Journal articles: 'Zimbabwe Human Rights Association'

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Chenge, Eniko, Boniface C. Chisaka, and Levison Maunganidze. "Implications of Female Teenage Marriages on Human Rights Violation in Mt Darwin District of Mashonaland Central Province in Zimbabwe." EAS Journal of Veterinary Medical Science 5, no. 05 (October 6, 2023): 160–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.36349/easjpbs.2023.v05i05.005.

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The study sought to investigate the implications of female teenage marriages on human rights violation in Mt Darwin District of Mashonaland Central Province in Zimbabwe. An Explanatory Sequential Mixed Methodology design with a QUANT ‒ QUAL criterion was adopted for the study. Quantitative results were cross-examined with findings from qualitative data, which explored alternative explanations for violation of Married Female Teenagers (MFTs)’ human rights. Respondents were 192 MFTs who were randomly sampled from the target population while participants were 17 MFTs and five (5) Key Informants who were purposively sampled from the target population. Respondents provided the required information through a closed-ended questionnaire while participants and Key Informants were engaged in face-to-face interviews using semi-structured questionnaire. Data from Focus Group Discussions were obtained through unstructured questionnaire. Quantitative research data were analysed using the SPSS 21.0 while Content Thematic Analysis was employed to analyse qualitative data. The study revealed that teenage marriages violated MFTs’ rights to; pursue education, enjoy good health, engage in income generating projects, be protected from sexual and verbal abuse and make independent decisions while in marriage. Husbands hindered the right to education for MFTs. Right to engage in income generating projects was hindered by lack of capital and refusal by some husbands and in-laws. The rights to make independent decisions were thwarted by restrictions imposed by husbands on MFTs’ movement, choice, association and belonging. The Government and its development partners were recommended to reach out to male teenagers and men with sexuality and gender-based violence (GBV) programmes.

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L. D., Zenzo, and Shamiso Z. "Barriers to the Participation of Persons with Disabilities in Rural Local Governance: The Case of Bikita District, Zimbabwe." African Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities Research 7, no. 2 (March 26, 2024): 48–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.52589/ajsshr-i19bubf6.

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The paper was qualitative and inductive through the interpretivist’s paradigm. It sought to access the barriers to the participation of persons with disabilities (PwDs) in Bikita’s local governance in Zimbabwe. Data collection was through key informant interviews (KIIs), focus group discussions (FDGs) and observations. The KIIs targeted the chiefs, headman, councillors, state actors and Zimbabwe’s Association for the Visually Handicapped whereas the FDGs included the disabled and the non-disabled. The sampling was purposive. The human rights-based approach as espoused in the critical disability theory framed the empirical. The paper unearthed that Bikita Rural District Council structures were not disability inclusive. PwDs were marginalised in local governance/development processes. This led to higher incidences of abject poverty. The paper charged that the lack of inclusivity is in itself discriminatory. It argued that the drive towards inclusivity should include inter alia disability-mainstreaming, provision of disability-accessible information and disability awareness campaigns.

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Selelo, Mohale Ernest, and Magatane Tshwarelo Mashilo. "Democracy as an Elite Tool for Oppressing the Majority: A Case of Selected African Countries." Journal of Governance Risk Management Compliance and Sustainability 3, no. 2 (October 31, 2023): 17–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.31098/jgrcs.v3i2.1860.

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This paper seeks to establish and investigate the incontrovertible scenarios that the people of Zimbabwe and Uganda experienced during the dawn of democracy. This paper argues that "democracy" is a system beneficial to the elites but unbearable and detrimental to the livelihoods of ordinary people in Zimbabwe and Uganda. The democratic breakthrough in these countries brought hope, confidence, and zest to the proletariats that their dire socio-economic conditions would be transformed for the better. But little did they know that their conditions would be exacerbated than ever before. The high levels of inequalities, poverty and unemployment in these countries continue to haunt the people. Unfortunately, this happens under the ambit of AU, which is tight-lipped to such conditions people are going through. Regrettably, it appears as if the ones who are in positions of leadership are fueling the abuse of democracy, wherein they abuse their power in government to orchestrate their illegitimate shenanigans. Subsequently, human rights are often violated and suppressed when the “mighty” officials want to influence the processes of democracy with a direct autocratic system. Despite the calls from the UN that human rights and democracy should be respected and adhered to, people continue to witness the violence and suppression of such principles under the ambit of democratic governments. This paper uses a qualitative research approach to analyze the scenarios of the abuse of democracy in these countries. This paper finds that the violation of freedom of expression, assembly, and freedom of association is prevalent in these countries. Therefore, the paper recommends that structures such as the AU should enforce their responsibilities to safeguard and protect the rights of the people as per democratic states.

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Kalicka-Mikołajczyk, Adriana. "Współpraca Unii Europejskiej z wybranymi państwami niedemokratycznymi Afryki Subsaharyjskiej w obszarze poszanowania praw człowieka." Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem 43, no. 4 (December 31, 2021): 593–616. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2300-7249.43.4.45.

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In Art. 3, para. 5, the Treaty on European Union (TEU) lays down the objectives of the Union in relations with the wider world, which are further explained in detail in Art. 21. In the first place, para. 5 refers to the promotion of the Union’s values. The list of values can be found in Art. 2 TEU (“The Union is founded on…”), which lists the principle of democracy, the rule of law and respect for human rights, human dignity, freedom and equality. They are to be upheld and promoted by the Union in the wider world. Thus, they are directly linked to external policy. Next, the list of values in Art. 2 is repeated in Art. 3, para. 5 as objectives of the Union’s external policy and in Art. 21, para. 1 as principles. For this reason, international agreements concluded between the EU and third countries all contain a “human rights clause” as an essential element of the agreement, the violation of which might result in the suspension of the agreement. This article focuses on the human rights clause in relations between the EU and selected non-democratic Sub-Saharan African countries. The main legal basis governing bilateral relations between the EU and those countries is the Cotonou Agreement. The “human rights clause” is to be found in Art. 9 thereof. This clause is especially interesting since it is the only one that has been implemented in practice. Moreover, it is often presented as the most elaborate one, and as a consequence is very often shown as a “model” that should be followed in other international agreements, especially in association agreements. So, the “human rights clause” contained in the Cotonou Agreement has its own characteristic features. Firstly, as it was mentioned above, it is the only one that has been activated in practice. Secondly, the “non-execution clause” is much more detailed, and finally, much more emphasis is laid on political dialogue and on the consultation procedure. This paper provides a propaedeutic analysis of legal cooperation between the EU and selected non-democratic Sub-Saharan countries in the area of human rights protection. Its main objective is to answer the following questions: to what extent the EU cooperates with such countries? What are the issues the clause covers? Is it effective? To what extent could it be enhanced? For analysis, the following countries have been chosen: Chad, Ethiopia, Rwanda, Uganda, and Zimbabwe. According to the Freedom House’s annual Freedom in the World report, the Global Freedom Scores for all these countries do not exceed 35 points, which equates to lack of democracy. Moreover, another feature which all of them have in common is a very low score on the Human Development Index (HDI), which means that all of them belong to the poorest and least developed countries in the world.

