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Journal articles on the topic 'Zapatista movement'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 14 February 2022

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1

Inclán, María. "Zapatista and counter-Zapatista protests." Journal of Peace Research 49, no. 3 (May 2012): 459–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343311434238.

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This study represents the first systematic analysis of the interactions between pro-Zapatista and counter-Zapatista protestors in Chiapas, Mexico, and the first empirical test of movement–countermovement theories in a transitional democracy. Three claims are tested: (1) movement protests trigger countermovement protest activity; (2) different political parties at different levels of government trigger movement–countermovement protest activity; and (3) victories won by one side of a conflict, viewed as procedural concessions, trigger further pro- and countermovement protest activity. These hypotheses are tested using negative binomial models and data on Zapatista-related protest activity between 1994 and 2003. The results show that: (1) movement and countermovement protests have a positive, reciprocal effect on both groups' future protest activity; (2) movement and countermovement protesting groups use the dominant political party as a target of protest. The characteristics of the electoral cycle and rise of multi-party competition at all levels of government do not have a consistent effect on protest activity; (3) granting procedural concessions to pro-movement actors generates more protest activity among both groups. However, granting procedural concessions via social programs and public works to the population irrespective of its sympathy to either side of the movement–countermovement conflict decreases movement protests and increases countermovement protests.

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2

Andrews, Abigail. "Constructing Mutuality: The Zapatistas' Transformation of Transnational Activist Power Dynamics." Latin American Politics and Society 52, no. 01 (2010): 89–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2010.00075.x.

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Abstract This article examines the evolution of transnational Zapatista solidarity networks. Although scholars have described an emerging “mutuality” between the Zapatista movement and its allies at the level of international framing, this article considers how the Zapatistas forged this mutuality on the ground, through active redefinition of alliances with Northern supporters. It argues that the Zapatistas delimited who was included in their solidarity networks, set new terms for partnerships, and redefined legitimacy in their transnational alliances. In so doing, they asserted their autonomy from donors. They also fostered discourses and practices of mutual solidarity and Southern leadership, shifting the balance of power between North and South. The case both illuminates the possibilities for Southern movements to challenge Northern control from within and suggests potential pitfalls of doing so; by defying Northern NGOs' influence, the Zapatistas may have risked their long-term viability.

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Inclán, María. "Sliding Doors of Opportunity: Zapatistas and Their Cycle of Protest." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 14, no. 1 (February 1, 2009): 85–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.14.1.13q7002642355002.

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Using a cross-sectional time-series event-count model, this study analyzes the effects of local, national, and international variables on pro-Zapatista protests across the 111 localities (municipios) of Chiapas over a ten-year period (1994-2003). Protests were more likely to occur in localities with previous protest activity, a closed political system, and a larger presence of the military. Local and national electoral openings, as well as a larger local and national presence of the Zapatistas' presumed political ally, the Partido de la Revolución Democrática (PRD), had a negative relationship with protest activity. Specific openings to the Zapatistas also worked as protest depressants. International attention did not show any significant effect on Zapatista protest activity. However, these institutional and specific openings were only ephemeral opportunities in that they did not translate into substantive concessions for the movement. They appear to have decreased the strength of the Zapatista protest cycle, while the international attention to the movement did not show any significant effect on it.

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4

Stahler-Sholk, Richard. "RESISTENCIA, IDENTIDAD, Y AUTONOMÍA: LA TRANSFORMACIÓN DE ESPACIOS EN LAS COMUNIDADES ZAPATISTAS." Revista Pueblos y fronteras digital 10, no. 19 (October 26, 2016): 199. http://dx.doi.org/10.22201/cimsur.18704115e.2015.19.51.

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El artículo examina la identidad colectiva que se va forjando en la vida cotidiana de las comunidades autónomas zapatistas en Chiapas. Se desarrollan tres argumentos: 1. La persistencia del movimiento zapatista, a 20 años de su aparición pública, se debe en gran parte a la construcción de una nueva subjetividad que se manifiesta como una identidad colectiva entre los participantes. 2. Esa identidad se caracteriza más por un proceso de construcción, en las prácticas de relaciones sociales y formas de hacer política en los territorios autónomos, que por un perfil fijo. 3. La autonomía zapatista es un ejemplo de «contrapoder», que puede ser relevante para otros movimientos sociales antisistémicos de América Latina. RESISTANCE, IDENTITY AND AUTONOMY: TRANSFORMATION IN ZAPATISTA COMMUNITIES This article examines the collective identity forged by everyday life in autonomous Zapatista communities in Chiapas. It develops three arguments: 1. The persistence of the Zapatista movement 20 years after its public emergence largely due to the construction of a new subjectivity expressed as collective identity among participants. 2. This identity is characterized as a construction process through the social relationships and forms of doing politics practiced in autonomous territories, rather than a fixed profile. 3. Zapatista autonomy is an example of «counterpower», which could be of relevance to other anti-establishment social movements in Latin America.

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5

Domínguez Ruvalcaba, Héctor. "La rapsodia postcolonial como activismo global: el Movimiento Zapatista y la guerra de la palabra / Postcolonial rhapsody as global activism: the Zapatista Movement and the war of the words." Kamchatka. Revista de análisis cultural., no. 9 (August 31, 2017): 173. http://dx.doi.org/10.7203/kam.9.9549.

