country’s food security. Using Eriksen’s concept of state making, the study demonstrates how the Zimbabwe African National Union – Patriotic Front (ZANU PF) ruling regime concentrated more on accumulation and power retention at a time when government was expected to address the serious food shortages that the country was facing. The development of a different kind of state that had repressive and accumulation tendencies was signified in 2000 by the Fast Track Land Reform Programme (FTLRP) which was intended to appease the regime’s various constituencies. Taken together with other populist measures, particularly price freezes, the policies destroyed the country’s capacity to produce and manufacture food and pushed citizens to rely almost entirely on food imports (mainly from South Africa). The paper thus contributes to the literature on the Zimbabwean crisis by offering a different dimension, not only on the process of state making and how it caused hunger, but also on the specifics of how ordinary citizens were literally starving except those who could afford to buy imported food (particularly maize meal) from South Africa.
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Pietnoczka, Paweł. "Polityka zagraniczna i bezpieczeństwo w programach wyborczych partii politycznych podczas kampanii parlamentarnej 2019 r. w Ukrainie." Przegląd Wschodnioeuropejski 12, no. 1 (September 24, 2021): 125–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.31648/pw.6465.
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The aim of the article is to present programme priorities concerning the foreign and security policy as proclaimed by political parties during the parliamentary campaign in 2019 in Ukraine. It shows how the parties intended to ensure state security, bring peace to Donbass, restore territorial integrity, and which countries and international organisations they saw as the main allies of Ukraine on the way to achieving these objectives. The election programs of individual political parties were analysed, with the focus on the postulates of those parties which received at least three percent of the support in the election, i.e. Servant of the People, Opposition Platform – For Life, Fatherland, European Solidarity, Voice, Radical Party of Oleh Lyashko, Strength and Honor and Opposition Bloc.
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Tekwa, Newman. "The Food Security, Employment and Migration Nexus in Zimbabwe Post-land Reform: A Gender Perspective." Africa Development 47, no. 3 (October 5, 2022): 223–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.57054/ad.v47i3.2681.
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Serious inequalities in asset distribution in many developing countries consistently remain a key driver of household food insecurity, high unemployment, poverty and, ultimately, rural outmigration. Yet, the employment-retaining capacity of agriculture and its counter to rural-urban, including international, migration has been proven in many contexts. The 2000 land reform programme in Zimbabwe saw between 12 and18 per cent of women gaining access to land in their own right. Using a transformative social policy approach, the article explores the extent to which land reform as a social policy instrument enhanced household food security and rural incomes and opened new employment opportunities for beneficiaries relative to non-land reform beneficiary households. Highlighting the migration-social-policy nexus, I argue for land reform as a restraint to not only rural-urban but also international migration. Data gathered through a mixed methods ethnographic approach, combining in-depth interviews and surveys, and analysed using a combination of qualitative and quantitative methods, indicates that access to agricultural land and water can not only reduce but reverse rural to urban, including economically driven, international, migration. This suggests that continuous agrarianisation, in the Zimbabwean context, remains one plausible pathway to tackle the triple challenges of household food insecurity, unemployment and rural outmigration.
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Pace, Noemi, Ashwini Sebastian, Silvio Daidone, Ervin Prifti, and Benjamin Davis. "Mediation analysis of the impact of the Zimbabwe Harmonized Social Cash Transfer Programme on food security and nutrition." Food Policy 106 (January 2022): 102190. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.foodpol.2021.102190.
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Olasupo, Osaji Jacob. "Religion and Human Security: The Christian Perspective." International Journal of Social Science Studies 8, no. 4 (June 23, 2020): 156. http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/ijsss.v8i4.4907.