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Mangwiro, Temba. "TEACHER-PUPIL CONFLICT IN SECONDARY SCHOOLS: EXPLANATORY TEACHERS’ NEEDS ANALYSIS IN ZIMBABWE." International Journal of Education Humanities and Social Science 05, no. 04 (2022): 79–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.54922/ijehss.2022.0414.

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This study was motivated by the existence of reported teacher-pupil conflict in schools. Its purpose was to enhance teaching and learning interactive relation by exploring management strategies which reduce teacher-pupil conflicts. The study was guided by a qualitative research philosophy which used mixed data collection methods to capture social variables. The study design was a prescriptive seriation of three methods. First was a document analysis of school policies, rules and regulations to capture standards. This was followed by a survey to determine the problem distribution, contributing factors and possible management strategies. A self-reporting questionnaire gathered data from a stratified sample of 33 School Heads, 57 Deputy Heads, 241 Class Teachers and 274 School Prefects and 65 parents from 47 primary schools and 31secondary schools in Zimbabwe. Case studies of reported incidences were dominated by document analysis of reports and interviews for in-depth understanding. The study revealed that, Manicaland province had the highest number of teacher-pupil conflicts at secondary school level. The majority of them involved male teachers and male learners. Social factors such as Teachers’ failure to respect learners, verbal abuse and suspected favouritism practices were attached to teacher-pupil improper association. Cases linked to teachers’ poor lesson delivery included learner harassment, administering of corporal punishment and learner emotional abuse through unjustified punishments. The study deduced that young teachers have limited guidance and counselling skills ideal for adolescents. The study established the following strategic needs for the management of conflict between secondary school learners and teachers: first there is need for teacher in-service courses on adolescent class management. Course and workshop content to include human rights and conflict management. Learner participation in school governance need enhancement. Schools can improve teacher-learner communication skills and the use of collaborative decisions.

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Compton Jr., Robert W. "Comparative regional integration in SADC and ASEAN: Democracy and governance issues in historical and socio-economic context Integración regional comparativa de la SADC y la ASEAN: problemas de democracia y gobernabilidad en un contexto histórico y socioeconómico Analyse comparée de l'intégration régionale au sein du SADC et de l'ANASE : Enjeux démocratiques et de gouvernance établis au regard du contexte historique et socio-économique." Regions and Cohesion 3, no. 1 (March 1, 2013): 5–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/reco.2013.030102.

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Both the Southern African Development Community (SADC) and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) support regional and national integration, the protection of human rights and civil society involvement, and non-interference in member states' internal affairs. Sometimes these goals at the regional level become mutually exclusive. Human rights groups, international organizations, and Western states have criticized human rights abuses and democracy and governance shortcomings in several ASEAN states (e.g., Vietnam and Myanmar) and SADC countries (e.g., Swaziland, Madagascar, and Zimbabwe). This article addresses ASEAN and SADC's historical context and continued development related to these issues. It also evaluates the regional organizations' effectiveness in balancing o en mutually exclusive goals and concludes that existing regional organizational strength and cohesion impact the approaches used to manage conflict and external criticism and build greater social cohesion regionally and within states. SADC utilizes a “regional compliance model“ based on political criteria whereas ASEAN utilizes a “constructive engagement“ or “economic integration first“ model. SADC places greater emphasis on placing good governance, especially as it relates to human rights, at the forefront of regionalism. ASEAN sublimates human rights to regional integration through constructive engagement and greater emphases on economic relations. Two distinct models of regional integration exist.Spanish La Comunidad de Desarrollo de África Austral (SADC por sus siglas en inglés), y la Asociación de Naciones del Sudeste Asiático (ASEAN en inglés), apoyan la integración regional/continental y nacional, la protección de los derechos humanos, la participación de la sociedad civil, y la no injerencia en los asuntos internos de los estados miembros. A veces, estas metas son mutuamente excluyentes a nivel regional. Grupos de derechos humanos, organizaciones internacionales y estados occidentales han criticado las violaciones de los derechos humanos y las deficiencias en democracia y gobernabilidad en varios Estados de la ASEAN (por ejemplo, Vietnam y Myanmar) y en algunos países de la SADC (por ejemplo, Suazilandia, Madagascar y Zimbabue). En este artículo se aborda el contexto histórico de la SADC y la ASEAN y su continuo desarrollo relacionado con los temas mencionados. También se evalúa la eficacia de las organizaciones regionales, haciendo el balance entre los objetivos a menudo mutuamente excluyentes, y concluye que la existente fuerza regional de organización y cohesión impacta los enfoques utilizados para manejar el conflicto y la crítica externa, y promueve la construcción de una mayor cohesión social regionalmente y dentro de los estados. La SADC utiliza un “modelo de cumplimiento regional“ basado en criterios políticos, mientras que la ASEAN utiliza un modelo de “compromiso constructivo“ o “integración económica primero“. La SADC pone mayor énfasis en afianzar la buena gobernanza, especialmente en lo relacionado con los derechos humanos, a la vanguardia del regionalismo. La ASEAN vincula los derechos humanos a la integración regional a través de un compromiso constructivo y pone un mayor énfasis en las relaciones económicas. Dos existentes modelos diferentes de integración regional. French La Communauté de développement d'Afrique australe (SADC en anglais), aussi bien que L'Association des nations de l'Asie du SudEst (ANASE) soutiennent respectivement les principes relatifs à l'intégration régionale et nationale, à la protection des droits de l'homme, à la participation de la société civile dans l'agenda publique, ainsi qu'à la non-ingérence dans les affaires internes des Etats. Toutefois, il arrive que ces objectifs deviennent mutuellement exclusifs au niveau régional. Les organisations de défense des droits de l'homme et les gouvernements occidentaux n'ont jamais cessé de critiquer les violations des droits de l'homme, ainsi que les lacunes en matière de démocratie et de gouvernance qui prévalent dans les pays membre de l'ANASE (ex : le Viet Nam, Myanmar) et ceux de la SADC (ex : le Swaziland, Madagascar et le Zimbabwe). Cet article aborde le contexte historique dans lequel l'ANASE et la SADC ont vu le jour ainsi que la nature des enjeux qui l'ont suivi. Il évalue également d'un point de vue comparé, l'efficacité de ces organisations régionales sur la base des objectifs qu'ils se sont fixés, tout en penchant pour la conclusion selon laquelle la présence d'une force régionale influente impacte nécessairement dans la gestion des conflits, et combien la critique externe participe à la construction d'une plus grande cohésion sociale et régionale au sein des États. La SADC s'appuie un “modèle de conformité régionale» fondé sur des critères politiques, tandis que l'ANASE fait appel à un “engagement constructif“ ayant pour modèle “l'intégration économique“. La SADC accorde davantage plus d'importance à la mise en œuvre d'une bonne gouvernance, particulièrement en ce qui concerne les droits de l'homme et l'évolution vers un régionalisme plus avancé. L'ANASE sublime les droits de l'homme à l'intégration régionale par le biais d'un engagement constructif et de grandes insistances dans les relations économiques. Ce qui fait d'eux deux modèles d'intégration régionale distincts.