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Resumen: Este ensayo interpreta las declaraciones de la Selva Lacandona emitidas desde 1994 por el Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional como un periplo que parte de una síntesis de la teología de la liberación y la guerrilla marxista latinoamericana a una postura expresada como la aglutinación de discursos que componen las culturas de la resistencia globales. Entiendo la primera como una ideología anticolonial, en la medida que concibe su lucha como un deseo de liberación de la dependencia de los países latinoamericanos de los imperialismos modernos. Podemos considerar la pluralidad de discursos en que el zapatismo ha desembocado, tras su vínculo con grupos diversos de resistencia, como una forma postcolonial de hacer política. Propongo aquí analizar la interlocución de los comunicados zapatistas como una política de redes cuyo centro se establece precisamente en Chiapas. Más que un punto de convergencia coyuntural, La Selva Lacandona pasa a ser un punto de quiasmo de una diversidad de agendas políticas que se han llamado altermundistas.Palabras clave: Zapatismo, colonialidad, liberación, autonomía, globalización, resistencia.Abstract: This essay interprets the Selva Lacandona Declarations, published since 1994 by the Zapatista Army of National Liberation as a journey departing from a synthesis of Liberation Theology and the Latin American Marxist guerrilla towards a posture expressed as the agglutination of discourses encompassing the global resistance cultures. I understand the first as an anticolonial ideology, as it deems its fight a Latin American liberation desire from dependency on modern imperialism. We can consider the plurality of discourses Zapatismo has become a postcolonial form of doing politics, after its link with a diversity of resistance groups. My aim here is to analyze the Zapatista communications with the web politics whose center is located in Chiapas. More than a convergence juncture the Selva Lacandona becomes a chiasm of a diversity of political agendas of the so-called alter-world.Keywords: Zapatismo, coloniality, liberation, autonomy, globalization, resistance.

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6

Wager, Stephen J., and Donald E. Schulz. "Civil-Military Relations in Mexico: The Zapatista Revolt and Its Implications." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 37, no. 1 (1995): 1–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166215.

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The 1994 New Year's celebration in Mexico started with a bang. A mere hour into the year, the Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional (EZLN or Zapatista National Liberation Army) assaulted and captured four cities in the Los Altos region of Chiapas, Mexico's southernmost state. The Ejército Zapatista de Liberacion Nacional shocked the Mexican people and most of the world. Although Mexican political and military leaders denied that they were caught off guard, they were, in fact, totally surprised by the magnitude of the attack.As events unfolded, the reasons behind the seizure of San Cristóbal de las Casas, Las Margaritas, Altamirano, and Ocosingo became increasingly apparent. The Zapatistas called for a nationwide movement for “jobs, land, housing, food, health, independence, freedom, democracy, justice and peace.”

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Silveira, Renata Ferreira, and Marcelo Argenta Câmara. "A AUTONOMIA FRENTE À HIDRA CAPITALISTA: APORTES DA EXPERIÊNCIA ZAPATISTA." GEOgraphia 20, no. 42 (May 23, 2018): 77. http://dx.doi.org/10.22409/geographia.v20i42.920.

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Resumo: O movimento zapatista mexicano, surgido à luz pública no início de 1994, construiu uma trajetória de progressiva territorialização de sua concepção de sociedade e, consequentemente, de sua estratégia de mobilização. Tal trajetória tem sua conclusão (provisória) na constituição dos Caracóis enquanto recortes territoriais autônomos, e das Juntas de Bom Governo enquanto instâncias políticas e sociais de condução da vida em sociedade. Este artigo toma como ponto de partida a reflexão sobre a experiência zapatista para nos questionarmos sobre as possibilidades de respostas à atual crise civilizatória capitalista.Palavras-chave: Zapatismo. Territorialidades. Autonomia. Capitalismo. AUTONOMY AGAINST THE CAPITALIST HYDRA: CONTRIBUTIONS FROM THE ZAPATISTA EXPERIENCEAbstract: The mexican zapatista movement, which emerged in the public light at the beginning of 1994, has built a trajectory of progressive territorialization of its conception of society and, consequently, of its mobilization strategy. Such a trajectory has its (provisional) conclusion in the constitution of the Caracoles as autonomous territorial divisions, and of the Juntas de Buen Gobierno as political and social instances of conducting life in society. This article takes as its starting point the reflection on the zapatista experience to question ourselves on the possibilities of answers to the current capitalist civilizational crisis.Keywords: Zapatismo. Territorialities. Autonomy. Capitalismo. LA AUTONOMÍA FRENTE A LA HIDRA CAPITALISTA: APORTES DE LA EXPERIENCIA ZAPATISTAResumen: El movimiento zapatista mexicano, surgido a la luz pública a principios de 1994, construyó una trayectoria de progresiva territorialización de su concepción de sociedad y, consecuentemente, de su estrategia de movilización. Tal trayectoria tiene su conclusión (provisional) en la constitución de los Caracoles como recortes territoriales autónomos, y de las Juntas de Buen Gobierno como instancias políticas y sociales de conducción de la vida en sociedad. Este artículo toma como punto de partida la reflexión sobre la experiencia zapatista para preguntarse sobre las posibilidades de respuestas a la actual crisis civilizatoria capitalista.Palabras clave: Zapatismo. Territorialidades. Autonomía. Capitalismo.

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Silveira, Renata Ferreira, and Marcelo Argenta Câmara. "A AUTONOMIA FRENTE À HIDRA CAPITALISTA: APORTES DA EXPERIÊNCIA ZAPATISTA." GEOgraphia 20, no. 42 (May 23, 2018): 77. http://dx.doi.org/10.22409/geographia2018.2042.a13834.

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Resumo: O movimento zapatista mexicano, surgido à luz pública no início de 1994, construiu uma trajetória de progressiva territorialização de sua concepção de sociedade e, consequentemente, de sua estratégia de mobilização. Tal trajetória tem sua conclusão (provisória) na constituição dos Caracóis enquanto recortes territoriais autônomos, e das Juntas de Bom Governo enquanto instâncias políticas e sociais de condução da vida em sociedade. Este artigo toma como ponto de partida a reflexão sobre a experiência zapatista para nos questionarmos sobre as possibilidades de respostas à atual crise civilizatória capitalista.Palavras-chave: Zapatismo. Territorialidades. Autonomia. Capitalismo. AUTONOMY AGAINST THE CAPITALIST HYDRA: CONTRIBUTIONS FROM THE ZAPATISTA EXPERIENCEAbstract: The mexican zapatista movement, which emerged in the public light at the beginning of 1994, has built a trajectory of progressive territorialization of its conception of society and, consequently, of its mobilization strategy. Such a trajectory has its (provisional) conclusion in the constitution of the Caracoles as autonomous territorial divisions, and of the Juntas de Buen Gobierno as political and social instances of conducting life in society. This article takes as its starting point the reflection on the zapatista experience to question ourselves on the possibilities of answers to the current capitalist civilizational crisis.Keywords: Zapatismo. Territorialities. Autonomy. Capitalismo. LA AUTONOMÍA FRENTE A LA HIDRA CAPITALISTA: APORTES DE LA EXPERIENCIA ZAPATISTAResumen: El movimiento zapatista mexicano, surgido a la luz pública a principios de 1994, construyó una trayectoria de progresiva territorialización de su concepción de sociedad y, consecuentemente, de su estrategia de movilización. Tal trayectoria tiene su conclusión (provisional) en la constitución de los Caracoles como recortes territoriales autónomos, y de las Juntas de Buen Gobierno como instancias políticas y sociales de conducción de la vida en sociedad. Este artículo toma como punto de partida la reflexión sobre la experiencia zapatista para preguntarse sobre las posibilidades de respuestas a la actual crisis civilizatoria capitalista.Palabras clave: Zapatismo. Territorialidades. Autonomía. Capitalismo.