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The prevalent security problems the modern state faces justify the current theme for discussion. In the academic circle such that we are witnessing, security or the state of being secured is a necessity for every human being and indeed every living organism. Each organization or group endeavours to provide security for its members be it financial, position, situation, moral, spiritual etc. Security is the most pertinent of all national priorities and plans. However, security as a national programme is not exactly the same in the religious sphere, especially in Christianity. This does not mean that security in Christianity completely runs a parallel line with the security of the nation. In times past people’s values were based upon traditional religion and moral principles. However, things are changing fast and despite the proliferation of churches all over the country, values are changing and much emphasis are now placed on the accumulation of physical wealth, injustice, corruption and very high competitive society with lesser religious values and principles especially Christian principles. These have greatly affected the people to the detriment of traditional moral values, resulting in insecurity and peace in our society. The study made use of analytical method for its findings.
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C. O., Udeh, Odey C. O., Juluku N. A., Omenka J. A., and Bassey C. D. "The Anti-Open Grazing Policy and Farmers-Herders’ Conflicts in Benue State, Nigeria." African Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities Research 7, no. 2 (May 8, 2024): 224–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.52589/ajsshr-cxqbryy2.
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This study examines anti-open grazing policy and farmers-herders’ conflicts in Benue State, in order to ascertain the extent, the law was able to ameliorate the persisted farmers-herders’ conflicts and restores peace in the state. The study was anchored on the theory of structural functionalism as its analytical compass of study. The study adopted documentary method of data collection, content analysis for analysing data generated through secondary sources. It revealed that the prohibition of movement of livestock on foot, prohibition of firearms and the establishment of ranches by anti-open grazing policy ameliorated farmers-herders’ conflicts in Benue State. We recommended amongst other things, that Benue State Government should partner with the Federal Government, security agencies and neighbouring states in the fight against killer herdsmen by introducing more stifling policies, programme and workshops capable of stimulating peace, love, tranquillity and respect for human life in the state.
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Zikhali, Precious. "Fast Track Land Reform Programme, tenure security and investments in soil conservation: Micro-evidence from Mazowe District in Zimbabwe." Natural Resources Forum 34, no. 2 (May 2010): 124–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-8947.2010.01298.x.
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Kienscherf, Markus. "A programme of global pacification: US counterinsurgency doctrine and the biopolitics of human (in)security." Security Dialogue 42, no. 6 (December 2011): 517–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967010611423268.
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This article argues that US counterinsurgency doctrine forms a programme of both liberal rule and liberal war whose ultimate purpose is the pacification of recalcitrant populations and their eventual (re)integration into the networks of liberal governance. Designed to promote ‘safe’ forms of life while eradicating ‘dangerous’ ones, the doctrine constitutes a response to both the biopolitical problematization of human (in)security and the geostrategic problematization of US national security. Counterinsurgency aims to harness sociocultural knowledge in order to conduct a form of triage between elements of targeted populations. It also seeks to inscribe the divisions on which such a triage is based into space by means of practices that derive from earlier methods of imperial policing. Ultimately, counterinsurgency’s production and implementation of a biopolitical differentiation between ‘safe’ and ‘dangerous’ human lives is likely not only to reinforce existing societal divisions within targeted populations but also to create new global, regional and local divisions and to generate resistance to what many people will always view as imperial domination. The societal divisions and resistance engendered by counterinsurgency may reinforce Western problematizations of insecurity and hence lead to further counterinsurgency campaigns in the future. Counterinsurgency doctrine is thus not so much a programme of peace and stability as one of spatially and temporally indeterminate pacification.
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Mutimer, David. "‘A serious threat to peace, reconciliation, safety, security’: An effective reading of the United Nations Programme of Action." Contemporary Security Policy 27, no. 1 (April 2006): 29–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13523260600602248.
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PAKI, FIDELIS A. E. "AN EVALUATION OF THE PRESIDENTIAL AMNESTY PROGRAMME IN NIGERIA’S NIGER DELTA REGION." WILBERFORCE JOURNAL OF THE SOCIAL SCIENCES 3, no. 1 (March 10, 2018): 128–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.36108/wjss/8102.30.0180.