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Wilmsen, Edwin N. "MYTHS, GENDER, BIRDS, BEADS: A READING OF IRON AGE HILL SITES IN INTERIOR SOUTHERN AFRICA." Africa 84, no. 3 (July 23, 2014): 398–423. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972014000370.

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ABSTRACTHomologous origin myths concerning the Tsodilo Hills in north-western Botswana, Polombwe hill at the southern tip of Lake Tanganyika in Zambia and Kaphiri-Ntiwa hill in northern Malawi are examined. Parallels are drawn between the myths, where, in the process of creation, a primal pair in undifferentiated space and time passes through a series of liminal states, thereby bringing structure to the landscape and legitimacy to society in Iron Age Central and Southern Africa. These myths narrate the instituting of social legitimacy in their respective societies based on a resolution of the inherent contradiction between the concepts of authority and power, lineage and land. The structure of rights to possession of land is examined, and the text considers the role of sumptuary goods such as glass beads and metonymic signifiers such as birds within this structure. This study examines the prominence of hilltops as the residence of paranormal power and its association with human authority, and relates this to the archaeological interpretation of the Iron Age site Nqoma (Tsodilo Hills); this is compared with Bosutswe (eastern Botswana), Mapungubwe (Shashe-Limpopo basin), and the Shona Mwari myth recorded by Frobenius as used by Huffman in his analysis of Great Zimbabwe.

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Makokove, Rameck, Margaret Macherera, Tendai Kativhu, and Demetria Fungai Gudo. "The effect of household practices on the deterioration of microbial quality of drinking water between source and point of use in Murewa district, Zimbabwe." Journal of Water and Health 20, no. 3 (February 8, 2022): 518–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.2166/wh.2022.251.

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Abstract Access to safe drinking water is a key determinant of public health and is considered a basic human right essential to avert waterborne diseases. Understanding the association between household drinking water handling practices and the bacteriological quality of water at the point of use is critical since water quality may deteriorate between source and point of use. This study aimed at determining this association in Murewa district in Zimbabwe. Interviews were conducted with 381 household heads and hygiene practices were observed at selected households. Logistic regression analysis was used to examine the association between household drinking water handling practices and independent variables. The variables that were significantly associated with safe water at the point of use were tertiary education (p = 0.006), monthly income (p = 0.005), cleanliness of water collection containers (p = 0.011) and the method of drawing water from containers (p = 0.001). There is a need to intensify health and hygiene education, emphasising the importance of hygienic water handling practices, cleaning of collection containers and hygienic drawing of water from storage containers. The integration of income-generating activities into WASH projects should be strengthened to enable the acquisition of water collection and storage containers that can safeguard the quality of water between collection and consumption.

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Chitimira, Howard, and Pontsho Mokone. "The Functions of Selected Human Rights Institutions and Related Role-Players in the Protection of Human Rights in Zimbabwe." Potchefstroom Electronic Law Journal/Potchefstroomse Elektroniese Regsblad 19 (December 13, 2016): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/1727-3781/2016/v19i0a1150.

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Various human rights violations on the part of the ordinary people and human rights defenders have been reported in Zimbabwe since the late 1980s to date. It is widely acknowledged that such violations were mostly perpetrated by the government through its different organs for political and other related reasons. Human rights violations were also easily committed against ordinary people and human rights defenders because there was no Constitution that adequately protected such people's fundamental human rights (including their civil and political rights and their socio-economic rights) in Zimbabwe. Given this background, the article discusses the protection of human rights in Zimbabwe, in light of the Zimbabwe Constitution Amendment 20 of 2013 (Zimbabwe Constitution 2013). This is done in order to investigate whether the promotion, protection, enforcement and the respect for human rights in Zimbabwe has now improved. To this end, the functions of selected national human rights institutions and other related role-players, namely, the civil society, the judiciary, the law enforcement organs and the Zimbabwe Human Rights Commission are briefly discussed first. Secondly, the functions of selected regional and international institutions, namely, the Southern African Development Community, the African Union and the United Nations are discussed in relation to the protection of human rights in Zimbabwe. Thereafter, concluding remarks and possible recommendations that could be utilised to combat human rights violations and enhance the protection of human rights in Zimbabwe are provided. Keywords: human rights; judiciary; protection; enforcement; violations.

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Gaidzanwa, Rudo. "Women’s Land Rights in Zimbabwe." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 22, no. 2 (1994): 12–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700501863.