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9

Silveira, Renata Ferreira, and Marcelo Argenta Câmara. "A AUTONOMIA FRENTE À HIDRA CAPITALISTA: APORTES DA EXPERIÊNCIA ZAPATISTA." GEOgraphia 20, no. 42 (May 23, 2018): 77. http://dx.doi.org/10.22409/geographia2018.v20i42.a13834.

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Resumo: O movimento zapatista mexicano, surgido à luz pública no início de 1994, construiu uma trajetória de progressiva territorialização de sua concepção de sociedade e, consequentemente, de sua estratégia de mobilização. Tal trajetória tem sua conclusão (provisória) na constituição dos Caracóis enquanto recortes territoriais autônomos, e das Juntas de Bom Governo enquanto instâncias políticas e sociais de condução da vida em sociedade. Este artigo toma como ponto de partida a reflexão sobre a experiência zapatista para nos questionarmos sobre as possibilidades de respostas à atual crise civilizatória capitalista.Palavras-chave: Zapatismo. Territorialidades. Autonomia. Capitalismo. AUTONOMY AGAINST THE CAPITALIST HYDRA: CONTRIBUTIONS FROM THE ZAPATISTA EXPERIENCEAbstract: The mexican zapatista movement, which emerged in the public light at the beginning of 1994, has built a trajectory of progressive territorialization of its conception of society and, consequently, of its mobilization strategy. Such a trajectory has its (provisional) conclusion in the constitution of the Caracoles as autonomous territorial divisions, and of the Juntas de Buen Gobierno as political and social instances of conducting life in society. This article takes as its starting point the reflection on the zapatista experience to question ourselves on the possibilities of answers to the current capitalist civilizational crisis.Keywords: Zapatismo. Territorialities. Autonomy. Capitalismo. LA AUTONOMÍA FRENTE A LA HIDRA CAPITALISTA: APORTES DE LA EXPERIENCIA ZAPATISTAResumen: El movimiento zapatista mexicano, surgido a la luz pública a principios de 1994, construyó una trayectoria de progresiva territorialización de su concepción de sociedad y, consecuentemente, de su estrategia de movilización. Tal trayectoria tiene su conclusión (provisional) en la constitución de los Caracoles como recortes territoriales autónomos, y de las Juntas de Buen Gobierno como instancias políticas y sociales de conducción de la vida en sociedad. Este artículo toma como punto de partida la reflexión sobre la experiencia zapatista para preguntarse sobre las posibilidades de respuestas a la actual crisis civilizatoria capitalista.Palabras clave: Zapatismo. Territorialidades. Autonomía. Capitalismo.

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10

Gunderson, Christopher. "The Communist Roots of Zapatismo and the Zapatista Uprising." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 16, no. 1-3 (April 7, 2017): 167–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691497-12341427.

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This study suggests that communist politics had much deeper roots in the larger indigenous-campesino movement that formed the social base of the Zapatista National Liberation Army (ezln) than has previously been acknowledged. Tracing the political development of the indigenous communities of Chiapas, Mexico from the late nineteenth century to the founding of the ezln in 1983, it examines the influence of several currents of revolutionary socialist and communist theory and practice on the Zapatistas. It concludes with a call for further investigation into the theoretical status of communism as a category of a critical theory of contentious politics.

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Śniadecka-Kotarska, Magdalena. "La insurrección armada en Chiapas en 1994: un conflicto social de nuevo tipo." Estudios Latinoamericanos 17 (December 31, 1996): 143–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.36447/estudios1996.v17.art6.

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Abstract/short description: Magdalena Śniadecka-Kotarska's article describes the then-freshly developed Zapatista insurgency in Chiapas, Mexico. She summarizes the history of Chiapas and the conditions that led to the rise of the Zapatista movement. She includes recent political and religious background of the conflict. The Zapatista movement is portrayed as a new kind of militancy, less interested in defending interests of one particular group, but able to unite various groups and defend their different interests.

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Lizarzaburu, Jorge. "The Zapatista Revolution." Radical Philosophy Review 23, no. 1 (2020): 59–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/radphilrev2020224104.

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This essay examines the poem “Angelitos Negros” as a description of social inequity underlain by Latin-American histories of colonialism. Following Nancy Fraser, I analyze the poem as an illustration of the perils of embracing “identity politics” separated from redistributive claims. As Fraser notices, contemporary critique is often content elevating identity struggles to the foreground while simultaneously pushing wealth redistribution to the background. In this light, the paper concludes proposing the Zapatista revolution as an example of a movement whereby claims of identity and redistribution have been successfully combined to produce social change in a manner that responds to the issues that “Angelitos Negros” evinces.

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Stahler-Sholk, Richard. "The Zapatista Social Movement: Innovation and Sustainability." Alternatives: Global, Local, Political 35, no. 3 (July 2010): 269–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030437541003500306.

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14

Gambetti, Zeynep. "Politics of place/space: The spatial dynamics of the Kurdish and Zapatista movements." New Perspectives on Turkey 41 (2009): 43–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600005379.