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In 2009, the Federal Government of Nigeria granted Amnesty to ex-militants that haad been involved in armed violence in the Niger Delta. The implementation of various aspects of the Presidential Amnesty Programme (PAP) indicated that it offered ex-militants the opportunity to participate in the Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration (DDR) and post-amnesty trainings in on-shore and off-shore. The amnesty programme led to the withdrawal of weapons, de-escalation of violent conflict and restoration of relative peace and security, improved oil production as well as rehabilitation and reintegration of the ex-militants into normal societal life. The outcome of this study revealed that the amnesty programme was bedeviled with faulty foundation, lack of fund, corruption, none involvement of other stakeholders such as communities, oil companies and official armed agents. This rather intensified the struggle for community leadership between ex-militants and other community members in the post-amnesty era. As a way forward, the study recommends that government should endeavour to gain the goodwill and confidence of the people in the course of implementing the PAP in order to ensure a more successful and sustainable result.
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Deich, T., and O. Kulkova. "Peace and security issues in China’s cooperation with African states." Pathways to Peace and Security, no. 2 (2023): 123–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/2307-1494-2023-2-123-147.
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China pays growing attention to security issues as it sees security policy as an integral component of sustainable development. The article analyzes new trends in Chinese foreign and security policy in Africa. China, which adheres to the principle of non-interference in internal affairs of African states, does not participate in armed confrontation, but acts as an influential player in global diplomacy. The article examines the threats posed to China by conflicts and terrorist attacks in which Chinese companies operating on the continent are often targeted. The purpose of the article is to assess the scale of these threats and analyze steps Beijing has taken to protect its citizens and businesses abroad. These policies and measures include China’s participation in peacekeeping operations in Africa and creation of 50 new security programs in accordance with the 2019–2021 China–Africa Action Plan. China’s People’s Liberation Army (PLA) has upgraded its Military Training Center to train international peacekeepers, many of whom are Africans. China trains several hundred African officers annually at schools such as China Military Academy, Dalian Naval Academy, Air Force Aviation Academy, and the PLA National Defense University. The PLA Navy participates in international anti-piracy patrols in the Gulf of Aden and the Gulf of Guinea. The authors view China’s expansion of maritime cooperation with Africa through anti-piracy patrols as part of its geopolitical and economic strategy. Peacekeeping missions are often complemented by high-level Chinese mediation efforts: Beijing has taken initiatives to resolve conflicts in the Democratic Republic of Congo, Sudan, South Sudan, Zimbabwe, and offered to mediate in the border conflict between Eritrea and Djibouti. Finally, China’s role as one of the main arms suppliers to sub-Saharan Africa is explored. 中国与非洲国家合作中的和平安全问题 中国高度重视安全问题，认为解决安全问题是可持续发展的必要组成部分。 本文分析了中国对非外交政策的新动向。中国坚持不干涉非洲国家内政原则，不参与武装对抗，而是在全球外交中扮演有影响力的角色。文章探讨了冲突和恐怖袭击对中国构成的威胁，在非洲大陆运营的中国公司经常成为攻击目标。本文的目的是评估威胁的规模以及北京为保护海外公民和企业所采取的措施。中国积极参与在非维和行动。根据《中非行动计划2019-2021》创建了50 个新的安全项目。中国人民解放军升级了国际维和人员培训教学中心，维和人员中有很多非洲人。每年数百名军官在中国军事学院、大连海军学院、空军航空学院、国防大学培训。中国海军参加亚丁湾、几内亚湾国际反海盗巡逻。通过反海盗巡逻扩大中国与非洲的海上合作是其地缘政治和经济战略的一部分。维和行动往往得到中国高层调解努力的补充。例如：北京在苏丹民主共和国、南苏丹、津巴布韦的调解举措，以及愿意调解厄立特里亚和吉布提之间的边境冲突。中国是撒哈拉以南非洲地区的主要武器供应国之一。
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N., Ndlovu, and Nyamukure M. "Assessing the Contribution of Food Assistance for Assets on Food Availability in Chipinge, Zimbabwe." African Journal of Economics and Sustainable Development 6, no. 4 (September 28, 2023): 18–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.52589/ajesd-aeshrt4o.