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This paper focuses on the issue of human rights with respect to women’s land rights in Zimbabwe. The concept of human rights is particularly pertinent because of the debates on land reform and the activities of the land Commission exploring possibilities for the reform of land use in Zimbabwe.

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Chilunjika, Alouis, Nicol Tinashe Tapfumaneyi, and Felistas Zimano. "Impediments to the Advancement of Human Rights by the ZHRC in Zimbabwe." International Journal of Law and Public Policy 3, no. 1 (March 10, 2021): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.36079/lamintang.ijlapp-0301.163.

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Zimbabwe as a member of the United Nations (UN) ratified a number of human rights treaties and the establishment of the much awaited Zimbabwe Human Rights Commission (ZHRC) which was long overdue was a generally welcome development in the human rights arena. The ZHRC is a National Human Rights Institution (NHRI) established by the Constitution of Zimbabwe (No.20) Act 2013. The Constitution mandates ZHRC to promote, protect and enforce human rights and fundamental freedoms enshrined under the Bill of Rights. The operational legal framework of the ZHRC is provided for in the Zimbabwe Human Rights Commission Act [Chapter 10:30]. In collecting data questionnaires, interviews and documentary review were used. Against this backdrop, the paper mainly seeks to explore and analyse the challenges faced by the Zimbabwe Human Rights Commission (ZHRC) in executing its mandate. Methodologically, the study relied extensively on available literature and reports. The study revealed that the ZHRC has been impeded by resource constraints, absence of legally binding laws, hostile political environment and lack of state compliance experiencing impediments which have affected its operation. The therefore study made some recommendations to help fortify and reinvigorate the ZHRC.

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Chitimira, Howard. "A General Legislative Analysis of "Torture" as a Human Rights Violation in Zimbabwe." Potchefstroom Electronic Law Journal/Potchefstroomse Elektroniese Regsblad 20 (June 6, 2017): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/1727-3781/2017/v20i0a1271.

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violations have been reported in Zimbabwe from the late 1970s to date. Notably, these torture-related human rights violations were problematic during the liberation war era in Zimbabwe. Regrettably, such violations are allegedly still prevalent, especially prior to and/or during general political elections in Zimbabwe. Accordingly, this article investigates torture as a human rights violation in Zimbabwe, inter alia by focusing on the role of selected law enforcement agencies in the protection of human rights in Zimbabwe. The article also discusses the legal position on torture and the perpetration of torture against ordinary people prior to as well as after independence in Zimbabwe. This is done to investigate the adequacy of the legal framework in Zimbabwe with regard to the combatting of torture. In relation to this, selected regional and international legal frameworks against torture are briefly discussed in order to determine possible measures that could be utilised in Zimbabwe. The authors submit that although the Constitution of Zimbabwe Amendment (No 20) Act, 2013 (Zimbabwe Constitution, 2013) prohibits torture, more may still need to be done to enhance the combatting of torture in Zimbabwe. For instance, apart from the prohibition contained in the Zimbabwe Constitution, 2013, there is no legislation that expressly outlaws torture in Zimbabwe. Moreover, Zimbabwe has not ratified the United Nations (UN) Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment of 1984 (UN Convention against Torture) to date. Lastly, concluding remarks and possible recommendations that could be employed to discourage torture-related human rights abuses in Zimbabwe are provided

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Mungwari, Teddy. "Journalism, democracy, and human rights in Zimbabwe." African Journalism Studies 42, no. 1 (January 2, 2021): 128–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23743670.2021.1896156.

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Pincock, Stephen. "Douglas Gwatidzo: defending human rights in Zimbabwe." Lancet 366, no. 9483 (July 2005): 363. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0140-6736(05)67012-2.

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White, Caroline. "Zimbabwe set to outlaw human rights organisations." BMJ 329, no. 7478 (December 2, 2004): 1308.5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.329.7478.1308-d.

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Hartnack, Andrew. "Rights after wrongs: local knowledge and human rights in Zimbabwe." Anthropology Southern Africa 41, no. 1 (January 2, 2018): 72–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23323256.2018.1443017.

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Tembo, Simbarashe, and Annie Singh. "Freedom of Assembly in Zimbabwe." African Journal of Legal Studies 15, no. 4 (November 22, 2023): 486–503. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17087384-12340098.

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Abstract The past two decades have witnessed a protracted struggle for human rights in Zimbabwe. The adoption of the new constitution in 2013 provided a glimmer of hope for a new constitutional dispensation founded on a human rights culture. To this end, the Constitutional Court duly adopted a rights-based adjudication. This is evidenced by the declaration of unconstitutionality of certain sections of the Public Order and Security Act (POSA) in the case of the Democratic Assembly for Restoration and Empowerment (DARE) v Saunyama in 2016. The impugned sections related to freedom of assembly, freedom to demonstrate and freedom to picket government. What may have seemed like a new chapter for human rights was closed when the State enacted legislation in direct conflict with the order of the Court. This article posits that the new legislation, the Maintenance of Public Order Act (MOPO), which replaced POSA is as unconstitutional as its predecessor. It is argued that by enacting MOPO, the State effectively demonstrated that it was determined to shrink the existing human rights in Zimbabwe.

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Chiduza, Lovemore. "Towards the Protection of Human Rights: Do the New Zimbabwean Constitutional Provisions on Judicial Independence suffice?" Potchefstroom Electronic Law Journal/Potchefstroomse Elektroniese Regsblad 17, no. 1 (April 21, 2017): 417. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/1727-3781/2014/v17i1a2252.

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If human rights are to be effectively protected in any country, the judiciary has to recognise that it also has a role to play in this regard. The rationale for this is that the judiciary has a duty to enhance and protect human rights. Across Africa and most notably in Zimbabwe political interference has been noted as a factor that limits judicial independence. In Zimbabwe the weak protection of judicial independence has contributed to gross human rights violations. Constitutional reforms have been conducted in order to improve the independence of the judiciary and consequently the judicial protection of human rights. These efforts have resulted in the adoption of a new Constitution in Zimbabwe which has replaced the Lancaster House Constitution. The Constitutional reforms have captured legal principles which will ensure an improvement in the human rights situation. Key to the reforms has been the independence of the judiciary. The Constitution guarantees the independence of the judiciary. Despite such guarantees there are a number of challenges with regards to this independence. The aim of this paper is therefore to analyse the judicial reforms introduced by the Constitution of Zimbabwe with a view to establishing whether or not such reforms are likely to improve judicial independence and in turn the protection of human rights in Zimbabwe.