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AbstractThis paper explores two examples of collective action, the Zapatista movement in Chiapas, Mexico, and the Kurdish movement in Turkey, by focusing on how these movements constructed two particular places, Diyarbakir and Chiapas, after the armed conflict subsided. My first aim is to show how this place-making has affected the discourses and practices of these movements. I argue that place-making is not only about locality or physical setting, but also about constructing a movement and a form of struggle in its own right. My second aim is to discuss the broad outlines of what may be called the “appropriation of space.” This refers not only to the spaces of visibility and solidarity opened up by a movement, but also to its chances of acquiring significance within local, national or global spaces of power. I look at how the Kurdish movement has had an impact on democracy in Turkey and compare it with the Zapatista movements local and transnational effects. I do so by relating physical and metaphorical notions of space to several concepts generated by social movement literature. As such, this study intends to contribute to spatial understandings of collective action. It is also likely to indicate various pitfalls and obstacles for emancipatory social movements in the present neoliberal era.

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Brown, Cameron J. H. "Global Hegemony and Place-Based Resistance: Citizenship, Representation, and Place in Canadian Multiculturalism and the Zapatista Movement." Arbutus Review 3, no. 2 (December 5, 2012): 37–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.18357/tar32201211641.

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The Zapatista movement that began in Southern Mexico in 1994 continues to offer a sharp break from the common politics of indigenous communities in North America. In order to develop an understanding of this break, this article contrasts the different conceptions of place and citizenship within the Zapatista movement to those within Canadian multiculturalism. This allows one to see the ways in which colonial representation over space work to redirect conceptions of citizenship from place into the hegemonic ordering of the State and capital. Through this exploration the relationships between conceptions of citizenship, representation over space, and colonial hegemony are presented.

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Guillén, Diana. "Societies in Movement vs. Institutional Continuities? Insights from the Zapatista Experience." Latin American Perspectives 44, no. 4 (March 2, 2016): 114–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x16635292.

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In Latin America and other parts of the world, the social volatility of the past two decades has focused attention on the traditional concepts of what political structures and practices should be, highlighting what might be characterized as an empirical bursting at the seams of the classic normative frameworks. In this context it is of interest to analyze the proposal of the Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional (Zapatista Army of National Liberation—EZLN) to establish a political-social organization parallel to the institutional framework recognized by Mexican law and contribute to the debate that has arisen about this kind of experiment and its transformational potential. En América Latina y en otras partes del mundo la efervescencia social de las últimas dos décadas ha interpelado las concepciones tradicionales sobre el deber ser de las estructuras y practices políticias, escenificando lo que podría caracterizarse como un desbordamiento empírico de los encuadres normativos clásicos. Frente a tal scenario interesa analizar la propuesta del Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional (EZLN) para esta-blecer una organización politico-social paralela al andamiaje institucional reconocido por la legislación y abonar al debate que desde el pensamiento crítico se está promoviendo sobre este tipo de experiencia y su potencial transformador.

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Mégevand, Béatrice. "Between Insurrection and Government—ICRC action in Mexico." International Review of the Red Cross 35, no. 304 (February 1995): 94–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020860400086502.

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On 1 January 1994, Mexico's awakening after New Year's Eve was rude to say the least, for that was the date chosen by a hitherto unknown guerrilla movement, the Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional (Zapatista National Liberation Army), to launch a simultaneous attack on several municipalities in the south-eastern Mexican State of Chiapas, and particularly on its jewel, well known to tourists — San Cristobal de Las Casas.

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Russell, Adrienne. "Myth and the Zapatista movement: exploring a network identity." New Media & Society 7, no. 4 (August 2005): 559–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1461444805054119.

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Schulz, Markus S. "Collective Action across Borders: Opportunity Structures, Network Capacities, and Communicative Praxis in the Age of Advanced Globalization." Sociological Perspectives 41, no. 3 (September 1998): 587–616. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1389565.

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This paper analyzes the dynamics of the Zapatista uprising with research tools inspired by recent social movement theory. It finds that the insurgent indigenous peasants of Chiapas rose up in arms under conditions of relative economic and political deprivation at a particularly opportune moment after developing a project of insurgency and acquiring significant organizational strength. Militarily, the Zapatistas would not have been able to hold out long against the overwhelming force of the federal army. But enormous media attention and massive national and international protest prevented the regime from military crackdowns. The Zapatistas' ability to link personal, organizational, and informational networks has helped to gain crucial support. Using globalized means of communication, they were able to disseminate their messages around the world where they touched a chord in the discourse of an incipient global civil society linked by non-governmental organizations, fax machines, and the internet.

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Nepstad, Sharon, and Clifford Bob. "When Do Leaders Matter? Hypotheses on Leadership Dynamics in Social Movements." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 11, no. 1 (February 1, 2006): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.11.1.013313600164m727.

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Leaders are central to social movements, yet scholars have devoted relatively little attention to understanding the concept of leadership or its effects on movements. In this article, we explore leadership's influence on movement dynamics by examining Nigeria's Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP), the Catholic Left-inspired Plowshares movement, the Zapatista uprising in Chiapas, Mexico, and the liberation movement in El Salvador. Building on Bourdieu, Putnam, and the existing literature on social movement leadership, we argue that these movements' leaders possessed "leadership capital" having cultural, social, and symbolic components. We then turn our attention to the conditions under which leadership capital affects three key processes in movement development: mobilization of aggrieved parties, activation of third-party supporters, and responses to repression. We conclude by calling for more comprehensive, systematic, and comparative investigation of factors influencing leadership in domestic and transnational movements.

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Barbosa, Lia Pinheiro. "Lajan lajan ’ayatik or “Walking in Complementary Pairs” in the Zapatista Women’s Struggle." Latin American Perspectives 48, no. 5 (May 14, 2021): 4–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x211012645.

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The women’s struggle as articulated by women of the Zapatista movement in their Women’s Revolutionary Law is an insurgent, revolutionary, rebel, and autonomous feminism—a feminism in dialogue with popular feminisms in Latin America such as peasant and popular feminism and communitarian feminism. La lucha articulada por las mujeres del movimiento zapatista en su Ley Revolucionaria de la Mujer constituye un feminismo insurgente, revolucionario, rebelde y autónomo. Es también un feminismo en diálogo con otros feminismos populares en América Latina, tales como el feminismo campesino y popular y el feminismo comunitario.