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This paper assessed the effects of Food for Assets (FFA) in improving food availability in Chipinge District of Zimbabwe. Results show that FFA significantly contributes to meeting immediate food needs for participating households, especially households with low numbers. However, being a short-term intervention and targeting few households within communities, the FFA programme’s overall effectiveness at the community level is minimal. As a coping strategy, households resorted to food rationing to ensure that the food lasted the whole season. Also, households that participated both as workers and had established plots in FFA irrigation schemes had a better opportunity to cope since they also resorted to their own food production. Such households were found to have increased food availability compared to non-beneficiaries. Short working hours that guide FFA activities have also allowed community members to engage in other productive activities to improve food security. We recommend that future FFA should be implemented over an extended period for a more sustainable benefit on food availability and livelihoods. Participation in the FFA programme should be transitory to enable progression from emergency response to more developmental initiatives that will result in long term food availability and sustainable livelihoods.
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Yanano Mangani, Dylan. "BRICS as a Catalyst for Global Governance Transformation: Beyond Western Perceptions." MGIMO Review of International Relations 17, no. 1 (March 12, 2024): 46–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2024-1-94-46-64.
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Scholarship on global political economy and global peace and security governance often depicts BRICS members as emerging powers with relatively limited experience in international leadership. These depictions underscore their contested regional leadership and ambiguous institutional, political, ideological, and socio-economic capacities to influence and reshape the global governance system. However, this article challenges some of these characterizations of BRICS members as inaccurate and rooted in Western exceptionalism. Employing a qualitative secondary research approach, it aims to analyze the role of BRICS as a new model for global governance by examining key institutional and political initiatives undertaken by the bloc, as well as by each of its member states.The analysis reveals that institutional initiatives such as the New Development Bank (NDB) demonstrate the BRICS’ capacity to deploy a combination of hard and soft power tools, thereby contributing to the emergence of multipolarity in the global governance architecture. These initiatives have exposed the world's developing regions to new experiences, resources, and understandings of the priorities of emerging powers. Furthermore, political responses to crises, such as turmoil in Zimbabwe, Libya, and Mali, as well as nuclear issues in Iran, where BRICS members have assumed mediatory, supportive, or leading roles, have sparked renewed interest in understanding BRICS as an alternative to traditional conceptions of global peace and security governance. Significantly, BRICS’ soft power diplomacy plays a pivotal role in projecting the bloc as an advocate of alternative global governance architecture and in dispelling negative perceptions. This objective is achieved through the BRICS’ transformative agenda, which offers alternative pathways for attaining international public goods in developing regions with shared historical and ideological affinities.
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Quie, Marissa Virginia. "Undermining Dichotomies: Women and the Peace Process in Afghanistan." Multidisciplinary Journal of Gender Studies 6, no. 1 (February 25, 2017): 1187. http://dx.doi.org/10.17583/generos.2017.2254.
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This paper interrogates the equation of women and peace through the prism of the Afghanistan Peace and Reintegration Program (APRP). The Programme was initiated in 2010 and is scheduled to continue through 2018. It is designed to create the conditions for inclusion of the insurgency within the democratic system and provide a roadmap for peace. The APRP builds on one of the central justifications of the war: the liberation of Afghan women. It requires gender mainstreaming in accordance with United Nations Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 1325 and subsequent Resolutions, so as to include women in all stages of the process. The APRP underscores inevitable tensions between international and local standards that purport to ensure women’s interests are protected in peacebuilding. The effort to impose gender mainstreaming on the peace process is emblematic of this tension. I argue that this effort has yielded partial gains for women who have internalized international perspectives on women’s rights, but it signifies the exclusion of those who do not. UNSCRs 1325, 1820, 1888, 1889, 1960, 2106, and 2122 assume symmetry in the positions of men and women: but fail to address the complex ways in which gender is perceived by power relations within particular societies. Considering men and women as though they confront similar obstacles reifies disparities between them. Formal numerical inclusion in the APRP, as in other political processes, has not and cannot ensure changed practices.