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Keller, Allen S., Samantha A. Stewart, and Shari Eppel. "Health and human rights under assault in Zimbabwe." Lancet 371, no. 9618 (March 2008): 1057–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0140-6736(08)60467-5.

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Singh, Jerome A. "Zimbabwe: health and human rights versus African solidarity." Lancet 366, no. 9490 (September 2005): 964–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0140-6736(05)67351-5.

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Dicker, Richard. "Monitoring Human Rights in Africa." Journal of Modern African Studies 29, no. 3 (September 1991): 505–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00000628.

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Since its founding in May 1988, Africa Watch has documented and reported on human rights abuses in 13 countries in sub-Saharan Africa. These findings are available in eight book-length reports and more than 70 newsletters, with new evidence available all the time on such topics as, for example, the suppression of information in the Sudan, violations of laws of war in Liberia, the devastating impact of the 15-year armed conflict in Angola, slavery in Mauritania, and interference with academic freedom in Zimbabwe.

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Dicker, Richard. "Monitoring Human Rights in Africa." Journal of Modern African Studies 29, no. 3 (September 1991): 505–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x0000358x.

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Since its founding in May 1988, Africa Watch has documented and reported on human rights abuses in 13 countries in sub-Saharan Africa. These findings are available in eight book-length reports and more than 70 newsletters, with new evidence available all the time on such topics as, for example, the suppression of information in the Sudan, violations of laws of war in Liberia, the devastating impact of the 15-year armed conflict in Angola, slavery in Mauritania, and interference with academic freedom in Zimbabwe.

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Chiduza, L. "The Zimbabwe Human Rights Commission: Prospects and challenges for the protection of human rights." Law, Democracy & Development 19, no. 1 (January 25, 2016): 148. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/ldd.v19i1.8.

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Kriger, Norma. "Review Essay: Human Rights and the Zimbabwe Land Debate." African Studies 72, no. 2 (August 2013): 176–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00020184.2013.812885.

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Ferriman, A. "Human rights group uncovers evidence of torture in Zimbabwe." BMJ 324, no. 7333 (February 9, 2002): 317. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.324.7333.317.

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Sinclair-Bright, Leila. "Rights After Wrongs: Local Knowledge and Human Rights in Zimbabwe by Shannon Morreira." Anthropological Quarterly 90, no. 2 (2017): 559–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/anq.2017.0035.

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Mangena, Tendai, and Sambulo Ndlovu. "Reflections on how Selected Shona and Ndebele Proverbs Highlight a Worldview that Promotes a Respect and/or a Violation of Children’s Rights." International Journal of Children’s Rights 22, no. 3 (October 27, 2014): 660–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718182-02203003.

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This paper sets out to demonstrate that though the un Convention on the Rights of the Child (1989) is the most widely accepted Human Rights Convention and Zimbabwe is one of the 193 states acceding to the treaty, there are still challenges in the promotion of children’s rights. Irrespective of the fact that human rights discourse is believed to be a modern concept and its universal application is contested, this paper also demonstrates that children’s rights have always been moral imperatives for both the Shona and Ndebele of Zimbabwe since time immemorial, as shown in their proverbs. Nevertheless, it is also imperative there were some beliefs that, if considered in the modern sense of the human rights paradigm, promoted the violation of some children’s rights. The following discussion shows that children’s autonomy is not culturally a Shona or Ndebele concept, and is often not realized in these cultures even if Zimbabwe adheres to the Convention of the Child’s Rights that stipulates that the child be viewed and treated as an autonomous being. In both Shona and Ndebele traditional cultures, as expressed in their proverbs, parents have an obligation to offer protection to their children. This paper also demonstrates the cultural ambivalence in two specific aspects of child care: the beating up of children as a discipline factor and the raising up of orphans.

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Mapuva, Jephias, and Loveness Muyengwa-Mapuva. "The State, Civil Society and Human Rights: Lessons for Zimbabwe." International Journal of Politics & Law Research 2, no. 1 (2014): 8. http://dx.doi.org/10.12966/ijplr.03.02.2014.

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Phillips, Oliver. "Blackmail in Zimbabwe: troubling narratives of sexuality and human rights." International Journal of Human Rights 13, no. 2-3 (June 2009): 345–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13642980902758192.

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Abraham, Garth. "The commonwealth, human rights and Zimbabwe: Trouble in the family?" South African Journal of International Affairs 11, no. 1 (June 2004): 147–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10220460409545455.

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Tigere, Patrick. "State Reporting to the African Commission: The Case of Zimbabwe." Journal of African Law 38, no. 1 (1994): 64–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021855300011475.

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Under the legal regime established by the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights, country reports “on the legislative or other measures taken with a view to giving effect to the rights and freedoms recognized and guaranteed by the present Charter” must be submitted every two years. If a state is serious in its approach to human rights it might be assumed that such reports would be prepared and submitted in a timeous and thorough manner. The case of Zimbabwe indicates that this is not always the case.

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Bvirindi, Tawanda Ray, Nigel Mxolisi Landa, and Sherphard Chidarikire. "Transitional Justice and Human Rights in Zimbabwe's Gukurahundi Mass Grave Exhumations." African Conflict & Peacebuilding Review 14, no. 1 (March 2024): 123–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/acp.00005.

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ABSTRACT: Transitional justice requires a multi-stakeholder as well as a multidimensional approach. In Zimbabwe, the issue of atrocities committed by the state (now commonly referred to as Gukurahundi) is a topic that evokes emotive debate, especially around the process of exhuming the remains of those who were buried in mass graves. One controversial issue surrounding the exhumation of mass graves is the idea of letting "by-gones be by-gones." This political strategy potentially allows perpetrators to circumvent the human rights issues that arise after mass graves are exhumed. It also denies the victims proper burial and closure for their families. Using an analysis of data in the form of legal reports, international laws, and case law, among other literature, this article examines the international norms on exhumation and the politics inhibiting exhumation of the Gukurahundi mass graves in Zimbabwe .