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22

Sitrin, Marina. "Book Review: The Zapatista Movement in Local and Global Context." International Journal of Comparative Sociology 46, no. 3 (June 2005): 266–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002071520504600305.

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23

Muñoz, José A. "Protest and Human Rights Networks: The Case of the Zapatista Movement." Sociology Compass 2, no. 3 (April 16, 2008): 1045–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1751-9020.2008.00115.x.

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24

Andrews, Timothy. "Review Essay: Mihalis Mentinis On the Novelty of the Zapatista Movement." Thesis Eleven 101, no. 1 (May 2010): 121–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0725513610364237.

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Stahler-Sholk, Richard. "Globalization and Social Movement Resistance: The Zapatista Rebellion in Chiapas, Mexico." New Political Science 23, no. 4 (December 2001): 493–516. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07393140120099606.

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26

Bruhn, Kathleen. "Antonio Gramsci and the Palabra Verdadera: The Political Discourse of Mexico's Guerrilla Forces." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 41, no. 2 (1999): 29–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166406.

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This article examines the political strategies of the EZLN, or Zapatista army, in Chiapas and the EPR, which operates mostly in Oaxaca and Guerrero, through a content analysis of their communiquiés. It argues that these two guerrilla movements demonstrate, through their cultural production, significantly different priorities and preferences; and that these differences reflect different strategic choices. Whereas the EZLN has chosen to pursue a revolutionary strategy similar in key respects to the “war of position” described by Gramsci, the EPR remains closer to the “war of movement.”

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R, María Concepción Obregón. "La rebelión zapatista en Chiapas: Antecedentes, causas y desarrollo de su primera fase." Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 13, no. 1 (January 1, 1997): 149–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1051869.

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This article examines the evolution of the negative conditions which have characterized the lives of the campesinos of the region located between Ocosingo and the edge of eastern Chiapas during the last decades. It was those conditions which generated the profound social conflict that resulted in the armed uprising known as the zapatista movement. In addition, it considers the nature of the previous experience, organization, and structure that the movement possessed and the manner in which these factors influenced the struggle.

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King, Marissa. "Cooptation or Cooperation: The Role of Transnational Advocacy Organizations in the Zapatista Movement." Sociological Focus 37, no. 3 (August 2004): 269–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00380237.2004.10571246.

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Ramos, María Eugenia Reyes, and Maria Eugenia Reyes Ramos. "El movimiento zapatista y la redefinición de la política agraria en Chiapas (The Zapatista Movement and the Redefinition of Agrarian Policy in Chiapas)." Revista Mexicana de Sociología 63, no. 4 (October 2001): 197. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3541473.

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Glass, Pepper G. "Unmaking a Movement: Identity Work and the Outcomes of Zapatista Community Centers in Los Angeles." Journal of Contemporary Ethnography 38, no. 5 (September 30, 2009): 523–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0891241609342187.

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Freitas, Fábio Accardo de. "Declaração contra a trágedia da questão nacional e da educação: o levante do EZLN contra o Estado-nação latino-americano." Revista Educação e Emancipação 11, no. 3 (September 19, 2018): 177. http://dx.doi.org/10.18764/2358-4319.v11n3p177-199.

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Este artigo tem como objetivo compreender a relação sobre a formação do Estado na América Latina com o levantamento armado do Exército Zapatista de Libertação Nacional (EZLN) no sul do México. A reflexão é desenvolvida através da análise de trechos da Primera Declaración de la Selva Lancadona do EZLN, documento que ajuda a ilustrar o caminho de argumentação do texto: a tragédia da questão nacional, baseada na colonialidade do poder, que se expressa também em um colonialismo interno violento, pós-independências, contra os povos marginalizados, principalmente negros, indígenas e mestiços. O artigo parte da discussão inicial sobre a formação do Estado latino-americano e as colonialidades à que foram submetidos os povos da América. Diante desse quadro mais amplo, refletimos sobre o problema do índio na questão nacional, apresentando a crítica que o movimento indígena latino-americano tem engendrado nesse processo, apontando seus tensionamentos e lutas contra as colonialidades do poder e do saber. Nesse sentido, aproximamos o levante zapatista, a partir da sua Primeira Declaração, das lutas indígenas contra a estrutura colonial/moderna e o processo de formação dos Estados latino-americanos. Ao final, destacamos de que maneira a questão da educação também insere-se na discussão da questão nacional na América Latina, como uma das facetas da colonialidade do saber, e como as propostas de autonomia dos povos indígenas se articulam no enfrentamento às colonialidade do poder e do saber.Palavras-chave: Educação. Estado. Movimento Indígena. Declaration against the tragedy of the national question and of education: the Zapatista uprising against the Latin American nationstateABSTRACTThis article intends to understand the links between the formation of the State in Latin America and the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional, EZLN) armed uprising in southern Mexico, through the analysis of excerpts from the First Declaration of the Selva Lancadona, an EZLN document which illustrates the main reasoning of this text: the tragedy of the national question based on the coloniality of power, which expresses itself as post-independence internal colonialist violence against marginalized people - mainly blacks, indigenous and mestizos. Starting from the debate on the Latin American State formation and the colonialities imposed on its indigenous people in this process, the article also discusses the indigenous presence in the national question, presenting the critique placed by the indigenous people’s movement onto those processes, pointing out the tensions and struggles against the colonialist nature of power and knowledge. In this sense, through its First Declaration, the Zapatista uprising draws itself closer to the indigenous people’s struggles O Programa de Pós Graduação em Educação: Conhecimento e Inclusão Social, da Faculdade de Educação da UFMG (PPGE/FaE/UFMG) against the Latin American states’ colonial/ modern structure and its formation process. Lastly, the article highlights the manner through which education inserts itself as a matter of national discussion in Latin America as one side of the coloniality of knowledge, and how proposals for the autonomy of the indigenous people articulates themselves against the colonial nature of power and knowledge.Keywords: Education. State. Indigenous Movement. Declaración contra la tragedia de la cuestión nacional y de la educación: el levante del EZLN contra el Estado-nación latinoamericanoRESUMENEste artículo tiene como objetivo comprender la relación acerca la formación del Estado en la América Latina con el levantamiento armado del Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional (EZLN) en el sur de México. La reflexión se hace a través del análisis de fragmentos de la Primera Declaración de la Selva Lancadona del EZLN, documento que ayuda a ilustrar el camino de argumentación del texto: la tragedia de la cuestión nacional, basada en la colonialidad del poder, que se expresa también en un colonialismo interno violento, post-independencias, contra los pueblos marginalizados, principalmente negros, indígenas y mestizos. El artículo parte de una discusión inicial sobre la formación del Estado latinoamericano y las colonialidades a la que fueron sometidos los pueblos de América. Ante ese cuadro más amplio, reflejamos acerca del problema del indio en la cuestión nacional, presentamos la crítica que el movimiento indígena latinoamericano ha engendrado en ese proceso, apuntando sus tensiones y luchas contra las colonialidades del poder y del saber. En ese sentido, acercamos el levante zapatista, a partir de su Primera Declaración, a las luchas indígenas contra la estructura colonial/ moderna y el proceso de formación de los estados latinoamericanos. Al fi nal, destacamos la manera que la cuestión de la educación también se inserta en la discusión de la cuestión nacional en América Latina, como una de las facetas de la colonialidad del saber, y cómo las propuestas de autonomía de los pueblos indígenas se articulan en el enfrentamiento a las colonialidades del poder y del saber.Palabras clave: Educación. Estado. Movimiento Indígena