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Lander, Brian, and Rebecca Vetharaniam Richards. "Addressing Hunger and Starvation in Situations of Armed Conflict — Laying the Foundations for Peace." Journal of International Criminal Justice 17, no. 4 (September 1, 2019): 675–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jicj/mqz055.
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Abstract Food is a common denominator for human survival and is often the source of national pride and cultural significance. Yet, famine and starvation remain a real threat to millions of people around the world. This article sets the scene for an exploration of the relationship between food and security within conflict settings and of how the response of humanitarian actors can pave the way for improving the prospects for peace. Through examining the trends that are impacting the food security of civilians, including humanitarian access and attacks against objects indispensable to the survival of these populations and against humanitarian workers, this article considers the linkages between hunger and conflict as well as the avenues that must be pursued to prevent and end conflicts. Focus is given to the contributions of organizations like the United Nations World Food Programme (WFP) to address underlying root causes in an inclusive, integrated and sustainable manner. The available tools such organizations have at their disposal are also considered, highlighting the need for a more comprehensive framework that builds on existing legal foundations, international commitments, and the efforts of humanitarian, development and peace actors. The engagement of the international community in averting famine, relapse into conflict and exacerbation of conflict through food insecurity requires a multi-faceted response given the nature of famine and starvation in the world today. The article concludes with thoughts on ways of utilizing existing rules and frameworks to protect civilians from starvation in times of armed conflict.
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Miloiu, Silviu-Marian, and Elena Dragomir. "Editorial Foreword." Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies 6, no. 2 (December 15, 2014): 5–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.53604/rjbns.v16i2_1.
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Volume 6, issue no. 2 (2014) of Revista Română de Studii Baltice și Nordice / The Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies is dedicated to the publication of selected papers of Fifth annual international conference on Baltic and Nordic Studies in Romania: A piece of culture, a culture of peace, re-imaging European communities in the North Sea, Baltic Sea and Black Sea regions, which was held in Târgoviște, Romania, between 17-19 August 2014, as part of the project “A piece of culture, a culture of peace” (CoolPeace) and a follow-up to the summer school of Nordic and Baltic Studies. Financed under the measure “inter-institutional cooperation projects” of the EEA grants, the project was designed to strengthen the institutional cooperation at the level of higher education sector between all the partners involved: Valahia University of Târgoviște as the Project Promoter, the University of Agder, the University of Oslo, the Embassy of Lithuania in Romania, Peace Action Training and Research Institute of Romania and the Romanian Association for Baltic and Nordic Studies. The Programme Operator of the EEA Scholarship Programme in Romania is ANPCDEFP (the National Agency for Community Programmes in the Field of Education and Vocational Training). The embassies of Finland and Norway in Romania were cultural partners in this endeavour. The aim of the conference was to investigate various types of potential conventional and non-conventional threats in Europe which could emerge from poverty, exclusion, competition for resources, weak institutions, ideological views, perceptions of the other or lack of knowledge about the other. Our continent also seems under constant (perceived) threats related to terrorism, energy, Russia’s relations with Europe or weapons of mass destructions. Despite many difficulties and constraints, there is justified hope to move from a culture of (perceived) threat to a culture of peace. While politicians stress that one should be prepared to respond to threats and security challenges, and that society should not make the fatal mistake of minimizing the many (potential) dangers that Europe faces today, scientists, artists, historians, linguists etc. argue that peace can and should be preserved through collaboration with the other, through promoting knowledge about the other, through the study of past experiences, through promoting pieces of the other’s culture. This conference focused on intercultural dialogue and forms of cooperation between state and non-state entities, between intra-cultural entities, between different communities.