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Mapfumo, Claybough Tarcisius, Nyasha Kaseke, Alice Zinyemba, Joseph Ntayi, and Adnos Chikomo. "Rethinking Sustainability for Foreign-Funded Community-Based Projects (CBPS) in Low-Income Countries." International Journal of Research and Innovation in Social Science VIII, IIIS (2024): 2063–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.47772/ijriss.2024.803149s.

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In this research, we set out to reexamine the intractable problem of unsustainability in foreign-funded Community-Based Projects (CBPs) in low-income countries. The study explored the sustainability of foreign-funded CBPS in Zimbabwe’s Masvingo Province by analysing their funding experiences, practices, strategies, challenges, and developing a CBP sustainability model. A mixed-methods approach was used where the positivist paradigm assessed the opinions of CBP stakeholders, while interpretive phenomenology focused on theory building based on subjective substantiations. We used an explanatory concurrent survey participated by 470 households and 30 stakeholders under the National Association of NGOs (NANGO). Descriptive statistics were used for questionnaire-based data analysis while thematic analysis was used for interview-based data analysis. The study reveals that most CBPs in Masvingo Province receive international funding for development projects, with most focusing on emergencies, human rights, social services, environment, and poverty alleviation. Stakeholders, however, believe that the initiatives are hard to maintain because of the funding cycles’ limited nature. The CBPs are enhancing lives by addressing gaps in government service delivery in marginalised communities but they are putting too much focus on financial resources, leading to a myriad of project nightmares when foreign grants do not come. They face numerous challenges including funding dependency amid fluctuating funding sources and conditionalities. Accountability issues are also prevalent as well as cultural challenges arising from misunderstanding local customs. Recommendations for sustainability include exploring alternative funding sources, diversifying income sources and fundraising. Balancing short-term funding with long-term financial stability as well as investing in local capacity-building are also crucial for project endurance and impact sustainability. We also recommend strategic planning with long-term goals as well as adaptive programming to respond to changing community needs. CBP teams must prioritise learning over impressing the donors. This approach fosters ownership, strengthens local institutions and supports long-term sustainability through demonstrable impact.

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Ncube, Cornelias. "The 2013 Elections in Zimbabwe: End of an Era for Human Rights Discourse?" Africa Spectrum 48, no. 3 (December 2013): 99–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203971304800305.

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This paper examines the implications of Zimbabwe's 2013 harmonised elections on the opposition's continued deployment of the rights-based discourse to make moral and political claims against and demands of the state. Since 2000, two polarising strands of the human rights discourse −1) the right to self-determination and 2) civil and political rights – were deployed by the state and the opposition, respectively, in order to challenge extant relations and structures of power. The acutely strained state–society relations in post-2000 Zimbabwe emanated from human rights violations by the state as it responded to challenges to its political power and legitimacy. However, the relative improvement in the human rights situation in the country since the 2009 coalition government came into office, and during and since the recently concluded peaceful 2013 elections – the flawed electoral process itself notwithstanding – suggests a need for alternative new ways to make moral and political demands of the state in the future.

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Yucel, Salih. "Human Rights and Guilt by Association." Australian Journal of Islamic Studies 4, no. 3 (December 30, 2019): 19–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.55831/ajis.v4i3.233.

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Violating human rights, committing crimes, and mass killing due to guilt by association is as old as human beings. Most of the genocides in human history are committed because of guilt by association. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights is one of the most important steps regarding human rights, however, there is no article which explicitly bans committing crime and killing due to guilt by association. Although guilt by association is considered unlawful in modern day legal systems, it exists in all cultures, among adherents of religions and nations including Muslim countries. Despite the strong objection occurring within the Qur’an, violating human rights due to guilt by association, it has been common, in both the past and present, across the Muslim world. Disregarding such important moral principles has caused great injustice and barbarous acts in the world. In this paper, I will analyse the word haqq, in its sense of meaning “right” in the sacred texts of Islam, focusing on its relation to guilt by association. Secondly, I will examine how the Qur’anic verse “No bearer of burdens can bear the burden of another“[1]bans guilt by association in the exegetical works. This is shown to take on particular significance within Said Nursi’s (1877-1960) renewal approach. Finally, this paper argues that guilt by association is causing great injustice, tyranny, and crime. This study proposes that it must be added to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and banned by the UN. [1] Qur’an, 6:164, 35:18, 53:38

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Kugara, S. L., T. D. Mdhluli, P. E. Matshidze, V. O. Netshandama, and R. Tshifhumulo. "Witch-hunting: A Human Rights Perspective in South Africa and Zimbabwe." African Journal of Peace and Conflict Studies 11, no. 3 (December 1, 2022): 81–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.31920/2634-3665/2022/v11n3a5.

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Musarandega, Reuben. "Integrated human rights and poverty eradication strategy: the case of civil registration rights in Zimbabwe." International Social Science Journal 60, no. 197-198 (September 2009): 389–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2451.2010.01728.x.

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Sakellaraki, Kalomoira K. "Human Rights and Surrogacy – Association between Human Rights Approaches and Ethical Approaches." Epistēmēs Metron Logos, no. 2 (June 8, 2019): 40. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/eml.20570.

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The main problems that Modern Bioethics faces concern mainlythe terms of rights, which feature prominently in the theoreticalisttheories. If classical theories of deontocracy and utilitarianism areapplied to surrogate motherhood, we will be led not only to different butalso opposing decisions. Bioethics, nevertheless, ought to make the bestpossible decisions and take into consideration moral aspects and valuesby prioritizing the importance of rights. The correlation between humanrights and ethical approaches is particularly convoluted. Both of them areestablished on the respect of human dignity, the individual’s importanceand the moral integrity of human existence. As regards the moral dilemmasthat arise as to the moral permissiveness of surrogacy, it behoves us toapply a particular ethical theory that wil be uesd as a method of justifyinga certain decison. Therefore, in the case of surrogate motherhood, basicethical theories refer to Intuitionism and Ethical Ethics. A morality whichis reliant foremost on the notion of duty, imperative and obligation. Itexamines the ethical dilemmas and answers the question of what one hasto do based on their individual imperatives and duties.