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Brewster, Keith. "Militarism and Ethnicity in the Sierra de Puebla, Mexico." Americas 56, no. 2 (October 1999): 253–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1008114.

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Perhaps the most enduring image of the Zapatista uprising, which began in Chiapas on 1 January 1994, is the masked figure of Subcomandante Marcos. Running a close second, however, would be the sight of this makeshift army filing past delegates at the opening of the Conventión Nacional Democrática in the Lancandona later the same year. Men, women and youths with their wooden rifles for weapons, dignity and silent determination as ammunition. They were not the first, and I dare say will not be the last, indigenous movement in Mexico to be driven to violence in defense of their rights. The state's firm response to the uprising was predictable and illustrates the most common reaction to the specter of an Indian with a gun in his hand. Ironically, the Mexican army has carried out such repression with a rank and file comprised largely of youths from indigenous backgrounds. These young men see enlistment as one of the few escapes from the rural poverty that did much to foster the Zapatista rebellion in the first place. Thus, an armed Indianper seis not a problem; it is merely when this person acts autonomously that the trouble begins.

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Stoecker, Randy. "Cyberspace vs. Face-to-Face: Community Organizing in the New Millennium." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 1, no. 2 (2002): 143–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156915002100419781.

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AbstractThis paper explores the influences of the Internet on the practice of community organizing. There are continuing questions over the scale of community organizing—how much to focus on the local versus the global—as well as over the models of social action—whether to organize institutions or individuals, use conflict or cooperation tactics, and other questions. This paper assesses whether the growing involvement of the Internet in community organizing has any influence on those questions. It looks at the early days of the Internet in community organizing, with particular attention to the free software movement, the Zapatista rebellion, the Communications Decency Act, and the early anti-globalization movement. The analysis of those cases shows that the Internet has influenced the scale of community organizing, allowing for a much better link between local and global efforts. The Internet has not, however, ushered in new effective models of organizing.

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Corona-Caraveo, Yolanda. "The right of the Ch´ol children of Chiapas to live in peace in their territories." Canadian Journal of Children's Rights / Revue canadienne des droits des enfants 5, no. 1 (November 9, 2018): 30–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.22215/cjcr.v5i1.1244.

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In this article, we expose the kind of relationship that exists between the indigenous children of two villages of Chiapas, Mexico, and their natural environments. Although both communities belong to the same (Ch’ol) ethnicity and are located at a short distance from each other, we observe significant differences between them according to the organization of each community and to whether or not they are affiliated to the Zapatista movement. We discuss, on one hand, the view of nature of these two communities, their relationship with productive activities, their ethics in relation to animals, and the stories of the oral tradition associated to beings whom they consider to be “keepers of the jungle”.

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Estévez, Pablo. "Intervenciones Artísticas: Estado de Excepción en México." Barcelona Investigación Arte Creación 7, no. 1 (February 6, 2019): 48. http://dx.doi.org/10.17583/brac.2019.2567.

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The movement of Zapatista rebellion in Chiapas, Mexico began in 1994, succeeding in generating a change in Mexican society by valuing indigenous liberation practices. However, a state of emergency is instituted in Zapatista territories according to laws that grant amnesty and regulate the legal vacuum. Certain Mexican artists such as Erick Beltrán, Gabriel Kuri, Abraham Cruzvillegas and Pablo Kubli, contribute critical reflections with works sustained in the context of pure violence of the State. The theoretical framework is constrained by the theories of Carl Schmitt, Walter Benjamin, Giorgio Agamben and Achille Mbembe, who contribute to the understanding of the state of exception that the State implements by modifying sovereignty and Human Rights. The method used in the article corresponds to the reception of literary texts. The artistic pieces that are integrated by Pablo Kubli represent the interdisciplinary contribution of the social sciences and the practice of art, with images, schemes and interventions that are argumentative reflections of the environment of globalized violence, and of social resistance to the paradigm of modification of autonomy in intervened regions. In addition, a comparative approach with states of emergency of globalized countries is proposed according to the events of September 11, 2001 in New York and March 11, 2004 in Madrid, among others. Starting from the Mexican experience and from global countries, the term of sovereignty is modified by the violence of the State over territories cut off by the permanence of the state of exception and restrictions on constitutional guarantees.

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Stephen, Lynn. "The zapatista opening: the movement for indigenous autonomy and state discourses on indigenous rights in mexico, 1970 -1996." Journal of Latin American Anthropology 2, no. 2 (July 1997): 2–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jlat.1997.2.2.2.

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Stephen, Lynn. "The zapatista opening: the movement for indigenous autonomy and state discourses on indigenous rights in mexico, 1970 −1996." Journal of Latin American Anthropology 2, no. 2 (June 28, 2008): 2–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jlca.1997.2.2.2.