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Perrin, Benjamin. "Promoting compliance of private security and military companies with international humanitarian law." International Review of the Red Cross 88, no. 863 (September 2006): 613–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1816383106000713.
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AbstractPrivate security and military companies have become a ubiquitous part of modern armed conflict and post-conflict reconstruction. Their diverse clients include governments in the developed and developing world alike, non-state belligerents, international corporations, non-governmental organizations, the United Nations, and private individuals. The implications of this proliferation of private security and military companies for international humanitarian law and human rights are only beginning to be appreciated, as potential violations and misconduct by their employees have come to light in Iraq and Afghanistan. The author critically examines the theoretical risks posed by private military and security company activity with respect to violations of international humanitarian law and human rights, together with the incentives that these companies have to comply with those norms. Empirical evidence is also presented to expand on this theoretical framework. Taking a multidisciplinary approach, the author draws on law, international relations theory, criminology, economics, corporate strategy and political economy, as well as psychology and sociology, to analyse the competing “risk-factors” and “compliance levers” that interact at each level of private military and security company activity to enhance or reduce the likelihood of a violation occurring. These findings are then applied by the author to assess emergent measures to deal with private security and military companies outside the legal sphere, including a programme of the International Committee of the Red Cross and the advent of the International Peace Operations Association.
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Munyede, Paradzai, Cosmas Chikwawawa, and Delis Mazambani. "Enhancing Socio-Economic Rights in the Mashonaland Central Province of Zimbabwe through Fiscal Decentralization: Progress and Challenges." Quest Journal of Management and Social Sciences 3, no. 2 (December 25, 2021): 277–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/qjmss.v3i2.41585.
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Background: Since 2019, the government of Zimbabwe has been making fiscal transfers to local governments as part of fulfilling the constitutional provisions to improve the socio-economic wellbeing of communities. Despite these transfers, there is limited research that establishes whether the funds are achieving the intended results.
Objective: The main focus of this paper was to assess progress towards the enhancement of the socio-economic rights of communities in the Mashonaland Central province of Zimbabwe through fiscal decentralization.
Method: This paper adopted qualitative methodology and the case study as the design. The Mashonaland Central province was purposively selected as it is one of the regions lagging in terms of development. Data was collected through, documentary analysis and key informant interviews with ten councilors, one Town clerk, nine Chief Executive Officers as well as ten focus group discussions with community members.
Findings: The study noted that since the transfer of funds to local authorities started in 2019, significant progress has been achieved in the fulfillment of socio-economic rights. However, local governments were facing challenges such as the unavailability of an administrative manual to guide them in the implementation of fiscal decentralization, lack of clear funds allocation criteria, untimely and unpredictable distribution of funds, price instability, cumbersome procurement processes and lack of a monitoring and evaluation framework. These challenges were negatively affecting the attainment of the desired goals.
Conclusions and Recommendations: Fiscal devolution has already started paying dividends in enhancing the socio-economic rights of communities in the Mashonaland Central Province of Zimbabwe in key sectors such as water and sanitation, education, healthcare, infrastructure development, governance and administration, and peace and security. There is a need to develop an administrative manual for implementing fiscal devolution, timely disbursement devolution funds, use of virtual meetings in the wake of the Covid- 19 pandemic, integration of monitoring and evaluation mechanisms, and capacity building of local government policymakers and administrators.
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Onderco, Michal, and Wolfgang Wagner. "The ideational foundations of coercion: political culture and policies towards North Korea." European Political Science Review 9, no. 2 (December 8, 2015): 279–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773915000387.