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Masekesa, Liberty Kudzai. "A human rights-based approach to implementing Target 11.6 of Sustainable Development Goal 11 in Zimbabwe." African Human Rights Law Journal 22, no. 1 (August 11, 2022): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/1996-2096/2022/v22n1a10.

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In its quest to deal with sustainability challenges continuously posed by rapid urbanisation, the international community reinvigorated the role of local governments as co-global actors in pursuance of the global sustainable development agenda by dedicating to cities Sustainable Development Coal 11 (SDC 11) of the United Nations 2030 Sustainable Development Agenda. SDC 11 is accompanied by ten time-bound targets directed towards making cities and human settlements across the world inclusive, safe, resilient and sustainable by 2030. Reports reveal that Zimbabwe, among other countries, is struggling to give effect to these targets, including Target 11.6 which requires local authorities to contribute towards reducing 'the adverse per capita environmental impact of cities'. Struggling with this target has implications for the enjoyment of environmental rights, among other fundamental rights. As such, using a human rights-based approach, this article explores how the right to a healthy environment entrenched in the 2013 Constitution of Zimbabwe can be used to pursue Target 11.6. Although the huge potential of the human rights-based approach remains untapped in Zimbabwe, the article argues that its adoption in relation to Target 11.6 appears, in theory, to be the most appropriate means for the enjoyment of the right to a healthy environment as local authorities have a shared responsibility to adhere to human rights norms and standards. In light of the commendable precedents set by the judiciary in some cases, local authorities are recommended to consider the implication of legal provisions on the right to a healthy environment in the process of exercising their legislative or executive powers directed towards the realisation of Target 11.6.

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OSONDU-OTI, ADAORA. "CHINA AND AFRICA: HUMAN RIGHTS PERSPECTIVE." WILBERFORCE JOURNAL OF THE SOCIAL SCIENCES 1, no. 1 (March 10, 2016): 13–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.36108/wjss/6102.10.0120.

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At the turn of the 21st century, China emerged as a major player in Africa’s international relations. This emergence has attracted a lot of attention in literature on what it portends for Africa. Many of the past studies have maintained that China undermines human rights in its engagements with Africa. Of important note was China’s support for the Sudanese government even in the face of human rights abuses; its unconditional aid to Angola, that have helped the government to shun accountability and transparency; its support for inhuman practices meted to the citizens of Zimbabwe by the government, among others. Against this background, this paper examined China-Africa contemporary relations from the human rights perspective. It explored, among others, China’s stance on human rights issues and the rights that China undermines in Africa. The paper argued China’s stance on human rights in Africa, and possibly internationally has a link with its domestic human rights situation. Being that human rights in China are abysmal, ordinarily China would not promote human rights in Africa more than what it does at home. The author concludes that although China may not be labelled a ‘saint’ in human rights abuses in Africa, it still cannot be labelled a ‘sinner’ in many human rights abuses by African governments.

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Shoko, Munatsi, Kerry Vermaak, and Annika Rudman. "Role of the police in access to justice for sexual and gender-based violence perpetrated against diverse women in Zimbabwe." Stellenbosch Law Review 33, no. 1 (2022): 123–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.47348/slr/2022/i1a6.

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Bound by the 2013 Constitution of Zimbabwe (“Zimbabwean Constitution”), as informed by regional human rights law, Zimbabwean police should facilitate access to justice for everyone. This article interrogates the lived realities of diverse women in terms of how the police in Zimbabwe respond when they report cases of sexual and gender-based violence (“SGBV”). Using qualitative data this article also interrogates institutional practices questioning the alignment of laws and actions to the Zimbabwean Constitution. The findings show that the reluctance of the police to efficiently and appropriately engage with SGBV cases reported by diverse women is encouraged by the homophobic context in which these take place. The ability of the police to provide justice to diverse women who experience SGBV can be strengthened by repealing the laws that criminalise same-sex relations and sodomy and by implementing regional human rights law as interpreted through Resolution 275 of the African Commission on Human and People’s Rights.

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Mthombeni, Admire, Tafadzwa Changara, David Chibhoyi, Nyasha Makiwa, Christabel Nyathi, and Patrick Karibe. "The Efficacy of Public Order Training in Improving Performance of District Reaction Groups (DRGs) in the Zimbabwe Republic Police, Mutare Central District, Manicaland Province, Zimbabwe." Institutiones Administrationis 3, no. 2 (December 15, 2023): 99–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.54201/iajas.v3i2.72.

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This article sought to assess the role of public order training in improving the performance of the District Reaction Group (DRG), in the Zimbabwe Republic Police Mutare Central District. The study adopted a quantitative approach and used a descriptive survey research design. The study participants were drawn from members of Zimbabwe Republic Police Mutare Central District. A sample size of 280 participants was drawn in which a stratified random sampling technique was used. Data for this study were collected through structured questionnaires. The collected data were analyzed using SPSS version 23.0 and presented in the form of tables and figures. The findings of the study established that public order training had a positive significant influence on Police District Reaction Group public conduct in Mutare District. The study recommended that the Zimbabwe Republic Police should conduct more training on customer care and Human Rights through its Professional Updating Centre (PUC) in order to reduce number of complaints of human rights violations by the public.

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Hellum, Anne, and Bill Derman. "Land Reform and Human Rights in Contemporary Zimbabwe: Balancing Individual and Social Justice Through an Integrated Human Rights Framework." World Development 32, no. 10 (October 2004): 1785–805. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.worlddev.2004.07.001.

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Chiduza, Lovemore, and Paterson Nkosemntu Makiwane. "STRENGTHENING LOCUS STANDI IN HUMAN RIGHTS LITIGATION IN ZIMBABWE: AN ANALYSIS OF THE PROVISIONS IN THE NEW ZIMBABWEAN CONSTITUTION." Potchefstroom Electronic Law Journal/Potchefstroomse Elektroniese Regsblad 19 (June 8, 2016): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/1727-3781/2016/v19i0a742.