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Plec, Emily. "A discursive analysis of a struggle for hegemony in Mexico: the Zapatista movement versus President Salinas de Gortari." Critical Discourse Studies 9, no. 3 (August 2012): 311–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17405904.2012.688302.

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Couch, Jen. "Imagining Zapatismo: The Anti-globalisation Movement and the Zapatistas." Communal/Plural 9, no. 2 (October 2001): 243–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13207870120081514.

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Vahali, Honey Oberoi, and Diamond Oberoi Vahali. "The (Im)possible Embrace: A Search for Non-violent Possibilities in the Aftermath of Violent Uprootedness." Psychology and Developing Societies 31, no. 1 (February 14, 2019): 139–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0971333618819154.

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In spite of upholding it as an aspiration, a commitment to non-violence in motivation, thought and action is rare. Its realization is contingent on a confluence of complex politico-historical contingencies and psychic possibilities. The actualization of such a historical moment is also contingent on a collective awakening in the consciousness and conscience of a group to reclaim its losses through non-retributive measures. In this article, we will explore a few processes involved in the sustenance of non-violence. By exemplifying from literary excerpts, and also by dwelling on the ongoing Tibetan movement and that of the Zapatista in Mexico, our attempt is to finally reach a preliminary statement on the psychodynamics of non-violent action. In the last section of the article, we offer reflections on the inner world of the practitioner. This writing is at best to be viewed as a collage which brings together diverse impressions from short stories, analytical accounts and illustrative political movements. The reader is invited to journey through various ideas and images without trying to bring them together into a grand synthesis. The different sections of the writing retain a deliberate disjunctive quality as do the pages of a scrap book in which what precedes and what follows is associatively linked but not necessarily in the form of a flowing continuity.

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Rosset, Peter, María Elena Martínez-Torres, and Luis Hernández-Navarro. "Zapatismo in the Movement of Movements." Development 48, no. 2 (June 2005): 35–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.development.1100139.

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Zema de Resende, Ana Catarina. "Autonomia Indígena no Pensamento Político de Taiaiake Alfred, Floriberto Díaz e Gersem Baniwa." Revista de Estudos e Pesquisas sobre as Américas 11, no. 2 (August 30, 2017): 23. http://dx.doi.org/10.21057/10.21057/repamv11n2.2017.26093.

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Nos últimos 30 anos, a autonomia se tornou um novo paradigma na luta dos povos indígenas por descolonização. Organizações indígenas de todo o continente americano assumiram a autonomia como demanda central. No entanto, o debate em torno das demandas indígenas por autonomia tem gerado muitas polêmicas decorrentes da incompreensão sobre o que querem os movimentos indígenas quando reivindicam seu direito à autodeterminação e autonomia. Para melhor entendimento dessa questão, interessa-nos, aqui, trazer alguns elementos e conceitos que possibilitem apreciar as contribuições de três intelectuais indígenas a esse debate: Taiaiake Alfred, mohawk do Canada; Floriberto Díaz, mixe de Tlahuitoltepec eGersem Baniwa, do povo Baniwa do Alto Rio Negro e das propostas do Exército Zapatista de Libertação Nacional (EZLN). Veremos que a maneira como esses intelectuais e o EZLN vêm construindo suas ideias sobre autonomia funciona como veículo para suas críticas à imposição de controle por parte do Estado, levando esse último a perceber as inconsistências de seus próprios princípios e do tratamento que dá aos povos indígenas.Palavras-Chave: Autonomia Indígena, Pensamento Político, Autodeterminação, Movimento Indígena.Autonomía indígena en el pensamiento político de Taiaiake Alfred, Floriberto Díaz, Gersem Baniwa y en las propuestas del EZLNResumen: En los últimos 30 años, la autonomía se ha convertido en un nuevo paradigma en la lucha de los pueblos indígenas por descolonización. Organizaciones indígenas de todo el continente americano asumieron la autonomía como demanda central. Sin embargo, el debate en torno a las demandas indígenas por autonomía ha generado muchas polémicas derivadas de la incomprensión sobre lo que quieren los movimientos indígenas cuando reivindican su derecho a la autodeterminación y a la autonomía. Para entender mejor esta cuestión, nos interesa, aquí, traer algunos elementos y conceptos que posibiliten apreciar los aportes de tres intelectuales indígenas a ese debate: Taiaiake Alfred, mohawk de Canada; Floriberto Díaz, mixe de Tlahuitoltepec y Gersem Baniwa, del pueblo Baniwa del Alto Río Negro y de las propuestas del Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional (EZLN). Veremos que la manera como estos intelectuales y el EZLN vienen construyendo sus ideas sobre autonomía funciona como vehículo para sus críticas a la imposición de control por parte del Estado, llevando ese último a percibir las inconsistencias de sus propios principios y del trato que da a los pueblos indígenas.Palabras-clave: Autonomía Indígena, Pensamiento Político, Autodeterminación, Movimiento Indígena.Indigenous autonomy in the political thought of Taiaiake Alfred, Floriberto Díaz, Gersem Baniwa and in the EZLN proposalsAbstract: Over the last 30 years, autonomy has become a new paradigm in the struggle of indigenous peoples for decolonization. Indigenous organizations throughout the Americas assumed autonomy as a central demand. However, the debate over indigenous demands for autonomy has generated many controversies which were derived from the misunderstanding of what indigenous movements want when they claim their right to self-determination and autonomy. To better understand this question, we are interested here in bringing up some elements and concepts that make it possible to appreciate the contributions of three indigenous intellectuals to that debate: Taiaiake Alfred, mohawk from Canada; Floriberto Diaz, mixe of Tlahuitoltepec and Gersem Baniwa, from the Baniwa people of the Alto Rio Negro and of the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN) proposals. We will see that the way these intellectuals and the EZLN construct their ideas about autonomy functions as a vehicle for their criticism of the imposition of control by the State, leading the latter to perceive the inconsistencies of its own principles and the treatment it gives to indigenous peoples.Keywords: Indigenous Autonomy, Political Thought, Self-Determination, Indigenous Movement.