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The notion that states’ foreign and security policies are not exclusively driven by material interests is now firmly established. Whose ideas matter and in what way, however, has remained subject to debate. We advance this debate by studying the crisis diplomacy of liberal democracies towards North Korea during four crises around the country’s violation of international norms between 1993 and 2009. Although liberal democracies share a common perception of North Korea’s nuclear programme as a threat to international peace and security, they differ widely in either confronting or accommodating North Korea. We examine the explanatory power of two ideational driving forces behind the foreign policy of liberal democracies: the ideological orientation of the government, on the one hand, and a country’s political culture, on the other. Our analysis of 22 liberal democracies demonstrates that different domestic cultures of dealing with norm violations have a significant impact on crisis diplomacy: countries with punitive domestic cultures tend to adopt confrontational policies towards international norm violators; while left governments are not more accommodationist than right governments. Ideational differences across states are thus more pronounced than those within states.
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Wählisch, Martin. "Human Security: Concept and Evolution in the United Nations." Max Planck Yearbook of United Nations Law Online 18, no. 1 (2014): 1–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18757413-00180002.
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In 1994, the Human Development Report of the un Development Programme (undp) drew for the first time global attention to the concept of ‘human security’, which has led to a series of debates in the United Nations.1 The report emphasized that without the promotion of ‘people-centered development’ none of the objectives of the global development agenda can be achieved, neither peace, human rights, environmental protection, reduced population growth, nor social integration. The idea of the human security concept is to approach security beyond a purely State-focused military angle, but also include humanitarian, political, economic and social perspectives. In 2001, un Secretary General Kofi Annan reemphasized in the Millennium Report that the ‘freedom from want’ and ‘freedom from fear’ embrace more than the absence of violent conflict, but encompasses human rights, good governance, access to education and health care and ensuring that each individual has opportunities and choices to fulfil his or her potential. In 2005, the World Summit Outcome Document called for defining the scope of human security in the General Assembly more precisely. In 2012, the un General Assembly finally adopted a common understanding of the human security notion. This article gives an overview of the evolution of the human security concept in the United Nations. It looks at its historical development, codification attempts and the recent debate in the General Assembly. The article highlights arguments of critics and advocates of the human security approach, who have been trying to identify linkages between security, development and the respect for human rights. The article describes the status of international practice, indicating the trend of gradual implementation of human security aspects in national, regional and international policy frameworks. The term ‘human security’ has eventually entered the active vocabulary of governmental officials, diplomats, military decision-makers, humanitarian and other non-governmental organizations, serving increasingly as a reference point for more comprehensive policy planning with regard to security and development challenges.
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PEČNIK, TANJA. "GEOPOLITICAL DETERMINATION OF THE SLOVENIAN ARMED FORCES – FORMATION OF MULTINATIONAL FORCES IN THE AREA OF WESTERN BALkANS." CONTEMPORARY MILITARY CHALLENGES 2011, no. 13/4 (October 15, 2011): 15–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.33179/bsv.99.svi.11.cmc.13.4.1.
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Ever since it won its independence, Slovenia has made great efforts to distance itself geographically and politically from the region, nowadays also known as the Western Balkans. In the past twenty years, most of Slovenia’s efforts have been directed towards becoming a European Union and NATO member. The Slovenian Armed Forces followed the lead by gathering its experiences and knowledge mostly in the Western Europe and the USA as well as in different military missions and operations led by the UN, NATO, the EU and the OSCE. When the situation in the former Yugoslavia settled and at least fragile peace was restored, newly formed countries decided to join the PfP programme and later on NATO (Croatia is already a member, while Serbia does not wish to become one, yet) and the EU. In such circumstances, Slovenia and the Slovenian Armed Forces saw a new opportunity to support these countries in their Euro-Atlantic ambitions and help them with security sector reforms.
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Issaraelian, Evgenia L. "L’initiative de Gorbatchev à Mourmansk et les mesures de restauration de la confiance dans l’Arctique." Études internationales 20, no. 1 (April 12, 2005): 61–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/702460ar.