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Zimbabweans have been both victims of and witnesses to serious human rights violations over the years.Though there is wide agreement and speculation that the state and its agencies are the perpetrators of these atrocities, they have largely remained unprosecuted and unpunished.Such impunity is inter alia the result of ineffective law enforcement mechanismsand institutions as well as the lack of capacity and legal knowledge of victims to approach the courts and seek redress. These factors negatively affected the protection of human rights and access to justice in Zimbabwe.Although the Lancaster House Constitution contained a Declaration of Rights, its enforcement mechanisms, particularly those relating to locus standi (legal standing), posed a great challenge to human rights litigation in Zimbabwe. This is so because the Lancaster House Constitution adopted the traditional common law approach to standing. Under this approach it was required that an individual must have a "personal, direct or substantial interest" in a matter in order to have standing. The Lancaster House Constitution failed to recognise the importance of broader rules of standing, which would accommodate public interest litigation, specifically for the purpose of protecting human rights. Contrary to this, the new Constitution of Zimbabwe (2013) broadens the rules of standing in order to enhance access to the courts. This paper analyses the new approach to standing under the new constitutional dispensation in Zimbabwe.To this end, the discussion commences with an elucidation of the concept of locus standi and its link to access to justice. This is followed by an analysis of locus standi under the Lancaster House Constitution. Since the new approach in Zimbabwe is greatly informed by the South African approach to locus standi, a brief analysis of standing in South Africa is made. The paper concludes with a discussion of the approach to locus standi under the new constitution with a view to demonstrating how the new approach is likely to impact on the right of access to justice and human rights protection.

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Amah, Munachim. "Journalism, Democracy, and Human Rights in Zimbabwe, Bruce Mutsvairo and Cleophas T. Muneri (2019)." Journal of African Media Studies 12, no. 2 (June 1, 2020): 223–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jams_00020_5.

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Review of: Journalism, Democracy, and Human Rights in Zimbabwe, Bruce Mutsvairo and Cleophas T. Muneri (2019)London: Lexington Books, 164 pp.,ISBN 978-1-49859-976-4, h/bk, $85.00 (£54.95),ISBN 978-1-49859-977-1, e/bk, $80.50 (£54.95)

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Smith, Rhona, and Sean Molloy. "Navigating Human Rights in a ‘Post-Human Rights’ Era." Asia-Pacific Journal on Human Rights and the Law 21, no. 2 (December 9, 2020): 139–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718158-21020001.

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Abstract International human rights law and mechanisms tasked with promoting state compliance with it are being increasingly challenged. Opposition is originating from, amongst others, countries that have historically supported the global human rights project. These new trends and sites of contestation bolster opposition from other countries and regions that have consistently diverged from international human rights norms. Examining the relationship between the United Nations human rights system and states of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations in this broader context of opposition to human rights, this article argues that existing theories on why states do, or ought to, comply with international human rights law are often inadequate to either explain or inspire state adherence to human rights norms. What is required, this article will argue, is not another theory but rather more targeted and incremental efforts to address the gap between rhetoric and compliance.

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Pieters, Wesley R. "LGBTQI rights are human rights." Journal for Studies in Humanities and Social Sciences 8, no. 2 (August 21, 2020): 78–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.32642/.v8i2.1450.

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The Namibian Constitution has been noted to be modern, progressive and internationally exemplary but fails to include and recognise the rights of the Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, Queer and Intersex (LGBTQI) community. Chapter III of the Namibian Constitution, which is based on the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, focuses on “Fundamental Human Rights and Freedoms” and these rights were the “very principles Namibians had fought for” (Geingob, 2004, p. 135). During the apartheid regime, many Namibians were not privileged to enjoy these basic human rights since oppression and discrimination against “different” people was the order of the day. Even though the fight for political independence is over, the fight for equality and inclusivity still continues. This paper explores the Fundamental Human Rights and Freedoms in the Namibian Constitution; extracting key information from other legal instruments to highlight the inherent contradictions in the protection of certain rights. It specifically focuses on the right to be free from discrimination of any kind and the right to assembly and association (marriage). This paper recommends that sodomy be decriminalised, same-sex marriages and joint adoption (same sex) be legalised in Namibia since the criminalisation and illegality of these add to extreme intolerance of differences, discrimination, exclusion and societal divide.

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Dabscheck, Braham. "Of Human Rights and Contracts: International Cricket and the Problem of Zimbabwe." AQ: Australian Quarterly 77, no. 2 (2005): 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20638325.

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Quentin-Baxter, Alison. "Human Rights and Decolonisation." Victoria University of Wellington Law Review 30, no. 2 (June 1, 1999): 563. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/vuwlr.v30i2.5986.

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This article provides a brief introduction to Professor RQ Quentin-Baxter and Alison Quentin-Baxter's papers found in this journal. They reveal insights which the authors derived from their personal involvement in areas of both national and international decision-making: the international implementation of human rights, and the transformation of Niue from its position as a colony to a self-governing state in a relationship of free association with New Zealand.

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Sveaass, Nora. "The Human Rights Committee at the Norwegian Psychological Association." European Psychologist 24, no. 2 (April 2019): 102–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1027/1016-9040/a000368.

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Abstract. The close connection between psychology and human rights is discussed through a presentation of the Human Rights Committee in the Norwegian Psychological Association. The importance of human rights education for a human rights-based approach in psychology is highlighted. The article describes the political events and the strengthening of the international human rights field that inspired the establishment of the committee and the definition of its goals. Main areas are presented, such as the psychological needs of refugees and their rights in resettlement countries, including the right to rehabilitation of victims of torture and the situation for separated minors seeking asylum, and their need for protection and care. Furthermore, human rights in mental health care, focusing on the rights of persons with disabilities, as well as children’s rights, and state obligations to prevent violence and abuse are central concerns. The right not to be discriminated or marginalized is emphasized and the need for psychologists to be involved in protection against discrimination. An international perspective focusing on psychologists involved in human rights abuses or psychologists themselves under threat is discussed as part of the committee’s engagement. The close collaboration with civil society organizations has enabled the committee to work with alternative reports to international monitoring mechanisms as part of periodic reporting, both to UN Treaty bodies and to the UN Human Rights Council (Universal Periodic Review). Finally, the importance of human rights-based psychology, and how joint initiatives can strengthen respect and promotion of rights, are reflected upon.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Zimbabwe Human Rights Association'

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