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De Cleen, Benjamin. "Review of Montesano Montessori (2009): A Discursive Analysis of a Struggle for Hegemony in Mexico. The Zapatista Movement Versus President Salinas de Gortari." Journal of Language and Politics 9, no. 3 (November 1, 2010): 475–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.9.3.08dec.

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Bruhn, Kathleen. "The Zapatista Movement and Mexico’s Democratic Transition: Mobilization, Success, and Survival. By María Inclán. New York: Oxford University Press, 2018. 184p. $74.00 cloth." Perspectives on Politics 17, no. 02 (May 15, 2019): 599–601. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592719000124.

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Espinoza, Manuel Ignacio Martínez. "Democracia para la dignidad. Movimientos políticos sociales y ciudadanía como aportes a las reflexiones sobre la democracia en América Latina. El caso del Movimiento Zapatista (Democracy for Human Dignity. Political Social Movements and Citizenship as Contributions to a Reflection on Democracy in Latin America. The Case of the Zapatista Movement)." Reis, no. 123 (2008): 151. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40184896.

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Leyva, Gustavo. "Brief aus Mexiko." Deutsche Zeitschrift für Philosophie 67, no. 4 (November 5, 2019): 686–701. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/dzph-2019-0051.

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Abstract In this article, I propose to examine the origins and follow the process of the development of philosophy in Mexico, its periods, currents and most important features, and some of the problems that it is confronting in modern times. One of the guiding ideas that structure this reflection is that philosophy in Mexico has developed along the horizon of a series of economic, political and social events to which philosophy itself has attempted to respond but that, in a manner both simultaneous and decisive, have contributed to configuring philosophy itself. Among these events I would emphasize, first, the experience of the Mexican Revolution, but would add the experience of the Russian Revolution, World Wars I and II, the explosion of the atomic bomb and, later, the Cuban Revolution, the 1968 Student Movement in Mexico, the nuclear catastrophe in Chernobyl, the fall of the Berlin Wall and, more recently, the emergence of the Neo-Zapatista movement in the country, as well as the ecological disasters that characterized the 20th century. Nor can we ignore the great challenges that have emerged in recent decades due to the worldwide scourge of inequality, and the extensive migratory movements from poor countries to rich ones caused by the overwhelming force of diverse forms of political and religious fundamentalism, climate change and new forms and waves of violence on both the national and international levels. The recent development of philosophy in Mexico has been marked by growing professionalization and specialization and the formation of a solid community of philosophers with specialized journals that provide spaces for reasoned public discussion and debate that is subject to the argumentative constraints proper to the discipline and conforms to the criteria established by a community that finds itself coming into ever-closer contact with other philosophical communities in and beyond the Spanish-American world. However, and paradoxically, beside this emphasis on specialization, philosophy has lost some of its presence in the public space and grand national discussions and debates. As another central element of its discourse in recent decades we can mention the fact that, parallel to increasing specialization, philosophy in Mexico has been conducted, through its own development, towards greater interaction and dialogue with other sciences and disciplines, leading it to insert itself into a learning process that has allowed it to potentiate the development and advancement of philosophy itself.

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Eisenstadt, Todd A. "Agrarian Tenure Institution Conflict Frames, and Communitarian Identities." Comparative Political Studies 42, no. 1 (November 7, 2008): 82–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414008325273.

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Drawing on a survey of more than 4,000 respondents, this article argues that contrary to claims by the 1994 Zapatista insurgency, indigenous and nonindigenous respondents in southern Mexico have been united more by socioeconomic and land tenure institution variables than by ethnic identity. Based on statistical models, it concludes that in rural southern Mexico, ethnicity alone is less important in shaping peoples' attitudes than whether the dominant land tenure institutions are the “communitarian” state-penetrated ejidos (communitarian collective farms) of Chiapas or the more “individualist” so-called communal lands of Oaxaca. It concludes by affirming that—contrary to many analysts of Chiapas's 1994 indigenous rebellion—external influences (here state-established land tenure institutions) can trump ideology in framing social movements. Rural Chiapas's prevalent communitarian attitudes seem to have resulted partly from exogenous land tenure institutions (ejidos) rather than from endogenous indigenous identities alone, as claimed by Zapatistas and scholars.

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Melenotte, Sabrina. "Zapatista autonomy and the making of alter-native politics." Focaal 2015, no. 72 (June 1, 2015): 51–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fcl.2015.720105.

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Since 1994, the Zapatista political autonomy project has been claiming that “another world is possible”. This experience has influenced many intellectuals of contemporary radical social movements who see in the indigenous organization a new political alter-native. I will first explore some of the current theories on Zapatism and the crossing of some of authors into anarchist thought. The second part of the article draws on an ethnography conducted in the municipality of Chenalhó, in the highlands of Chiapas, to emphasize some of the everyday practices inside the self-proclaimed “autonomous municipality” of Polhó. As opposed to irenic theories on Zapatism, this article describes a peculiar process of autonomy and brings out some contradictions between the political discourse and the day-to-day practices of the autonomous power, focusing on three specific points linked to economic and political constraints in a context of political violence: the economic dependency on humanitarian aid and the “bureaucratic habitus”; the new “autonomous” leadership it involved, between “good government” and “good management”; and the internal divisions due to the return of some displaced members and the exit of international aid.

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Olesen, Thomas. "The Funny Side of Globalization: Humour and Humanity in Zapatista Framing." International Review of Social History 52, S15 (November 21, 2007): 21–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859007003100.

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This article argues that the literature on social movements and globalization has not paid sufficient attention to the way in which political actors who act globally try to overcome the social, cultural, and political distances that separate them. It introduces the concept of global framing to give focus to the discursive processes central to such “distance bridging”. In particular, it emphasizes how symbols and emotions are crucial in the framing of distance. Empirically, it discusses how the considerable global resonance created by the Zapatistas in Mexico is facilitated by a framing strategy, carried out mainly by the movement's spokesman, Subcomandante Marcos, in which humour, imperfection, and symbols play a decisive role.

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Krøvel, Roy. "Anarchism, The Zapatistas and The Global Solidarity Movement." Global Discourse 1, no. 2 (January 1, 2010): 20–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23269995.2010.10707855.

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