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In his speech at Murmansk on October 1, 1987, General Secretary Gorbachev presented a programme to radically lower the level of military confrontation in the Arctic and proposed a number of confidence-building measures. The Murmansk initiative followed numerous previous proposals along the same line, going back to the nineteen fifties. The political and military aspects of the initiative are linked to the Soviet concept of international security. There are three main elements to this concept: first, the impossibility, to-day, of insuring a country's security by military means alone; second, security must be mutual between the Soviet Union and the United States and it must be universal in the rest of the world; third, security must be comprehensive and must include the military, political, economic and humanitarian dimensions. Specifically on northern security, it must be noted that the Soviet Union is quite vulnerable in the Arctic, with about half of its total land mass north of the 60th parallel. Also, the Arctic offers the shortest route for ICBMS, SLBMs and strategic bombers. Consequently, international security in the Arctic dictates confidence-building measures. The Murmansk initiative represents a significant contribution to the whole process of confidence-building by proposing, in particular: to limit the number of large exercises by naval and air forces in the Northern seas; to invite observers to such exercises; to include Barents Sea, along with other Northern seas, in a zone of peace; to ban anti-submarine activities in agreed areas of the Northern and Western Atlantic; to include the reduction of military activities in the Arctic on the agenda of the second stage of the Conference on CBM and Disarmement in Europe; to reduce naval activities in international straits; and to pursue the establishment of a Nordic nuclear weapon-free zone for which the Soviet Union would act as guarantor.
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Williams, Paul. "The "Responsibility to Protect", Norm Localisation, and African International Society." Global Responsibility to Protect 1, no. 3 (2009): 392–416. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187598409x450820.
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AbstractFor its advocates, the 'responsibility to protect' (R2P) principle is clearly intended to be a universal concept, applicable equally to all parts of the globe. Yet recent literature examining the processes of norm diffusion in international relations has suggested that so-called universal norms do not automatically become embedded in different regions of the world and hence commitment to them varies depending on the local context. This article explores this issue with reference to how members of African international society have thought about the R2P idea. To do so it proceeds in two parts. The first summarises what I mean by African international society and the process of norm localization. In the second, I explore the current status of the R2P idea within the African society of states with reference to six illustrative episodes. These concern: 1) the building of Africa's new peace and security architecture; 2) the debate surrounding the adoption of the 2005 World Summit Outcome Document; 3) UN Security Council debates about the protection of civilians in armed conflict; 4) the African Union's response to the conflict in Darfur, Sudan; 5) the UN Secretary-General's appointment of a special adviser on R2P; and 6) African international society's response to the crisis in Zimbabwe. I conclude by reflecting upon what these episodes reveal about the current status of the R2P within African international society and the extent to which different camps are emerging that articulate different local positions on, and express varying degrees of skepticism about, the protection principle.
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Musendekwa, Menard, Munyaradzi Tinarwo, Rumbidzayi Chakauya, and Ereck Chakauya. "Beyond Land Redistribution: A Case for Stewardship in Land Reform." Journal of Land and Rural Studies 9, no. 1 (November 18, 2020): 83–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2321024920968315.
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The right to own and derive value out of the land, (cf. ownership) is a human right enshrined in the constitution of most democratic countries. Land reform is arguably the most emotional, socio-economic, and political subject of the colonial and post-colonial era of the African continent. It is a subject that has remained sacred and a taboo creating a fertile ground for protracted political, social, economic, and religious conflicts. Many African indigenous communities are genuinely struggling to address inequality and deprivation. Despite the overwhelming economic demand to address the land question, only a handful of African countries have been bold enough to tackle the issue head-on, sometimes with dire consequences. In the current article, we use the Zimbabwe land reform programme as a case and through a biblical lens show cause for land not just as a commodity where belonging is the ultimate deciding factor but rather emphasise ownership by stewardship. This perspective is compatible with modern systems of governance, ubuntu in the African traditional culture, and encourage efficiency of production to achieve food security despite the polarised discourse of land reform in most countries.